PGPM Microecon Cases - 2025
PGPM Microecon Cases - 2025
India boasts a vast production capacity in one industry. The country is the world’s
third-largest exporter of industrial products, which are essential for any economy
to function. No other sector in India can claim this distinction.
One disturbing fact, however, is that it benefits very few Indians. Over 90% of the
value generated in this sector accrues to capital owners. Thus, the positive wealth
effect of these exports is limited. As it is one of the least labour-intensive
industries, it employs only around 300,000 people. Almost all its raw materials are
imported, resulting in the highest foreign value-added content in Indian exports
among all industries and low employment generation via backward linkages.
This is India’s refined petroleum industry, contributing more than 20% to our
merchandise exports in value terms.
Contrast this with India’s leading services export: information technology (IT).
Today, its exports in value terms are 1.5 times that of petroleum exports. Back in
2012-13, both were at nearly similar levels. The domestic value-added content of
IT exports is among the highest. The labour share of value addition is only a bit
less than 50%, compared to under 10% in refined petroleum. Close to 60% of
employment in the sector is related to exports. Direct employment by IT services
in India is estimated at 5.1 million, so about 3 million jobs are export-related. IT
services have backward and forward linkages in sectors like transport, hospitality,
security, housekeeping services, and personal services, apart from the demand
their employees generate for real estate, consumer durables, etc.
While refined petroleum and IT are poles apart in their import content of exports,
employment generation and the share of labour income, their evolution is a classic
example of the two most important words in economics: incentives matter.
The development of the two industries relates to policy incentives. What were
those? What are the implications for the Indian economy?
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Concepts covered – Key idea in economics: Incentives matter. Trade-offs and
opportunity cost, unintended consequences of a price cap
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https://pib.gov.in/PressReleaseIframePage.aspx?PRID=1936522
A year before that, there was an ‘Onion Grand Challenge.’ Both came after the
prices of these commodities had risen sharply. The objective is to encourage
citizens to share ideas to ensure the availability of tomatoes and onions at fair
prices for both consumers and producers.
Analyse the above situation in terms of demand and supply curves and come up
with your answer either in support of hoarding or against it.
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Session 3 – Where is the Indian Rupee headed?
The Indian rupee has been hovering around 84 Rs per US$ recently. It has
steadily depreciated over the years. Currently, the world economy is going through
uncertain times, with wars and tariff wars impacting several key variables, such as
the international oil price, which influences the currency value.
Think about the following four events affecting a country's exchange rate.
For each event, think about the first round of impact on the demand or supply
curve and how the curve will shift (inward/outward). Determine the new equilibrium
after each impact.
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What will the new equilibrium interest rate and the quantity of credit/savings be if
both of the above effects materialise? Is there an ambiguous answer? Draw the
required diagrams.
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Session 4 – Why is the war on drugs (or even tobacco or alcohol) hard to
win?
Worldwide, there is a growing epidemic of drug usage. Several governments have
come down hard in the past by prohibiting the buying and selling of hard drugs. In
some countries and regions, alcohol sales are banned as well. he United Nations
Office on Drugs and Crime has estimated the global illicit drug market at
approximately $650 billion annually, suggesting that prohibition has not eliminated
demand or supply.
What does the prohibition imply for the supply of a product? How does the new
market equilibrium change after the prohibition?
Is there an alternative solution? What is it, and if successful, how will it impact the
market equilibrium? Can this framework be used to analyse other economic/social
situations?
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Session 4 – Redemption of child slaves using economic rationale
In 2000, amidst Sudan's devastating civil war, Jay Williams, a 19-year-old Harvard
sophomore, joined a delegation to Sudan organized by the American Anti-Slavery
Group and Christian Solidarity International (CSI). During this mission, Williams
participated in the controversial practice of "slave redemption," where
organizations purchased the freedom of individuals captured in raids by northern
militias. Williams had first learned about Sudan's slavery crisis at a gospel concert
fundraiser in December 1999 and felt compelled to act, stating, "I just couldn't help
but get involved... there's still one of the most primitive forms of human existence
in the world."
His journey with five others to Sudan resulted in helping to free over 4,400 slaves,
primarily women and children who had been forcibly taken from their families
during the conflict. However, there was a catch. As more details emerged, it
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turned out that many people in Sudan were kidnapped and brought into slavery
because of the slave redemption program.
What do you think may have happened to the supply and demand of slaves (it was
the unfortunate situation of a market of slaves) because of the NGO’s intervention,
even though their intentions were noble? What do you think was the
responsiveness of the slaves supply during anarchy? What may have happened to
domestic demand?
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Session 5 - The Sugar industry is in trouble despite surplus production
Consuming too much sugar may have adverse health effects - it's better to enjoy
sweet treats in moderation! It is also one of the food products which has seen very
little price rise in India in the last decade despite a huge increase in demand for
sugary products.
Given the rise in prices of other food items during the same period, the relative
price of sugar has dropped sharply. This makes sugar more affordable, leading to
higher consumption.
India is one of the world's largest sugar producers, but the industry is in trouble,
with many sugar mills in the red. The government controls the input price, which
affects the production cost of sugar.
What exactly is the problem and how should India solve it?
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Session 6 - Sri Lankan Price Ceilings
In 2021, amid a worsening economic crisis, Sri Lanka's government implemented
price controls on 27 essential food items including rice, sugar, and milk powder.
The country was already struggling with dwindling foreign currency reserves and
mounting external debt, when authorities decided to regulate prices to protect
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consumers from inflation. The government even declared a state of emergency
that gave officials the power to seize food stocks from traders accused of
hoarding.
How did market participants respond to the price controls? What happened to the
availability of essential goods? How did black markets function during this period?
What were the distributional effects of these policies across different segments of
society? What alternative approaches might have better addressed the underlying
economic challenges while protecting vulnerable citizens?
Off the Cob was a unique tortilla chip company founded by Cameron Sheldrake,
who appeared on Shark Tank in the United States. The company produced tortilla
chips made from sweet corn rather than the traditional grain corn used in most
chips. Off the Cob's product had a distinct selling proposition - offering a sweeter,
more natural corn flavour while being organic, non-GMO, gluten-free, cholesterol-
free, and trans-fat free.
Sheldrake, the producer, sought $100,000 for a 15% equity stake in his company.
During his pitch, he revealed that each bag of Off the Cob chips cost $0.85 to
manufacture, was sold wholesale for just under $2.00, and retailed for $3.49. This
pricing structure represented a significant premium compared to conventional
tortilla chips that might retail for around $0.99 for a similar size.
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Sheldrake paid approximately $5.50 per pound for sweet corn flour, while
conventional grain corn flour cost only about $0.30 per pound—a nearly 20-fold
difference.
How would you analyse the implications of the input cost for output pricing? Do
you think the demand curve for his chips is elastic or inelastic? What implications
does it have for the product's price and revenue? Should the Shark invest in this
unique product?
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This dramatic price differential reflects both market realities and strategic business
considerations. In European markets, higher average incomes, robust insurance
systems, and greater willingness to pay allow for premium pricing. Meanwhile, in
African markets, where economic constraints are more severe and the ability to
pay is limited, the drastically reduced price enables broader access while still
covering production costs and contributing incrementally to the company's overall
revenue.
If GSK were constrained to adopt a single worldwide price point, what would be
the price and public health consequences? What are the alternative possibilities
for the firm and how it would impact financial viability?
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Session 9 – Starbucks Meal Deals: A Strategic Pricing Approach
Starbucks has evolved its menu offerings over the years from primarily coffee to
include various food items, with meal combinations that package together
beverages and food items at a special price point. When customers purchase
these combinations rather than individual items, they typically pay less than if they
had purchased each component separately. For example, a morning combination
might include a tall latte and breakfast sandwich for a price that's approximately
15% less than purchasing these items individually. This approach allows
Starbucks to increase the average transaction value while giving customers a
perception of greater value.
Since its formation on September 14, 1960, by five founding nations (Iran, Iraq,
Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, and Venezuela), the Organisation of Petroleum Exporting
Countries (OPEC) has attempted to coordinate oil production among member
nations to maintain price stability and maximise collective revenue. Over its six-
decade history, OPEC has repeatedly experienced periods where member nations
secretly exceed their agreed-upon production quotas.
This behaviour stems from fundamental economic incentives - when prices are
high due to production restraint, each individual member can dramatically increase
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their revenue by modestly increasing output while others maintain discipline. As
long as only one or a few members ‘cheat’, they can enjoy the benefits of high
prices (maintained by others' restraint) while selling additional volume. The
temptation becomes nearly irresistible during periods when national budgets face
pressure, creating a classic prisoner's dilemma where rational individual behaviour
undermines collective interests. Do cartels always break down? What can prevent
cartel members from cheating on the cartel agreement?
These investments, once made, permanently alter the market structure by creating
sustainable alternatives to OPEC oil. Additionally, non-OPEC producers with
substantial reserves, like Russia, Norway, and Brazil, expand production capacity
during high-price periods, gradually eroding OPEC's market share and pricing
power. Does the cartel face a paradoxical constraint - exercising too much market
power today accelerates its long-term decline by catalysing structural changes in
global energy markets?
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