CHAPTER FOUR

DATA PRESENTATION, ANALYSIS, INTERPRETATION AND DISCUSSION OF

FINDINGS

4.0 Introduction

This chapter revolves around presentation and interpretation of the data gathered from the

administration of questionnaires. And the chapter will also focus on the discussion of findings.

The total of 97 questionnaires were administered to the selected student in all Departments in

Faculty of Social Science, Olabisi Onabanjo University, Ogun State. In the present of this, 96

questionnaires came out to be the returned of the questionnaire administered, while one

questionnaire were found missing. Therefore, this analysis based on 96 questionnaires.

4.1 Presentation of Socio-demographic characteristic of the Respondents

Table 4.1 showing distribution of Socio-demographic characteristic of the students

Variables Frequency Percent (%)

Gender
Male 62 64.6
Female 34 35.4
Total 96 100
Age
16-18 years 32 33.3
19-21 years 39 40.6
22-24 years 20 20.8
25-27 years 5 5.2
28-30 years 0 0
31 years and above 0 0
Total 96 100
Levels
100 level 17 17.7
200 levels 23 24.0
300 levels 29 30.2
400 levels 27 28.1
Total 96 100.0
Religion
Christianity 61 63.5
Islam 34 35.4
Traditional 1 1.0
Total 96 100.0
Departments
Mass communication 16 16.7
Economics 16 16.7
Sociology 17 17.7
Political Science 15 15.6
Psychology 16 16.7
Geography 8 8.3
Criminology 4 4.2
Library and information 4
4.2
science
Total 96 100.0
Source: Field Survey, 2025
Table 4.1 above presented the frequency distribution of the socio-demographic characteristics of

96 students who participated in the study.

The gender distribution shows that out of the total respondents, 62 students (64.6%) were male,

while 34 students (35.4%) were female. This indicates a higher male representation, suggesting

that the study focus more on the male gender.

The age distribution of the respondent revealed that majority of respondents were in the 19–21

years age group (40.6%), followed by those aged 16–18 years (33.3%), and 22–24 years

(20.8%). A small fraction fell within the 25–27 years category (5.2%), while no students were

aged 28 years and above. This reflects a predominantly young student population, consistent with

typical undergraduate age brackets.

The distribution of the academic level revealed that students were fairly evenly distributed across

academic levels, though the 300 level had the highest representation at 30.2% (29 students),

closely followed by 400 level (28.1%) and 200 level (24.0%). The 100 level students made up

17.7% of the sample. This distribution suggests that upper-level students were slightly more

represented in the study, possibly due to their increased availability or awareness of academic

research activities.

In terms of religious affiliation, Christianity was the most common religion (63.5%), followed by

Islam (35.4%), while only one student (1.0%) identified with Traditional religion. This religious

distribution may reflect the general religious demographics of the institution or region where the

study was conducted.

 Respondents were drawn from various departments in the social sciences and humanities. The

largest shares came from Sociology (17.7%), Mass Communication, Economics, and Psychology

(each 16.7%), and Political Science (15.6%). Smaller representations were observed from

Geography (8.3%), and Criminology and Library & Information Science (both 4.2%).

4.2 Types of cybercrimes exhibited by undergraduate students of OOU as a result of

their social media use

Table 4.2: Frequency distribution of the various types of cybercrimes exhibited by

undergraduate students of OOU as a result of their social media use

SA A D SD
Variables (%) (%) (%) (%)
Students may engage in or become victims of harassment 65 29 2
or bullying through social media platforms 0
(67.7) (30.2) (2.1)
Students might create fake profiles or impersonate others 56 35 4 1
to deceive individuals for personal gain or malicious
intent. (58.3) (36.5) (4.2) (1.0)

Students may fall prey to phishing attempts, where 42 35 13 6

attackers use social engineering to trick them into
providing personal information or passwords. (43.8) (36.5) (13.5) (6.2)

Students might participate in scams, such as selling fake 38 34 16 8

products or services to unsuspecting buyers on social
media. (39.6) (35.4) (16.7) (8.3

Unauthorized access to social media accounts or 40 36 11 9

university systems can be a malicious intent.
(41.7) (37.5) (11.5) (9.4)
Students may use social media to harass or stalk others, 36 33 19 8
leading to serious emotional and legal consequences.
(37.5) (34.4) (19.8) (8.3)
Sharing or using copyrighted material without permission, 76 20
such as music, images, or videos, can lead to intellectual 0 0
property violations. (79.2) (20.8)

The rapid dissemination of false information or rumors 41 34 15 6

about individuals can harm reputations and relationships.
(42.7) (35.4) (15.6) (6.3)
Source: Field Survey, 2025

Table 4.2 presented above shows the frequency and percentage of the various types of
cybercrimes exhibited by undergraduate students of OOU as a result of their social media use

When asked if social media can be used for harassment or cyberbullying, majority of the
respondents represent 97.9% agree while minor 2.1% disagreed. This indicates growing concern,
though there is slightly more variability in perception compared to other issues.

There is a strong consensus that students might create fake profiles or impersonate others for
malicious purposes, with 94.8% strongly agreed and 5.2% disagreed. This indicates high
awareness of impersonation and identity fraud as a form of cybercrime.

Regarding phishing, where attackers deceive individuals into providing personal information,
80.3% agreed, while 19.7% disagree. This reflects a strong, though not unanimous, recognition
of phishing risks among students.

In terms of participation in scams (such as selling fake products), 75.0% of the respondents
agreed while 25.0% disagreed. This shows a significant, though less overwhelming, awareness of
this form of online fraud.

The belief that unauthorized access to social media or university systems is a cybercrime is
shared by 41.7% who strongly agree and 37.5% who agree while 20.1% of the respondent
disagreed. This shown a solid understanding of hacking and account breaches.

A significant majority of students with the 97.9% agreed to the believe that social media use may
lead to harassment or bullying while 2.1% of the respondents disagreed. This indicating a near-
universal acknowledgment of the risk of cyberbullying on social platforms.

All respondents (100%) agree that sharing or using copyrighted material without permission such
as music, images, or videos is a cybercrime resulting from students' social media use. This
 unanimous agreement highlights strong awareness among students about intellectual property
violations in digital spaces.

Finally, majority of the respondents with the 78.1% agreed that spreading false information or
rumors via social media can damage reputations while 27.9% disagreed. This reflects a strong
recognition of the harmful consequences of misinformation online.

4.2.1 The socio-economic factors that drive undergraduate students of oou to engage in

cybercrime

Table 4.3: Frequency distribution of the socio-economic factors that drive undergraduate

students of OOU to engage in cybercrime.

SA A D SD
Variables (%) (%) (%) (%)
Students face economic challenges, such as tuition fees, 44 31 9 12
living expenses, and other financial burdens, leading them
to seek quick financial gains through cybercrime. (45.8) (32.3) (9.4) (12.5)

Limited job opportunities for graduates may push students 39 34 16 7

to engage in illegal activities as a means of survival or to
support their families. (40.6) (35.4) (16.7) (7.3)

The desire to fit in or impress peers can lead students to

participate in cybercriminal activities, especially if they 37 36 17 6
perceive these actions as common or acceptable among (38.5) (37.5) (17.7) (6.3)
their social circles.
Increased access to smartphones and the internet makes it 64 32
easier for students to engage in cybercrime without 0 0
significant barriers. (66.7) (33.3)

Students may not fully understand the legal consequences 40 33 13 9

of cybercrime or may underestimate the risks involved,
leading them to engage in these activities. (41.7) (34.4) (13.5) (9.4)
A community or environment that normalizes or trivializes 61 24 5 6
cybercrime can influence students to adopt similar
behaviors. (65.5) (25.0) (5.2) (6.3)

The allure of quick rewards or fame through online 73 18 5

activities can motivate students to take risks and engage in 0
cybercriminal acts. (76.0) (18.8) (5.2)

A lack of relevant education or awareness regarding 43 36 11 6

ethical online behavior can contribute to students engaging
in cybercrime. (44.8) (37.5) (11.5) (6.3)

Source: Field Survey, 2025

Table 4.3 presented above shows the frequency and percentage the socio-economic factors that
drive undergraduate students of OOU to engage in cybercrime

A total of 78.1% of students agreed that financial difficulties, including tuition fees and living
expenses, drive students to seek quick financial gains through cybercrime. In contrast, 21.9%
disagreed with this assertion, indicating a general consensus on the economic motivation behind
such behavior.

Similarly, 76.0% agreed that the lack of job opportunities for graduates may push students into
illegal activities as a survival strategy, while 24.0% disagreed. This supports the notion that
unemployment and future uncertainty are significant contributing factors.

Regarding peer influence, it also emerged as a relevant factor, with 76.0% of students agreeing
that the desire to impress or conform to social norms may lead to cybercrime participation.
Meanwhile, 24.0% disagreed, showing some variability in perception but still strong agreement
overall.

A particularly striking result was seen in students’ access to technology. An overwhelming 100%
of respondents agreed that easy access to smartphones and the internet facilitates engagement in
cybercrime, with no recorded disagreement highlighting how low barriers to digital tools can
increase risk.

Lack of awareness about legal implications was also notable, as 76.1% agreed that students’ poor
understanding of legal consequences can lead to cybercrime, while 23.0% disagreed.
 Similarly, 90.5% of students agreed that a normalizing environment or peer culture may
influence cybercriminal behavior, compared to just 11.5% who disagreed.

In terms of motivation by quick rewards or fame, a very high 94.8% agreed that such desires
drive cybercrime participation, with only 5.2% disagreeing making it one of the most strongly
agreed upon factors in the table.

Finally, a lack of ethical education or awareness was acknowledged by 82.3% of students, while
17.7% disagreed, suggesting that improving digital literacy could help reduce the risk.

4.2.2 The perceive relationship between social media use and the normalization of
cybercrimes among undergraduate students of OOU.
Table 4.4: Frequency distribution of the perceive relationship between social media use and
the normalization of cybercrimes among undergraduate students of OOU

SA A D SD
Variables (%) (%) (%) (%)
Social media platforms often showcase various behaviors,
including cybercrime, which can lead students seeing 61 32 2 1
others engaging in illegal activities and perceive them as (63.5) (33.3) (2.1) (1.0)
acceptable or trendy.
The social dynamics on platforms like Facebook, Twitter, 87 9
and Instagram can create an environment where 0 0
cybercriminal activities are glamorized (90.6) (9.4)

Social media provides a degree of anonymity, which may 96

embolden students to engage in cybercriminal activities 0 0 0
without fear of immediate repercussions. (100.0)

Frequent exposure to cybercrime-related content can

desensitize students to the consequences of these actions, 29 38 16 13
leading them to view such behavior as less serious or (30.2) (39.6) (16.7) (13.5)
harmful.
Social media facilitates the dissemination of information 37 42 8 9
about cybercrime techniques, making it easier for students
to learn and engage in such activities. (38.5) (43.8) (8.3) (9.4)
Students may receive validation from peers through likes 53 29 10 4
and shares for posts related to risky or illegal behaviors,
reinforcing the idea that such actions are acceptable. (55.2) (30.2) (10.4) (4.2)

A culture that values quick financial success can lead

students to rationalize cybercrime as a legitimate means to 37 34 16 9
an end, particularly if they observe others benefiting from (38.5) (35.4) (16.7) (9.4)
such activities.
My social media interactions have made me more tolerant 31 40 16 9
of cybercriminal activities.
(32.3) (41.1) (16.7) (9.4)
Source: Field Survey, 2025
Table 4.4 above presented the frequency and percentage of the perceive relationship between
social media use and the normalization of cybercrimes among undergraduate students of OOU.
To begin with, 96.8% of students agreed that seeing cybercrime-related behaviors on social
media can influence their perception of such acts as trendy or acceptable, while only 3.1%
disagreed. This highlights the powerful influence of visible online behavior in shaping norms.

Even more decisively, 100% of respondents agreed that the social dynamics on platforms like
Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram glamorize cybercrime, reinforcing the notion that these
platforms can play a role in desensitizing users to illegal activity.

A complete unanimous agreement (100%) was also recorded on the statement that anonymity on
social media emboldens students to commit cybercrimes without immediate consequences. This
implies that students recognize the emboldening effect of perceived invisibility and lack of
accountability online.

Regarding exposure to cybercrime-related content, 69.8% agreed that it leads to desensitization,

while 30.2% disagreed. Though not as strong as the previous variables, this still suggests that
repeated exposure could reduce students’ sensitivity to the consequences of cybercrime.

When asked whether social media spreads information about how to commit cybercrimes, a
significant 82.3% agreed, while 17.7% disagreed, indicating awareness of how online platforms
can unintentionally (or intentionally) serve as tutorials for digital misconduct.
 Additionally, 85.4% of students agreed that peer validation through likes and shares may
encourage risky or illegal online behavior, reinforcing the idea that positive social feedback can
normalize misconduct.

Furthermore, 73.9% of respondents agreed that a culture prioritizing quick financial success, as
promoted or seen on social media, can lead students to justify cybercrime as a valid means to an
end. Only 26.1% disagreed, underlining the role of perceived success in shaping risky decisions.

Finally, 73.4% of students agreed that their own social media interactions have made them more
tolerant of cybercriminal behavior, while 26.1% disagreed. This points to an internalized shift in
attitudes due to regular interaction with permissive or harmful online content.

4.2.3 The coping strategies to prevent undergraduate students from indulging in

cybercrime

Table 4.5: Frequency distribution of the coping strategies to prevent undergraduate

students from indulging in cybercrime

SA A D SD
Variables (%) (%) (%) (%)
Implementation of workshops and seminars that educate
students about the legal consequences of cybercrime, 63 33
0 0
ethical online behavior, and the impact of their actions on (65.6) (34.4)
themselves and others.
Clearly communicate university policies regarding 45 37 10 4
cybercrime and the consequences of engaging in such
activities, ensuring students understand the risks involved. (46.9) (38.5) (10.4) (4.2)

Fostering a culture of support and positivity online by 43 36 12 5

promoting clubs or organizations that focus on ethical
technology use and responsible digital citizenship. (44.8) (37.5) (12.5) (5.2)
Offer counseling and support services for students facing
financial or emotional stress, helping them find legal and 42 35 13 6
constructive ways to cope rather than resorting to (43.8) (36.5) (13.5) (6.3)
cybercrime.
Encourage students to build strong, supportive peer 44 36 10 6
networks that discourage negative behaviors and promote
accountability among friends. (45.8) (37.5) (10.4) (6.3)

Provide opportunities for students to participate in

constructive extracurricular activities, such as coding 56 38 2
0
clubs, hackathons, or community service, which can (58.3) (39.6) (2.1)
channel their skills positively.
Offer programs that enhance students’ financial literacy,
helping them understand budgeting and financial planning 47 34 10 5
to reduce the allure of quick financial gains through illegal (49.0) (35.4) (10.4) (5.2)
means.
Create safe spaces for students to discuss their challenges 41 37 12 6
and experiences related to social media and cybercrime,
fostering an environment of openness and support. (37.9) (42.1) (15.8) (4.2)

Source: Field Survey, 2025

Table 4.5 above presented the frequency and percentage of the coping strategies to prevent
undergraduate students from indulging in cybercrime. Firstly, there is unanimous agreement
(100%) among respondents on the need to implement workshops and seminars that educate
students about the legal and ethical consequences of cybercrime. This indicates overwhelming
belief in the power of education and awareness as a preventive tool.

A large majority, 85.4%, also agreed that clearly communicating university policies regarding
cybercrime and its consequences would be effective. Only 14.6% disagreed, suggesting that
more structured, transparent communication from school authorities could deter misconduct.

Similarly, 82.3% of students supported the idea of fostering a positive digital culture by
promoting clubs or groups focused on ethical tech use and responsible citizenship. Just 17.7%
opposed the idea, reinforcing the value of peer-driven ethical spaces.

When asked about providing counseling and support services for students facing stressors like
financial or emotional strain, 80.3% agreed this would be helpful, while 19.8% disagreed. This
suggests many students view cybercrime as partially rooted in emotional or economic distress
and believe such services could offer healthier coping mechanisms.
The idea of building supportive peer networks also gained wide approval, with 83.3% agreeing
this could deter cybercrime, and only 16.7% disagreeing. This implies students understand the
influential role of peer groups in shaping behavior.

Encouraging constructive extracurricular engagement such as coding clubs, hackathons, and

community service was met with near-universal approval, with 97.9% agreeing and just 2.1%
disagreeing. This suggests students see positive skill development as a valid outlet that can
replace illicit activities.

Likewise, 84.4% of students agreed that enhancing financial literacy programs could help reduce
the temptation of fast financial gains through cybercrime. Only 15.6% disagreed, indicating
widespread recognition of the role financial education plays in prevention.

Finally, 80.0% of respondents agreed that creating safe spaces for open discussion on social
media and cybercrime would be beneficial. The remaining 20.0% disagreed, showing some
reservations, but overall strong support for open dialogue and peer-based interventions.

4.3 Discussion of Findings

The part centered on discussion of the findings above. It will be done objectively.

Discussion of findings on the various types of cybercrimes exhibited by undergraduate

students of OOU as a result of their social media use

The study revealed that many undergraduate students at Olabisi Onabanjo University (OOU) are
aware that social media platforms can serve as a medium for harassment and bullying. This
finding is consistent with the work of Kowalski et al. (2014), who emphasize that the anonymity
and reach of digital platforms increase the incidence of cyberbullying among young people. The
students’ responses reflect a growing awareness of the psychological harm and reputational
damage associated with online harassment.

It was also found that impersonation and the creation of fake profiles are widely recognized by
students as forms of cybercrime. This behavior is often used to deceive or exploit others,
especially in social and financial scams. According to Whittaker and Kowalski (2015), identity
theft and impersonation have become prevalent forms of cyber fraud among youth due to ease of
access and lack of stringent verification systems on social media platforms. The students’ strong
agreement with this reflects their understanding of the misuse of identity in digital spaces.

In addition, the findings indicated that students are generally aware of phishing attempts, which
involve deceiving individuals into sharing personal data or credentials. This aligns with the study
by Jagatic et al. (2007), who reported that university students are prime targets for phishing
because of their active online presence and relatively low caution when handling digital
communication. Although some students did not acknowledge this threat, the majority
recognized phishing as a serious cybercrime.

The research further showed that many students recognize involvement in scams such as selling
fake goods or services on social media as a cybercrime. This supports the findings of Dupont
(2017), who highlighted that young adults often engage in low-risk, high-reward online scams
due to peer influence and economic pressure. While most students expressed awareness, the
presence of dissenting views may indicate a normalization of deceptive digital practices among
some individuals.

It also emerged that unauthorized access to social media accounts or university systems is widely
perceived as a form of cybercrime. This corresponds with the definition of hacking as described
by Wall (2007), who categorizes it as a breach of privacy and system integrity. Students’
understanding of this issue demonstrates an appreciation for digital security, though the few who
disagreed suggest a need for further sensitization on ethical tech use.

Remarkably, the study showed complete consensus that sharing or using copyrighted materials
without permission such as music, images, and videos constitutes cybercrime. This aligns with
findings from the World Intellectual Property Organization (WIPO, 2021), which notes that
digital piracy is rampant among young users due to low-cost access and weak enforcement
mechanisms. Students’ recognition of intellectual property violations signals growing digital
responsibility.

Another important finding was that the majority of students believe spreading false information
or rumors on social media can severely damage reputations. This supports the research of Wardle
and Derakhshan (2017), who argue that the viral nature of social media accelerates the spread of
misinformation and magnifies its consequences. The students' views demonstrate a strong
understanding of how misinformation can distort public perception and harm individuals.

Discussion of findings on the socio-economic factors that drive undergraduate students of

OOU to engage in cybercrime

The findings of this study revealed that financial hardship is a major socio-economic driver of
cybercrime among undergraduate students. Many respondents linked the pressures of tuition
fees, living costs, and daily expenses to the temptation of engaging in cybercrime for quick
financial gain. This observation supports the assertion of Holtfreter et al. (2010), who identified
economic strain as a catalyst for deviant online behavior, especially among financially vulnerable
youth.

It was also found that limited employment opportunities significantly contribute to students'
involvement in cybercrime. Many students perceive illegal online activities as alternative means
of survival in the face of unemployment and economic uncertainty. This aligns with Becker’s
(1968) Rational Choice Theory, which suggests that individuals may engage in crime when the
perceived benefits outweigh the risks especially in the context of socioeconomic desperation.

The study further found that peer influence plays a vital role in students’ cybercrime
involvement. A significant number of respondents agreed that the desire to conform or gain
validation from peers can drive students toward cybercriminal behavior. This supports the
findings of Akers (2009) and his Social Learning Theory, which emphasizes that behaviors,
including deviant ones, are often learned through interactions and reinforcement within peer
groups.

An especially compelling finding was the unanimous agreement that easy access to technology
particularly smartphones and the internet—facilitates cybercrime. This reflects the views of Yar
(2005), who argued that technological availability lowers the barriers to committing cybercrime,
especially for digital natives who are proficient in using online tools for both legitimate and
illicit purposes.

The lack of awareness regarding the legal implications of cybercrime was another key issue.
Many students indicated that insufficient understanding of cyber laws and potential penalties
contributes to risky behavior. This is consistent with findings by Ngo and Paternoster (2011),
who highlighted the role of low legal literacy in increasing the likelihood of cyber offending
among young people.

The study also showed that a social environment that trivializes or normalizes cybercrime can
significantly influence students. When cybercrime is perceived as a common or acceptable
behavior among peers, individuals may be more likely to adopt similar actions. This finding
aligns with Cohen and Felson’s (1979) Routine Activity Theory, which stresses the importance of
environmental and social contexts in facilitating criminal behavior.

Another important finding indicated that the allure of quick fame and rewards motivates students
to participate in cybercrime. The glamorization of fast success, especially through online
platforms, was viewed as a strong incentive. This supports the study by Maimon and Louderback
(2019), who identified the promise of instant gratification as a powerful motivator for youth
engagement in cyber offenses.

Lastly, it was found that a lack of ethical education contributes to students’ involvement in
cybercrime. Respondents acknowledged that without proper awareness of responsible online
behavior and digital ethics, students are more prone to misuse technology. This echoes the work
of Hinduja and Patchin (2008), who emphasized the need for comprehensive digital citizenship
education as a preventive strategy against cybercrime.

Discussion of findings on the perceive relationship between social media use and the
normalization of cybercrimes among undergraduate students of OOU

The study revealed that students' perceptions of cybercrime are significantly shaped by the
behaviors they observe on social media. Respondents generally agreed that witnessing
cybercrime-related content online can normalize such behaviors and even make them appear
trendy or acceptable. This finding supports Bandura’s (1977) Social Cognitive Theory, which
posits that individuals can learn and adopt behaviors by observing others, especially when those
behaviors appear to go unpunished or are rewarded with attention.

It was also found that the social environment created by platforms like Facebook, Twitter, and
Instagram contributes to the glamorization of cybercriminal activities. Respondents
acknowledged that these platforms, through peer influence and viral content, can desensitize
users to the illegality and consequences of cybercrime. This finding echoes the work of Hinduja
and Patchin (2008), who emphasized how online social networks can normalize deviant behavior
through repetitive exposure and peer reinforcement.

An especially noteworthy result showed unanimous agreement that anonymity on social media
emboldens students to commit cybercrimes. Students recognized that the sense of invisibility
afforded by digital platforms reduces accountability, making it easier to act unethically. This
supports Suler’s (2004) theory of the Online Disinhibition Effect, which explains how anonymity
and lack of face-to-face interaction can encourage individuals to behave in ways they normally
wouldn’t offline.

Another key insight from the findings was that regular exposure to cybercrime-related content
could lead to desensitization. Although the consensus here was not as strong as with other
variables, many students agreed that seeing such content repeatedly makes the behavior seem
less serious or harmful. This aligns with Gerbner’s Cultivation Theory (1998), which suggests
that prolonged exposure to media content can shape individuals’ perceptions of reality over time.

It also emerged that social media plays a role in disseminating cybercrime techniques. Students
acknowledged that platforms sometimes act as indirect “tutorial spaces” where harmful content
spreads easily. This supports Holt (2010), who argued that digital environments can serve as
informal learning spaces where individuals acquire knowledge about illegal online practices,
often without active intention.

Furthermore, the study found that peer validation through likes, shares, and comments can
incentivize students to engage in risky or illegal online behavior. The feedback loop created by
social media interaction fosters an environment where misconduct may be rewarded with social
approval. This finding is reinforced by the concept of digital peer pressure described by
Kowalski et al. (2014), which illustrates how positive reinforcement can drive repetition of
deviant behavior.

In addition, the research revealed that the portrayal of fast financial success on social media
contributes to students justifying cybercrime as a means to achieve such outcomes. This mirrors
the findings of Merton’s Strain Theory (1938), which suggests that individuals under pressure to
achieve societal goals may turn to illegitimate means when legitimate avenues are blocked or
appear insufficient.

Finally, the study found that regular engagement with permissive or morally ambiguous content
on social media contributes to increased tolerance of cybercriminal behavior. This points to a
shift in personal values and attitudes shaped by digital environments, a trend previously
highlighted by Kirwan and Power (2012), who noted that online culture can gradually reshape
users’ ethical boundaries.

Discussion of findings on the coping strategies to prevent undergraduate students from

indulging in cybercrime

The findings of this study strongly emphasize the importance of education as a preventive
measure against cybercrime among undergraduate students. It was found that students
unanimously endorsed the implementation of workshops and seminars focused on legal
consequences and ethical considerations. This aligns with the work of Jones and Mitchell (2016),
who argued that structured educational interventions can significantly reduce deviant online
behaviors by raising awareness and fostering moral reasoning.

It was also discovered that a large proportion of respondents support the idea that clearly
communicated university policies regarding cybercrime can act as a deterrent. This finding
supports the Routine Activity Theory (Cohen & Felson, 1979), which posits that crimes occur
when there is a lack of capable guardianship in this case, institutional guidelines and
enforcement that clearly communicate risks and consequences.

Furthermore, the study revealed considerable student support for fostering a culture of ethical
technology use through clubs and peer-led organizations. This finding resonates with Bandura’s
(2001) concept of social learning, suggesting that promoting positive peer role models can
influence ethical digital behavior. Peer-driven initiatives are particularly effective in university
settings, where students are more likely to emulate the actions of their social groups.

Students also indicated that counseling and mental health support play a crucial role in
cybercrime prevention. Many agreed that addressing underlying stressors such as financial or
emotional difficulties can redirect students from illegal paths. This is consistent with Agnew’s
(1992) General Strain Theory, which holds that individuals who experience significant stress or
strain are more likely to engage in deviant acts if they lack healthy coping mechanisms.

The findings also highlighted the influential role of peer networks in shaping student behavior. A
majority of students believed that supportive peer groups can encourage accountability and
discourage cybercriminal conduct. This supports the research by Kiesler, Siegel, and McGuire
(1984), which underscores the role of social cohesion in reducing antisocial online behavior.

Constructive extracurricular engagement, such as participating in coding clubs or community

service, was another strategy widely approved by respondents. This finding reinforces the
assertion by Holt et al. (2015) that creating alternative avenues for students to apply their digital
skills legally and productively can reduce their vulnerability to cybercrime recruitment or
influence.

In addition, the research found strong support for enhancing students’ financial literacy.
Respondents acknowledged that teaching budgeting, planning, and the risks of financial
shortcuts could mitigate the appeal of cybercrime. This supports the perspective of Leclerc and
Proulx (2021), who highlight how financial education empowers individuals to make informed
decisions, reducing susceptibility to risky ventures.

Finally, the creation of safe spaces for open dialogue about cybercrime and digital behavior was
also endorsed. Students recognized the value of open discussions as a means to share
experiences, raise awareness, and reduce stigma. This supports the findings of Livingstone and
Haddon (2009), who argue that environments encouraging transparency and dialogue are critical
in addressing risky online behavior among youth.

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