Evolution of Warfare
Evolution of Warfare
EVOLUTION OF
WARFARE
May 2006
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
Table of Contents . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . i
Record of Changes . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ii
Course Overview . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . vi
Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xvii
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RECORD OF CHANGES
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LETTER OF PROMULGATION
22 May 2006
Date
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COURSE OVERVIEW
III. METHODOLOGY
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active participation. It is the job of the Marine
Officer Instructor to ensure each student meets the
professional core competency objectives of the course.
Any method employed to make the material more alive, to
encourage problem solving, and to make this survey of
military history more relevant and useful is highly
encouraged.
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1 Introduction....................................... 1
2 Man and War........................................ 4
CLASSICAL WARFARE
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WORLD WAR I
INTERWAR YEARS
WORLD WAR II
WAR TODAY
32 Terrorism.........................................139
33 The Gulf War (Desert Storm).......................141
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This topic will set the tone for the remainder of the course.
The student should be introduced to the concepts contained in
MCDP 1, Warfighting, particularly those found in Chapters 1 and
2. This will give the student a sound theoretical foundation and
a point of reference for the remainder of the course.
Additionally, the handouts “Military History: Is it Still
Practicable?” and “Fundamental Concepts: History of the
Military Art” should be used to examine the usefulness of history
and to provide a sound foundation of military operational
language.
The era of the ancient Greeks and Romans presents the first well-
documented period of military history in the western world. The
impacts of political and economic institutions on warfare are
introduced. The development of the phalanx (Greek), articulated
phalanx (Macedonian) and legion (Roman) as weapon systems, as well
as tactical organizations, can be studied. Great Captains, such
as Alexander, Hannibal, and Julius Caesar, are also examined.
The collapse of the Roman Empire in the West presents a whole new
set of political, economic and social realities -- the result of
which is the establishment of the feudal system relying on heavy
cavalry for military effectiveness. The Battle of Hastings is
studied as an example of the enduring value of combined arms
despite prevailing conventional wisdom. The Byzantines, on the
other hand, continue the Roman tradition of scientific warfare,
albeit adapted to new conditions. Their system of staffing and
education is in many ways a precursor of the German General Staff
system. The Byzantine cataphract was the mounted successor of
the Roman legionary. The campaigns of Belisarius and Narses are
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of particular interest for their applications of speed, deception
and combined arms.
The breakdown of the old feudal order and the emergence of the
modern world had far reaching effects on warfare. Technology
began to have a significant and rapidly evolving impact on
weapons, tactics and organizations. The solutions to the
problems posed by this evolving technology used by Gonzalvo de
Cordoba, Maurice of Nassau, and Gustavus Adolphus are worth
serious attention. The pace of change and the suddenly increased
lethality of weapons during this period are precursors to modern
times. The emergence of the strong, centralized, dynastic state
results in the bureaucratization of warfare. The expense and
lethality of late 17th to early 18th century battles lead to a
highly stylized, even ritualistic, approach to warfare with
emphasis on maneuver, fortification and siege operations.
Mercantilist economic philosophy is a critical component of this
period. Commanders, such as Marlborough and Frederick the Great,
who attempted to transcend the bonds of their time, are examined.
The French and Indian War of 1754-1763 (Seven Years’ War in
Europe) is in many ways the First World War, and its impact is
studied. The reintroduction of light troops and the theories of
Marshal de Saxe are also important elements of this topic.
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maneuver (e.g., light troops, skirmisher tactics, divisional
organization and the artillery reforms of Gribeauval) also come
together to change the face of the battlefield. One of the
greatest of the military captains, Napoleon, capitalized on all
that preceded him during the revolutionary period and forged one
of the finest, most cohesive, and most responsive military
instruments in history. The Grand Army, under his leadership,
practiced maneuver warfare in a manner clearly reminiscent of the
Mongols. The Italian Campaigns (1796-97 and 1800), Ulm-
Austerlitz and Jean-Auerstadt all provide abundant material to
illustrate concepts found in MCDP 1-1. Wellington’s counter to
Napoleonic methods and Napoleonic interpreters, Jomini and
Clausewitz, are introduced to round out this topic.
Not only is the Civil War considered the first modern war in
history, it affects American military thought and practice up to
this very day. The impact of technology on tactics is never more
clearly illustrated than when Napoleonic tactics run headlong
into rifled weapons in the early years of the war. While the
tendency to attack in massed formations was never entirely
overcome, the last year of the war saw considerable modifications
in tactical practice. On the operational and strategic levels,
Grant, as the first great modern commander, and Lee, as the great
Napoleonic general, are juxtaposed very successfully.
8. World War I
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is looked at as one of the Allies’ few strategic initiatives away
from the Western Front. The reasons for its failure in execution
should be looked at closely. Be careful not to duplicate
Amphibious Warfare instruction.
9. Interwar Years
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INSTRUCTIONAL AIDS
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5. NOTES OF CAUTION:
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holder. SECNAVINST 5870.4 (Series) provides specific
guidelines that should be addressed in the copyright
permission request letter.
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BIBLIOGRAPHY
Keegan, John. The Face of Battle. New York, NY: Random House,
Vintage Books, 1977. (ISBN 0-394-72403-8)
3. Instructor References
Dupuy, Trevor N., Col, USA (Ret.). The Evolution of Weapons and
Warfare. New York, NY: Da Capo Press, Inc., 1984.
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Ropp, Theodore. War in the Modern World. Baltimore, MD: The
Johns Hopkins University Press, 2000. (ISBN 0-8018-6445-3)
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(Paperback, Library of Congress No. 74-111194)
Montross, Lynn. War Through the Ages. New York, NY: Harper Row
Publishing, 1960. (NOTE: No longer being printed; but
previously used in the Evolution of Warfare course, so
copies may still be onhand at the unit.)
xix
Military History: Is It Still Practicable?
by
Jay Luvaas
Originally published in the Army War College's Parameters, March 1982. Public Domain.
THERE was a day, before the advent of the A-bomb and its more destructive offspring, before
smart bombs and nerve gas, before computer technology and war games, when professional
soldiers regarded reading history as a useful pastime. Many who have scaled the peaks of the
military profession have testified to the utility of studying military history.
Most of these, however, seem to be commanding voices out of the past. MacArthur, steeped in
family tradition and familiar with many of the 4000 volumes inherited from his father, was never
at a loss for a historical example to underscore his point of view; Krueger, as a young officer,
translated books and articles from the German military literature; Eisenhower spent countless
hours listening to the erudite Fox Conner on what could be learned from military history;
Marshall and his contemporaries at the Army Staff College at Leavenworth reconstructed Civil
War campaigns from the after-action reports; Patton took the time in 1943 to read a book on the
Norman conquest of Sicily nearly nine centuries earlier and to ponder "the many points in
common with our operations";[1] and Eichelberger summoned from memory a passage he had
read ten years before in Grant's Memoirs (which ought to be required reading for all officers) and
thereby stiffened his resolve to press home the attack at Buna. These Army commanders were all
remarkably well versed in history.
So were many of their civilian superiors. President Franklin D. Roosevelt was an avid reader of
naval history, and Harry Truman frequently acknowledged the pertinent lessons that he had
gleaned from a lifetime of exposure to history:
Reading history, to me, was far more than a romantic adventure. It was solid instruction and
wise teaching which I somehow felt that I . . . needed . . . It seemed to me that if I could
understand the true facts about the . . . development of the United States Government and
could know the details of the lives of . . . its political leaders, I would be getting for myself a
valuable . . . education . . . I know of no surer way to get a solid foundation in political
science and public administration than to study the histories of past administrations of the
world's most successful system of government.[2]
Because the military is a "practical" profession geared much of the time to problem-solving,
soldiers--like engineers and scientists--tend to be pragmatic about what is meant by the word
"practicable." History is "practicable" if it yields lessons, especially exemplary lessons in tactics
and strategy that can be directly applied to some current situation. History is "useful" in
illustrating points of doctrine, in instilling in the young officer the proper military values or an
appreciation for our military heritage. The "practical" man often scans the past for some magical
formula that may ensure success in war, like Field Marshal von Schlieffen's theory of
envelopment, or Captain B. H. Liddell Hart's strategy of indirect approach.
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Such assumptions inevitably determine the way military history is taught. Because an important
duty of the officer in peacetime is to teach, and because in the Army teaching usually involves
explaining, it is often assumed that history, to be taught, must be explained. The emphasis
therefore is on organizing and presenting information in a lucid, often lavishly illustrated lecture,
in which tidy answers outrank nagging questions in the minds of everyone involved. The
inference on the part of most students, if not the instructor, is that a person who remembers the
lecture will somehow have learned history. It's a mistaken assumption we all make.
It is also true that no other field of history is under as much pressure as military history to
provide "practical" answers to some current problem. If military history cannot provide such
answers, why study it? The specialist in Renaissance diplomacy is rarely solicited for his views
on foreign policy but, rather, is left alone to concentrate his thoughts on the cold war with the
Turks in the 15th century. Nor is the scholar who has spent a lifetime studying the ramifications
of the French Revolution apt to be consulted when news breaks of still another palace coup in
some Latin American banana republic. But let a historian or journalist prowl around in some
remote corner in the field of military history and often he will be expected, even tempted, to
function as a current-affairs military analyst.
Perhaps we think this way because, as a society, we are largely ignorant about both the facts and
the nature of history. In high school, European history no longer is required, having been
replaced by something called "Western Civilization." We know astonishingly little about the
history of other societies, and most of us, unfortunately, care even less. Students voting with
their feet in colleges and universities across the nation have caused enrollments in history
courses to plummet as they turn to "more practical" subjects such as economics, psychology,
biology, engineering, and business administration. In the Army's schools, history has become a
casualty of the Vietnam War, clearly the emphasis now is upon training. Even at the Military
Academy, the required course in the military art was severely curtailed several years ago and
only recently has been restored to its logical place in the curriculum. For that matter, how many
officers who have invested off-duty hours to work toward an advanced degree have taken it in
history? In the officer corps of today, the subject is rarely considered "practicable."
More to the point, is the Army as an institution as historical-minded as it was in the past? For
without even a rudimentary understanding of history and its processes, there is no way that the
past can be made to offer object lessons for the future. Professor Pieter Geyl, a distinguished
Dutch historian, reminds us that it is useless to talk about "the lessons of history" when the
historian "is after all only a man sitting at his desk."[3] The lessons that we would learn are his--
the fruits of his labors, the creation of his imagination, perhaps the idea that he is to sell to the
reader. For, as a German general asserted a hundred years ago, "it is well known that military
history, when superficially studied, will furnish arguments in support of any theory or
opinion."[4]
Common Fallacies
Perhaps the most frequent error in the abuse of history is to take historical examples out of
context. Once removed from its historical context, which is always unique, a battle or a
campaign ceases to offer meaningful lessons from history. According to Napoleon, "old
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Frederick laughed in his sleeve at the parades of Potsdam when he perceived young officers,
French, English, and Austrian, so infatuated with the manoeuvre of the oblique order, which (in
itself) was fit for nothing but to gain a few adjutant-majors a reputation." Napoleon appreciated
that the secret of Frederick's successes was not the oblique order, but Frederick. "Genius acts
through inspiration," Napoleon concluded. "What is good in one case is bad in another."[5]
One of Frederick's own soldiers demonstrated that in another environment even Frederick's
maneuver's might fail. When Baron von Steuben, who had served in the Prussian Army
throughout the Seven Years' War, was trying to make soldiers out of Washington's shivering,
half-starved volunteers at Valley Forge, he knew better than to waste precious time teaching
those complex maneuvers he had mastered under Frederick. Instead he selected only those that
were essential to meet the unique conditions that prevailed in America, where volunteers had
only a few months instead of years to master the intricacies of Frederick's drill, and where
officers had to learn to lead by example instead of relying upon the severity of the Prussian
system. Soldiers, Frederick repeatedly had warned, "can be held in check only through fear" and
should therefore be made to "fear their officers more than all the dangers to which they are
exposed . . . Good will can never induce the common soldier to stand up to such dangers; he will
only do so through fear."[6] Whatever may have motivated Washington's amateur soldiers at
Valley Forge, most certainly it was not fear.
If there is a lesson here for us, it is simply that solutions to problems are not to be viewed as
interchangeable parts. Even the Germans in World War II apparently failed to heed this lesson in
drawing conclusions from their own war experiences. In addition to displaying a tendency to
generalize from personal or limited experience, they often indiscriminately applied the
experiences of one situation to entirely different circumstances. Thus the German Supreme
Command "applied the experiences acquired on the Western Front in 1940, unchanged, to the
war against Russia" despite the "greater tenacity" of the Russian soldier, his "insensibility against
threatening the flanks," the scarcity of roads, and the vast space involved "giving . . . the
opponent the possibility of avoiding decision." In the words of one German general, not only did
this misapplication of experience influence the operational plan against Russia, it also
"contributed to the final disappointment."[7]
It is also a distortion to compress the past into distinctive patterns, for it is as true of history as it
is of nature that "each man reads his own peculiar lesson according to his own peculiar mind and
mood."[8] History responds generously to the adage "seek and ye shall find." At the turn of the
century the Chief of the German General Stall, Count Alfred von Schlieffen, was faced with the
need to plan for a war on two fronts. His solution was to point toward a quick victory on one
front in order to avoid ultimate defeat on both, and his inspiration for the battle of annihilation
essential to a quick victory came, at least in part, from reading the first volume of Hans
Delbruck's Geschichte der Kriegskunst, which was published in 1900. Delbruck's treatment of
the battle of Cannae in 216 B.C. convinced Schlieffen that Hannibal had won his lopsided
victory by deliberately weakening his center and attacking with full force from both flanks. The
much publicized Schlieffen Plan was an adaptation of this idea. Having thus discovered the
"key," Schlieffen turned in his writings to the idea of envelopment to unlock the secrets of
Frederick the Great and Napoleon, both of whom, he claimed, had always attempted to envelop
the enemy. Similarly, Captain B. H. Liddell Hart was to discover from his research for a
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biography of Sherman that the key to Sherman's success lay in a strategy of indirect approach.
When he turned to history at large for confirmation, of course he "discovered" that nearly all
successful generals, whether they had been aware of it or not, had employed something akin to
the strategy of indirect approach. The future British field marshal Sir Archibald Wavell, who
always found Liddell Hart's ideas stimulating whether he agreed with them or not, once slyly
suggested to the captain: "With your knowledge and brains and command of the pen, you could
have written just as convincing a book called the `Strategy of the Direct Approach.'"[9] Wavell
appreciated that it was Liddell Hart and not the muse of history who preached this attractive
doctrine.
Moreover, nothing is necessarily proven by citing examples from history. There are many works
on military theory that provide examples of bad argument from analogy or authority; such faulty
use of historical examples, according to Karl von Clausewitz, "not only leaves the reader
dissatisfied but even irritates his intelligence." The mere citation of historical examples provides
only the semblance of proof, although the reader who understands little about the nature of
history may set aside his book convinced of the essential truth of some new theory, and the
audience exposed to a well-organized and seemingly cogent lecture sprinkled with examples
from history is equally vulnerable. "There are occasions," Clausewitz noted,
where nothing will be proven by a dozen examples. . . . If anyone lists a dozen defeats in
which the losing side attacked with divided columns, I can list a dozen victories in which that
very tactic was employed. Obviously this is no way to reach a conclusion.
And if the author or lecturer has never mastered the events he describes, "such superficial,
irresponsible handling of history leads to hundreds of wrong ideas and bogus theorizing."[10]
Perhaps the greatest disservice to history and its lessons comes from its frequent association with
a given set of military principles of doctrine, and here the celebrated Swiss theorist Baron de
Jomini may have had an unfortunate influence. Drawing upon an exhaustive examination of 30
campaigns of Frederick and Napoleon, Jomini deduced certain fixed maxims and principles
which he claimed were both eternal and universal in their application. If such maxims would not
produce great generals they would "at least make generals sufficiently skillful to hold the second
rank among the great captains" and would thus serve as "the true school for generals."[11]
To future generations of young officers, Jomini said, in effect: "Gentlemen, I have not found a
single instance where my principles, correctly applied, did not lead to success. They are based
upon my unrivaled knowledge of the campaigns of Napoleon, much of it acquired at first hand,
and of the basic works of Thiers, Napier, Lloyd, Tempelhof, Foy, and the Archduke Charles.
Thanks to my labors you need not invest years of your own time in scrutinizing these
voluminous histories. Did not Napoleon himself confess: `I have studied history a great deal, and
often, for want of a guide, have been forced to lose considerable time in useless reading'? You
have only to study my principles and apply them faithfully, for `there exists a fundamental
principle of all the operations of war' which you neglect at your peril."[12]
Jomini had many prominent disciples, and their books were nearly all written on the assumption
that battles and campaigns, ancient as well as modern, have succeeded or failed to the degree that
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they adhered to the principles of war as explained by Jomini and could be confirmed by the
"constant teachings of history." But where Jomini read history, many of his followers read
primarily Jomini and thus were one step removed from history and its processes.
The emergence of doctrine (as late as the American Civil War there were only drill manuals) and
the introduction of historical sections on most European general staffs after the Prussian victories
in 1866 and 1870 meant that increasingly, in the eyes of professional soldiers at least, military
history was linked to doctrine and more specifically, to the principles of war as these principles
were rediscovered and refined. Since World War I it has become fashionable to use history to
illustrate the official principles of war as they are variously defined.
There are three dangers inherent in this approach. In the first place, pressed into service in this
way history can only illustrate something already perceived as being true; it cannot prove its
validity or lead to new discoveries. This is probably the terrain on which most soldiers first
encounter the subject, and they would do well to heed the warning of Clausewitz that if "some
historical event is being presented in order to demonstrate a general truth, care must be taken that
every aspect bearing on the truth at issue is fully and circumstantially developed--carefully
assembled . . . before the reader's eyes." In other words, the theorist ought to be a pretty good
historian. Clausewitz goes so far as to suggest that, even though historical examples have the
advantage of "being more realistic and of bringing the idea they are illustrating to life," if the
purpose of history is really to explain doctrine, "an imaginary case would do as well."[13]
Moreover, to use history primarily to illustrate accepted principles is really to put the cart before
the horse. If one starts with what is perceived as truth and searches history for confirmation or
illustrations, there can be no "lessons learned." How can there be?
A second weakness in linking history to doctrine is the natural tendency to let doctrine sit in
judgment of historical events. Sir William Napier, who had a healthy respect for Jomini's
theories, used his maxims as a basis for rendering historical judgment on the generalship of
French and British leaders in his classic History of the War in the Peninsula. Similarly, Major
General Sir Patrick MacDougall "discovered" that these maxims could also serve as criteria for
judging the generalship of Hannibal, and Matthew F. Steele's American Campaigns, which was
published in 1909 and endured as a text at the Military Academy and other Army schools even
beyond World War II, used the maxims of Jomini, von der Goltz, and other late 19th-century
theorists to form the basis for historical commentary on the generalship of individual American
commanders.
Most serious of all is the ease and frequency with which faith in doctrine has actually distorted
history. This was happening frequently by the end of the 19th century as each army in Europe
developed and became committed to its own doctrine. It is the primary reason why the tactical
and strategical lessons of the Civil War, which in many respects was the first modern war, went
unheeded.[14] Even the elaborate German General Staff histories on the wars of Frederick the
Great and the wars of liberation against Napoleon never failed to drive home the soundness of
current German doctrine,[15] and the German official histories of the Boer War and the Russo-
Japanese War similarly serve to demonstrate above all else the continuing validity of German
doctrine. The Boers had applied that doctrine and therefore usually won, at least in the earlier
battles before the weight of numbers alone could determine the outcome. British doctrine was
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faulty, if indeed the British yet had a doctrine, and therefore the British suffered repeated defeats.
The Germans had trained the Japanese Army and the Japanese had won in 1904-05, "proving"
again the superiority of German doctrine. Had a trained historian instead of an officer serving a
tour with the Military History section analyzed the same campaigns, surely he would have asked
some searching questions about the differences in the discipline, morale, and leadership of the
two armies. Did the Japanese cavalry win, for example, because of superior doctrine based on
shock tactics or because it was better disciplined and led? To the officer corps of the day, the
results demonstrated the weakness of the Russian Army's mounted infantry concepts in the face
of shock tactics, whereas 10 years later, in a war that, at the outset, was strikingly similar in the
conditions prevailing on the battlefield, shock tactics did not prevail anywhere for long.
Thus military history distilled by Jomini and his disciples ultimately found itself shaped by a
commitment to doctrine, and the instinct of most professional soldiers before World War I was to
explain away exceptions to the official rules rather than to use history as a means of testing and
refining them.
Facts in History
Although it is not always evident in a lecture or a textbook, we can never be completely certain--
and therefore in agreement--about what actually happened in history. Frederick and Napoleon
knew this well. Skeptical both of the historian's motives and of the reliability of his facts, they
evinced a healthy skepticism about the ability of the human mind ever to recreate an event as it
actually had happened.
"The true truths are very difficult to ascertain," Napoleon complained. "There are so many
truths!"[16]
Historical fact . . . is often a mere word; it cannot be ascertained when events actually occur,
in the heat of contrary passions; and if, later on, there is a consensus, this is only because
there is no one left to contradict. . . . What is . . . historical truth? . . . An agreed upon fiction..
. . There are facts that remain in eternal litigation.[17]
A Union staff officer whose corps bore the brunt of Pickett's charge at Gettysburg put it a
different way:
A full account of the battle as it was will never, can never, be made. Who could sketch the
charges, the constant fighting of the bloody panorama! It is not possible. The official reports
may give results as to losses, with statements of attacks and repulses; they may also note the
means by which results were attained . . . but the connection between means and results, the
mode, the battle proper, these reports touch lightly. Two prominent reasons . . . account for
the general inadequacy of these official reports . . . the literary infirmity of the reporters, and
their not seeing themselves and their commands as others would have seen them. And
factions, and parties, and politics . . . are already putting in their unreasonable demands. . . .
Of this battle greater than Waterloo, a history, just, comprehensive, complete, will never be
written. By-and-by, out of the chaos of trash and falsehood that newspapers hold, out of the
disjointed mass of reports, out of the traditions and tales that come down from the field, some
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eye that never saw the battle will select, and some pen will write what will be named the
history. With that the world will be, and if we are alive we must be, content.[18]
This writer intuitively understood that as soon as the historian begins to impose order on
something as chaotic as a battle, he distorts. If his narrative is to mean anything at all to the
reader he must simplify and organize the "disjointed mass of reports." He must, for lack of space,
omit incidents that did not contribute to the final result. He must resolve controversies, not
merely report them, and he must recognize that not every general is candid, every report
complete, every description accurate. Orders are not always executed; not every order is even
relevant to the situation. At Gettysburg, the watches in the two armies were set 20 minutes apart,
and after the battle Lee had some of his subordinates rewrite their after-action reports to avoid
unnecessary dissension. Well may it be said that "on the actual day of battle naked truths may be
picked up for the asking; by the following morning they have already begun to get into their
uniforms."[19]
During World War I, German General Max Hoffman confided to his diary: "For the first time in
my life I have seen `History' at close quarters, and I know that its actual process is very different
from what is presented to posterity."[20] Plutarch Lied is the descriptive title of an impassioned
indictment of the French military leadership on the other side of no-man's land:
Men who yesterday seemed destined to oblivion have, today, acquired immortality. Has
some new virtue been instilled in them, has some magician touched them with his wand? . . .
Civilian historians have studied historical events from a point of view which is exclusively
military. Far from trusting to their judgment, they have not considered it respectful to
exercise their critical faculties on the facts as guaranteed by a body of specialists. An
idolatrous admiration for everything which concerns the army has conferred upon them the
favour of having eyes which do not see and memories which are oblivious of their own
experiences. . . . An incredible conspiracy exists in France at this very moment. No one dares
to write the truth.[21]
Even with the best of intentions and an impartial mind, it is difficult to reconstruct what actually
happened in history. This truth was given eloquent expression by a French pilot on a
reconnaissance flight to Arras in May 1940 as he reflected on the chaos engulfing a dying society
30,000 feet below.
Ah, the blueprint that historians will draft of all this! The angles they will plot to lend shape
to this mess! They will take the word of a cabinet minister, the decision of a general, the
discussion of a committee, and out of that parade of ghosts they will build historic
conversations in which they will discern farsighted views and weighty responsibilities. They
will invent agreements, resistances, attitudinous pleas, cowardices. . . . Historians will forget
reality. They will invent thinking men, joined by mysterious fibers to an intelligible universe,
possessed of sound far-sighted views and pondering grave decisions according to the purest
laws of Cartesian logic.[22]
Even where there can be agreement on facts, there will be disagreements among historians. "To
expect from history those final conclusions which may perhaps be obtained in other disciplines
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is . . . to misunderstand its nature." Something akin to the scientific method helps to establish
facts, but the function of the historian is also to explain, to interpret, and to discriminate, and
here "the personal element can no longer be ruled out . . . Truth, though for God it may be One,
assumes many shapes to men."[23]
This explains the oft-quoted statement of Henry Adams, the famous American historian: "I have
written too much history to believe in it. So if anyone wants to differ from me, I am prepared to
agree with him."[24] No one who does not understand something about history could possibly
know what Adams meant by this apparently cynical statement. Certainly he did not intend to
imply that history, because it lacked unerring objectivity and precision, is of no practicable use to
us. Quite the contrary. To recognize the frail structure of history is the first essential step toward
understanding, which is far more important in putting history to work than blind faith in the
validity of isolated facts. History tends to inspire more questions than answers, and the questions
one asks of it determine the extent to which the subject may be considered practicable.
What, then, can the professional soldier expect to learn from history? If it can offer no abstract
lessons to be applied indiscriminately or universally, if it cannot substantiate some cherished
principles or official doctrine, if the subject itself is liable to endless bickering and interpretation,
what is the point of looking at history at all?
Here Napoleon, whose writings and campaigns formed the basis of study for every principal
military theorist for a hundred years after his death,[25] provides a useful answer in his first
major campaign. When he assumed command of the French army in Italy in 1796, he took with
him a history of a campaign conducted in the same theater by Marshal Maillebois half a century
before, and more than one authority has noted the similarity in the two campaigns. "In both cases
the object was to separate the allies and beat them in detail; in both cases the same passes
through the maritime Alps were utilized, and in both cases the first objectives were the
same."[26] In 1806, when he sent his cavalry commander, Murat, to reconnoiter the Bohemian
frontier, he recommenced that Murat take with him a history of the campaign that the French had
waged there in 1741, and three years later Napoleon approved the location of pontoon bridges at
Linz because Marshal Saxe had successfully constructed two bridges there in 1740. In 1813 he
sent one of his marshals "an account of the battle fought by Gustavus Adolphus in positions
similar to those which you occupy."[27]
Obviously history served Napoleon not so much because it provided a model to be slavishly
followed, but because if offered ways to capitalize on what others before him had experienced.
History, Liddell Hart reminds us,
is universal experience -- infinitely longer, wider, and more varied than ally individual's
experience. How often do we hear people claim knowledge of the world and of life because
they are sixty or seventy years old?. . . There is no excuse for any literate person if he is less
than three thousand years old in mind.[28]
By this standard Patton was at least 900 years old after studying the Norman conquest of Sicily.
xxvii
Napoleon also proposed, in 1807, the establishment of a special school of history at the College
of France that would have practical application for officers. Trained historians would teach the
military student how to make sound historical judgments, for Napoleon understood that "the
correct way to read history is a real science in itself." He regarded the wars of the French
Revolution as "fertile in useful lessons," yet apparently there had been no systematic effort to
retrieve them. This too "would be an important function of the professors in the special school of
history." For similar reasons Napoleon ordered his War Minister in 1811 to have the Depot of
War prepare comprehensive records of the sieges and attacks of the fortified towns captured by
the French armies in Germany, not for publication but for ready reference. And he did not
discourage the printing of a similar volume on the sieges in Spain.[29]
Napoleon thus conceived of history as serving a purpose similar to that of the publications of the
Old Historical Division and its ultimate successor, the Center of Military History. He would have
applauded the appearance of the Guide to the Study and Uses of Military History,[30] for some
way had to be found to steer the military student through the "veritable labyrinth" of campaign
studies, technical treatises, and memoirs. Like Frederick, who viewed history as "a magazine of
military ideas,"[31] Napoleon would have been delighted with the official histories of the
campaigns of World War II, Korea, and Vietnam, and with the extensive monographs on
specialized subjects such as mobilization, logistics, and medical services.
On St. Helena Napoleon spoke of the need to publish manuscripts in the Imperial Library as a
way of establishing a solid foundation for historical studies. Probably one of the first proposals
of its kind, it anticipated by half a century the decision of the US War Department to publish in
128 meaty volumes The Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, a unique
compilation of the after-action reports and official correspondence of Union and Confederate
leaders. Napoleon also gave the first impetus to official military history when he created a
historical section of the General Staff and named Baron Jomini to head it.[32]
His most enduring suggestion, however, was the deathbed advice he offered to his son: "Let him
read and meditate upon the wars of the great captains: it is the only way to learn the art of
war."[33]
Because Napoleon occasionally mentioned certain "principles of the art of war," he is often
thought to have meant that the study of the Great Captains is valuable because it leads to the
discovery of enduring principles or illustrates their successful application in the hands of genius.
While acknowledging that these Great Captains had "succeeded only by conforming to the
principles" and thus had made war "a true science," Napoleon offered more compelling reasons
for studying the campaigns of Alexander, Hannibal, Caesar, Gustavus Adolphus, Turenne, and
Frederick:
Tactics, the evolutions, the science of the engineer and the artillerist can be learned in
treatises much like geometry, but the knowledge of the higher spheres of war is only acquired
through the study of the wars and battles of the Great Captains and by experience. It has no
precise, fixed rules. Everything depends on the character that nature has given to the general,
xxviii
on his qualities, on his faults, on the nature of the troops, on the range of weapons, on the
season and on a thousand circumstances which are never the same.
The Great Captains must therefore serve as "our great models." Only by imitating them, by
understanding the bases for their decisions, and by studying the reasons for their success could
modern officers "hope to approach them."[34]
Napoleon agreed with Frederick, who considered history "the school of princes"--princes, that is,
who are destined to command armies--and who wrote his own candid memoirs in order that his
successors might know "the true situation of affairs . . . the reasons that impelled me to act; what
were my means, what the snares of our enemies" so that they might benefit from his own
mistakes "in order to shun them." And both would have endorsed Liddell Hart's observation that
"history is a catalogue of mistakes. It is our duty to profit by them."[35]
Whereas Jomini concentrated upon maxims, Frederick and Napoleon focused their attention on
men. They stressed the need for a commander to view a military situation from the vantage point
of his opponent, and for the military student to become privy to the thinking process of
successful commanders. This was the advice Prince Eugene, Marlborough's sidekick and the
greatest commander who ever served the Hapsburgs, gave to young Frederick when, as the heir
to the Prussian throne, Frederick accompanied the Prussian contingent serving with the Imperial
Army along the Rhine in 1734. After he had become the foremost general of his day, Frederick
urged his own officers, when studying the campaigns of Prince Eugene, not to be content merely
to memorize the details of his exploits but "to examine thoroughly his overall views and
particularly to learn how to think in the same way."[36]
This is still the best way to make military history practicable. "The purpose of history," Patton
wrote shortly before his death,
is to learn how human beings react when exposed to the danger of wounds or death, and how
high ranking individuals react when submitted to the onerous responsibility of conducting
war or the preparations for war. The acquisition of knowledge concerning the dates or places
on which certain events transpired is immaterial . . .[37]
The future Field Marshal Earl Wavell gave similar advice to a class at the British Staff College
shortly before World War II:
The real way to get value out of the study of military history is to take particular situations,
and as far as possible get inside the skin of the man who made a decision and then see in
what way you could have improved upon it. "For heaven's sake," Wavell warned, don't treat
the so-called principles of war as holy writ, like the Ten Commandments, to be learned by
heart, and as having by their repetition some magic, like the incantations of savage priests.
They are merely a set of common sense maxims, like `cut your coat according to your cloth.'
`a rolling stone gathers no moss,' `honesty is the best policy,' and so forth.
Merely to memorize the maxim "cut your coat according to your cloth" does not instruct one
how to be a tailor, and Wavell reminded his listeners that no two theorists espoused exactly the
xxix
same set of principles, which, he contended, "are all simply common sense and . . . instinctive to
the properly trained soldier."
To learn that Napoleon in 1796 and 20,000 men beat combined forces of 30,000 by
something called ‘economy of force’ or ‘operating on interior lines’ is a mere waste of time.
If you can understand how a young, unknown man inspired a half-starved, ragged, rather
Bolshie crowd; how he filled their bellies, how he out-marched, out-witted, out-bluffed, and
defeated men who had studied war all their lives and waged it according to the text books of
the time, you will have learnt something worth knowing.
Sometimes military history is treated, in books and lectures alike, as though it exists primarily
for the future field commander. Frederick might have assumed something of the sort in his own
writings, but he wrote more about such practical subjects as feeding and drilling an army, the
gathering and evaluation of intelligence, and how to treat friendly and hostile populations than he
did about strategy. Likewise, Napoleon was concerned about military education at every level,
and his advice to his son on studying the decisions of the Great Captains should not obscure the
fact that he believed strongly in military history in his officers' schools and also as a practical
subject for research.
History can be made practicable at any level. The future field marshal Erwin Rommel did not
have future corps commanders necessarily in mind when he wrote Infantry Attacks in 1937. His
lessons, deduced from the experiences of his battalion in World War I, could indeed have been of
value to any company or field grade officer. For example, describing the events he witnessed in
September 1914, Rommel concluded:
War makes extremely heavy demands on the soldiers strength and nerves. For this reason
make heavy demands on your men in peacetime exercises.
All units of the group must provide for their own security. This is especially true in close
terrain and when faced with a highly mobile enemy.
Too much spade work is better than too little. Sweat saves blood.
Command posts must be dispersed . . . . Do not choose a conspicuous hill for their location.
In forest lighting, the personal example of the commander is effective only on those troops in
his immediate vicinity.
xxx
Rommel drew his own conclusions from his experiences, but a discriminating reader could
probably have extracted them for himself.
These observations were not lost on Patton, who probably shared similar experiences and had
been involved in training troops. During the Saar campaign in early 1945, Patton confided to his
diary:
Woke up at 0300 and it was raining like hell. I actually got nervous and got up and read
Rommel's book, Infantry Attacks. It was most helpful, as he described all the rains he had in
September 1914 and also the fact that, in spite of the heavy rains, the Germans got
along.[40]
Another book of this genre is Infantry in Battle, which was prepared at the Infantry School in
1934 under the direction of then Colonel George C. Marshall and revised four years later.
Written on the assumption that "combat situations cannot be solved by rule," contributors to this
book fell back upon numerous examples from World War I to introduce the reader to "the
realities of war and the extremely difficult and highly disconcerting conditions under which
tactical problems must be solved in the face of the enemy."[41]
Military history has also been used to test the ability of military students. In 1891 a British
colonel published a tactical study of the battle of Spicheren, fought 20 years earlier. In the
introduction he explained:
To gain from a relation of events the same abiding impressions as were stamped on the minds
of those who played a part in them--and it is such impressions that create instinct--it is
necessary to examine the situations developed during the operations so closely as to have a
clear picture of the whole scene in our minds eye; to assume, in imagination, the
responsibilities of the leaders who were called upon to meet those situations; to come to a
definite decision and to test the soundness of that decision by the actual event.[42]
What Frederick, Napoleon, Rommel, Patton, Wavell, and many others referred to here have
shared in common can be summed in one word: reading. An English general in the 18th century
urged young officers to devote every spare minute to reading military history, "the most
instructive of all reading."[43]
"Books!" an anonymous old soldier during the Napoleonic wars pretended to snort. "And what
are they but the dreams of pedants? They may make a Mack, but have they ever made a
Xenophon, a Caesar, a Saxe, a Frederick, or a Bonapart? Who would not laugh to hear the
cobbler of Athens lecturing Hannibal on the art of war?"
"True," is his own rejoinder, "but as you are not Hannibal, listen to the cobbler."[44]
xxxi
Since the great majority of today's officers are college graduates, with a healthy percentage of
them having studied for advanced degrees, they have probably long since passed the stage at
which they can actually benefit from a conventional lecture on history, with the emphasis on
factual content and the expectation of a clear conclusion. The leading question therefore
becomes: How do we teach them to learn from history? J. F. C. Fuller, coauthor of the concept
that later became known as blitzkrieg, had this problem in mind when he addressed a class at the
British Staff College a few years after World War I. "Until you learn how to teach yourselves,"
he told the students, "you will never be taunt by others."[45]
Fuller did not specify how this was to be accomplished, but he probably would insist that to
teach the officer how to teach himself should be avowed objective of every course in military
history. Certainly he would agree that no course in military history can really do much good if
the officer is exposed every half dozen years throughout his career to no more than a structured
course of only a few months' duration, especially if in the process he has gained little
understanding of history as a discipline or a scant appreciation for how it can be used and
abused. Assuredly such a voracious reader as Fuller--who at age 83 confessed to having recently
sold off all of the books in his library that he could not read within the next 10 years--would
argue that there would be no point to any history course whatever if the student is not stimulated
to spend some time afterwards poking around the field a bit on his own. "Books," Fuller once
wrote, "have always been my truest companions."[46]
Any student of history must learn to identify with the men and events he reads about, seeking
above all to understand their problems and to accept the past on its own terms. The student must
also learn to ask questions, not of the instructor necessarily, but of his material and especially of
himself. Historians usually worry more about asking the right questions than finding definitive
answers, for they know from experience that no document or book can answer a question that is
never asked. Had Patton read Rommel's book when the sun was shining, for example, and all
was going well, chances are he would never have paid any attention to the casual observation
that rain seemed to favor the attack. Cannae was an important battle to Schlieffen because the
double envelopment achieved by Hannibal suggested a method by which a battle of annihilation
might be fought in a war against France and Russia. But to Colonel Ardant du Picq, the foremost
French military theorist of the 1860s, Hannibal was a great general for a quite different reason--
"his admirable comprehension of the morale of combat, of the morale of the soldier."[47] The
two men were searching for solutions to different kinds of problems, and in reading about
Cannae each responded to his individual interests.
In the old Army, when there was enough leisure time for reading, riding, or a regular game of
golf, it was probably understood that the burden of learning from military history must rest
primarily upon the individual officer. The annual historical ride to the Civil War battlefields--
which had been preserved by Act of Congress "for historical and professional military
study"[48]--directly involved students from the Army War College in the unending dialogue
between past and present. Students were frequently asked on location how they would have
handled some problem in tactics or command and control that had confronted a commander
during battle. "It is not desirable to have the question answered," the instructions specified.
"Some will know the answer, but all who do not will ask themselves the question."[49]
xxxii
This is the only way to learn from history. The textbook or the instructor can organize
information, but only the student can put it to work. "Mere swallowing of either food or
opinions," Fuller reminds us, "does not of necessity carry with it digestion, and without digestion
swallowing is but labour lost and food wasted."[50]
Today there is a shortage of both "labour and food," as other budgetary priorities and manpower
shortages have forced severe cutbacks in history courses throughout the Army.
But in a sense this blinds us to the real problem, for it does not necessarily follow that more
money and instructors must be the solution. A formal course in military history, however
desirable, is not the only way and may, in fact, not be the best way to teach students how to teach
themselves history, which is the goal. George C. Marshall, as future Chief of Staff, regarded his
two years at the Army Staff College is 1906-08 as having been "immensely instructive," but not
because of the quality of the courses there. "The association with the officers . . . the reading we
did and the discussion . . . had a tremendous effect. . . . I learned little I could use," Marshall
wrote, but "I learned how to learn. . . . My habits of thought were being trained."[51]
Marshall's words touch upon the essence of practicability. Military history may be of
indeterminate value for the immediate future (if World War III were to be fought next week, for
example), but among the captains in the career courses today are the Army's top administrators
and leaders of tomorrow, and not all graduates of the war colleges in June will retire in the next
six or eight years. Those that remain are bound to benefit from anything that can heighten their
understanding of society, of other armies, of the political process, of leadership, of the nature of
war, of the evolution of doctrine, and of a dozen similar areas of human activity in which history,
pursued by an intelligent and inquisitive reader, can still be strikingly practicable to the modern
soldier.
To any set of military maxims, whatever their origin, perhaps the following literary maxims
should be added:[52]
The history that lies inert in unread books does no work in the world.
A book is like a mirror. If an ass looks in, no prophet can peer out.
Notes
1. As quoted in Martin Blumenson, The Patton Papers, Vol. II: 1940-1945 (Boston: Houghton
Mifflin, 1974), p. 283.
2. Harry S. Truman, Memoirs, Vol. I: Years of Decision (Garden City NY: Doubleday, 1955),
p. 119.
xxxiii
3. Pieter Geyl, Napoleon For and Against (New Haven: Yale Univ. Press, 1963), p. 15.
4. As quoted in Prince Kraft zu Hohenlohe-lngelfingen, Letters on Artillery, 2d Ed. (London:
Edward Stanford, 1890), p. 108.
5. Memoirs of the History of France during the reign of Napoleon, dictated by the Emperor at
Saint Helena . . . (7 Vols.; London: Henry Colburn and Company, 1828), VI, 18-27; Ernest
Picard, Preceptes et jugements de Napoleon (Paris: Berger-Leurault, 1913), pp. 405-06.
6. Frederick the Great on the Art of War, Ed. and Trans. by Jay Luvaas (New York: The Free
Press, 1966), pp. 77-78.
7. Lothar Rendulic, "Mistakes in Deducing War Experiences," Historical Division, European
Command, 10 October 1951. Italics added.
8. Herman Melville, as quoted in John Bartlett, Familiar Quotations, 14th Ed. (Boston: Little,
Brown, 1968), p. 698.
9. Wavell to Liddell Hart, 15 March 1934, Liddell Hart Papers, States House, Medmenham,
England.
10. Karl von Clausewitz, On War, Ed. and Trans by Michael Howard and Peter Paret (Princeton:
Princeton Univ. Press, 1976), pp. 170, 172-73.
11. Baron de Jomini, Summary of the Art of War . . . (New York: Greenwood Press, 1954), p.
329.
12. The quote from Napoleon is found in his "Observations on a plan to establish a special
school of literature and history at the College of France," 19 April 1807, Correspondance de
Napoleon Ier (32 Vols.; Paris: Imprimerie Imperiale, 1858-70), XV, 107-10.
13. Clausewitz, On War, pp. 171-72.
14. See Jay Luvaas, Military Legacy of the Civil War (Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press, 1959),
pp. 119-69 passim.
15. See Alfred Vagts, A History of Militarism Rev. Ed. (New York: Meridian Books, 1959), p.
26; A. L. Conger's remarks in "Proceedings of the Conference on Military History," Annual
Report of the American Historical Association for the year 1912 (Washington: GPO, 1914),
pp. 162-74.
16. As quoted in J. Christopher Herold, The Mind of Napoleon (New York: Columbia Univ.
Press, 1955), p. 50.
17. Ibid.
18. Frank L. Byrne and Andrew T. Weaver, Eds., Haskell of Gettysburg (Madison: State
Historical Society of Wisconsin, 1970), pp. 200-01.
19. Ian Hamilton, A Staff Officer's Scrap-Book during the Russo-Japanese War (2 Vols; London:
E. Arnold, 1906), I, v.
20. B. H. Liddell Hart, Through the Fog of War (London: Faber and Faber, 1938), p. 227.
21. Jean de Peirrefeu, Plutarch Lied (New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1924), pp. 10, 23.
22. Antoine de Saint-Exupery, Flight to Arras (New York: Reynal & Hitchcock, 1942), pp. 133-
35.
23. Geyl, pp. 15-16.
24. As quoted in B. H. Liddell Hart, Why Don't We Learn From History (London: George Allen
& Unwin, 1946), p. 10.
25. Our basic principles of war first appeared in their modern form in the early writings of J. F.
C. Fuller, who in turn had deduced them from his reading of the printed Correspondance of
Napoleon. J. F. C. Fuller, The Foundations of the Science of War (London: Hutchinson &
Co., n.d.), pp. 13-14.
xxxiv
26. J. Holland Rose, The Personality of Napoleon (New York: G. P. Putnam's Sons, 1912), pp.
95-97.
27. Camon, Pour Apprendre l'art de 1a Guerre (Paris: Berger-Leurault, n.d.), p. 4.
28. Liddell Hart, Why Don't We Learn from History, pp. 7-8.
29. Napoleon, Correspondance, XV, 107-10, XXI, 378-79.
30. John E. Jessup, Jr., and Robert W. Coakley, Eds., A Guide to the Study and Use of Military
History (Washington: US Army, Center of Military History, 1979).
31. Frederick, The History of the Seven Years War (2 Vols.; London: G. G. J. and J. Robinson,
1789), I, xii.
32. Rose, p. 244; S. J. Watson, By Command of the Emperor: A Life of Marshal Berthier
(London: The Bodley Head, 1957), p. 185. Napoleon may in fact have been the first to distort
the official history of a campaign by applying pressure on the historian to twist his narrative
to suit his own ends. See General Camon, Genie et Metier chez Napoleon (Paris: Berger-
Leurault, 1930), pp. 33-44 passim.
33. HeroId, pp. 255-56.
34. Napoleon, Correspondance, XXXI, 365.
35. Frederick, The History of My Own Times (London: G. G. J. and J. Robinson, 1789), ix:
Liddell Hart, Thoughts on War (London: Faber and Faber, 1944), p. 138.
36. Frederick the Great on the Art of War, p. 50. Italics added.
37. Blumenson, II, 750.
38. As quoted in John Connell, Wavell: Scholar and Soldier (2 Vols.; London: Collins, 1964), I,
161.
39. Field Marshal Erwin Rommel, Attacks (Vienna, Va.: Athena Press, 1979), pp. 16-60 passim.
40. Blumenson, II, 571. Italics added.
41. US Army, Infantry in Battle (Washington: US Army, 1939), introduction.
42. G. F. R. Henderson, The Battle of Spicheren. . . , 2d Ed. (London: Gale & Polden, 1909), pp.
vi-vii.
43. A Series of Letters recently written by a General Officer to his Son, on his entering the Army.
. ., 1st American Ed. (Salem: Cushing and Appleton, n.d.), I, v.
44. Hints to Young Generals, by an old soldier (John Armstrong) (Kingston: J. Buel, 1812), pp. 7-8.
45. J. F. C. Fuller, Memoirs of an Unconventional Soldier (London: Ivor Nicholson and Watson,
1936). pp. 417-18.
46. J. F. C. Fuller, The Last of the Gentlemen's Wars. . . . (London: Faber and Faber, 1937), p.
112. In 1961, Fuller told the writer that he was unloading the books he could not hope to read
during the next 10 years.
47. Ardant du Picq, Battle Studies. Ancient and Modern Battle (Harrisburg: Military Service
Publishing Co., 1947), p. 68.
48. Ronald F. Lee, The Origin and Evolution of the National Military Park Idea (Washington:
Office of Park Historic Preservation, 1973), pp. 33-35.
49. US Army War College, "Memorandum: Instructions for students designated to be present on
Historical Ride," Fort Humphreys DC, 4 May 1937.
50. Fuller, Memoirs of an Unconventional Soldier, p. 417.
51. Quoted in Forrest C. Pogue, George C. Marshall: Ordeal and Hope 1939-1942 (New York:
Viking Press, 1966), p. 101.
52. The "maxims" quoted come from Clark Becker, Lord Lytton, Ralph Waldo Emerson, and
Georg Lichtenberg.
xxxv
FUNDAMENTAL CONCEPTS:
HISTORY OF THE MILITARY ART
Excerpts are reprinted with permission from the Department of the Army, United States Military Academy, West
Point, NY 10996-1793 (from History of the Military Art, H1301, Public Domain).
This is by no means a comprehensive list. Instructors may add a concept here or there. As an
officer, the graduate will encounter many more than these ideas as well as different definitions of
each. The purpose here is to provide each midshipman with a solid foundation upon which to
build his post-graduate professional development. These ideas are consistent with joint doctrine.
By the end of the course, each midshipman must be able to define each of these terms and to
demonstrate his/her understanding of it with historical examples. Additionally, he/she will be
expected to have mastered them, that is, to use them readily and in combination, verbally and in
writing, to critically analyze military events.
2. Threads of Continuity. The study of military history reveals the art of war as an ever-
changing phenomenon. Each war is different in some way from those preceding it. Sometimes
the changes have been evolutionary; other times, they have been revolutionary. Military leaders
must adapt to these changes, often under the pressure of battle. Failure to recognize the impact
of these changes, often because reliance upon ideas and concepts that proved successful in the
past, has resulted in defeat. On the other hand, we see historical examples of leaders who have
accurately judged the impact of these changes, reacted accordingly, and emerged victorious. In
the hope of joining the latter group, we study the process of change in military history.
Although the art of war has changed from age to age, we are able to distinguish several factors in
different ages, in different societies, and in different armies, the changes that have occurred
which stand out more clearly and can be better understood. These factors that provide a common
reference for the study of the changes in the art of war are called threads of continuity. These
factors fall into two groups: the internal threads, which are predominantly or exclusively a part
of the military profession; and the external threads, which are part of a greater social milieu in
which the military exists.
a. Internal Threads: The threads of continuity that are entirely or almost entirely a part of
the military profession are: military professionalism, tactics, operations, strategy, logistics and
administration, generalship, and military theory and doctrine.
xxxvi
public service as its prime purpose. Military professionalism as a thread of continuity, then, is
the conduct of war. Attitude thus distinguishes the “professional” members of the military from
those who are not professionals. Those who are seeking to create or striving to perfect the
profession of arms are military professionals. Those who practice or think about the conduct of
war solely for personal glory or material gain are not military professionals.
(2) Tactics. The second thread of continuity that is strictly part of the military
profession is tactics. Tactics are the specific techniques smaller units use to win battles and
engagements. This includes activity out of enemy contact that is intended to directly and
immediately affect such battles and engagements. The word tactics is derived from the Greek
taktos, which means ordered, or arranged; modern usages restrict the word to ordered
arrangement, to include the positioning of supporting weapons, that facilitates the defeat of a
rival in battle. In the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, “tactics” was further refined by
the adjectives “grand” and “minor”. Grand tactics were the tactics of large organizations, and
minor tactics were the tactics of small organizations or of organizations consisting entirely of one
arm (infantry, cavalry, or artillery). Grand tactics are now included in the operational level of
warfare.
(3) Operations. The third thread of continuity, operations, is also strictly part of the
military profession. Operations involves the planning and conduct of campaigns designed to
defeat an enemy in a specific space and time with simultaneous and sequential battles. While
this thread of continuity can be used to analyze even the earliest campaigns, its origins as a
separate field of study date only from the era of Napoleon. The two theorists who are most
famous for their analysis of Napoleon’s success, Karl von Clauswitz and Henri Jomini, both
discerned the difference between Napoleon’s conduct of the battle and the actions that preceded
and followed it. They believed these techniques differed enough from the conduct of the battle
to merit separate study.
By the beginning of the 20th century most military writers accepted this distinction, although
they differed on terms and limits. “Grand tactics” and “military strategy” have both been used in
the past to describe what is now termed “operations.” The Prussians and later the German Army
made the most systematic studies of the subject, while it is a relatively new concept in the
American army. FM 100-5 Operations had identified “operations” as the link between strategy
and tactics which governs the way campaigns are planned and conducted. As a result, operations
is concerned with using available military resources to attain the objectives in a specific theater
of war. Therefore, operations seeks to attain the objectives of strategy while at the same time
addressing the way in which campaigns are planned and pursued in a theater.
(4) Strategy. The fourth internal thread of continuity, strategy, no longer belongs
entirely to the military profession, for today’s military leaders generally work closely with
government officials in the field of strategy. “Strategy” is derived from the Greek strategos,
which means the art of skill of the general, and this definition remains useful in understanding
modern definitions of the term. Until late in the 18th and early in the 19th centuries, the specific
tasks of generals differed little from the tasks of subordinate commanders or from the tasks of
politicians, and no specific term was used to describe the art or the skill of the generals. Political
and military leadership of a group was often vested in the same individual, and the resources of
xxxvii
small unit leaders on the battlefield differed little from the resources of the general in overall
command.
By the late 18th century the existence of a resource available to higher leaders was recognized
and given the “stratagem”: a ruse or a trick that gives and advantage to one side in battle or in
war. By the early 19th century, “strategy” referred to the use of resources or the particular tasks
of war that were peculiar to the high-ranking officer. It was defined as the preparation for war
that took place on the map or the use of battles to win campaigns. Since the modern appearance
of the term, however, no precise definition has approached universal acceptance. Yet the term
continues to be widely used, and it finds itself among the vital concepts used to examine and
describe the evolution of the profession of arms. The following definition attempts to facilitate
the student’s quest; the student should also be aware that many other thoughtful definitions exist.
Strategy is the long-range plans and policies for distributing and applying resources to achieve
specific objectives. Strategy allows the achieving of adopted goals. But because conditions in
war and peace are constantly changing, strategy must be modified as it is being executed, and at
times even the goals of strategy must be altered.
Strategy, like tactics, can be further refined by restricting modifiers. For example, grand strategy
is the strategy of a nation or of an alliance. The goal of grand strategy is the attainment of the
political objective of a war.
Grand strategy is formulated by heads of state and their principal political and military advisors.
Grand strategy is more accurately called national strategy if the goals of a single nation are being
sought. A third refinement or level of strategy is military strategy, which is a strategy where the
means and resources are those of the armed forces of a nation and where the goal of strategy is
the securing of objectives consistent with national policy through the application of force or the
threat of force. Military strategy can be formulated by military commanders at all levels, but
commanders below general officer rank are rarely involved in strategy that affects national
policy. A fourth level of strategy is campaign strategy, which is the strategy of a commander of
a force of considerable size that is acting independently. Its immediate goals are generally the
occupation of territory or the defeat of all or a significant part of the enemy armed forces; its
long-term goal remains to support political goals.
(5) Logistics and Administration. The fifth thread of continuity, logistics and
administration, is much likely strategy, in the sense that even though most of its functions are
wholly a part of the profession of arms, many functions are dependent upon and interact closely
with civilian-controlled activities. In addition to this similarity with strategy, logistics and
administration are closely involved with strategy, for logistics and administration provide many
of the resources that strategy puts to work. Logistics is the providing, movement and
maintenance of all services and resources necessary to sustain military forces. Administration is
the management of all services and resources necessary to sustain military forces.
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laundry, libraries, and recreation. Since administration applies to the management of men,
material and services, it is intimately associated with logistics.
(6) Military Theory and Doctrine. The sixth internal thread of continuity, military
theory and doctrine, is almost wholly a part of the profession of arms, but since it is involved
with external factors, it too has some application to areas outside the military. Military theory is
the body of ideas that concern war, especially the organization and training for and the conduct
of war. Doctrine is the authoritative fundamental principles by which military forces guide their
actions in support of objectives. Those men whose thoughts about war have influenced
considerable numbers of soldiers are know as military theorists. Doctrine in modern armies is
generally disseminated through manuals, regulations, circulars, and handbooks that prescribe
standardized procedures and organizations. After examination and acceptance by highly
experienced professionals, theory becomes doctrine, with a reasonable assurance of positive
results. Doctrine does not, however, alleviate the requirement for sound judgment, for the
solutions to every critical decision cannot be found in doctrine.
(7) Generalship. The final thread of continuity that is wholly or largely a part of the
profession of arms is generalship, which is defined as exercising the qualities and attributes
necessary to command major units. Generalship is closely involved with each of the threads of
continuity discussed above. It involves strategy, that is, an ability to use all means and resources
available to achieve an assigned goal. It involves tactics – the formation and control of ordered
arrangements of troops when training for the clash of arms or when the clash of arms is
imminent or underway. It involves logistics – that is, a concern for services and material and
administration, the ability to control and manage all the resources available to a senior
commander. And it involves military theory and doctrine – the formulation of new ideas about
war, their evolution, and acceptance or rejection. Generalship also connotes a deep
understanding of the conduct, aims and qualities of members of the military profession.
Generalship involves leadership at the highest levels of command and represents a deep
understanding of the value of moral and espirit to the profession.
(1) Political Factors. Those ideas and actions of governments or organized groups
that affect the activities of whole societies are political factors. They shape warfare, determine
the composition and strength of military organizations, and often establish the goals and policies
for which wars have been fought. Until the middle of the 19th century, the political chiefs, or
heads of state or government, were usually the commanders of the military as well. Alexander,
Caesar, Gustavus Adolphus, Frederick the Great, and Napoleon are prime examples. In such
cases, political policy and military goals were nearly synonymous. However, in democratic
societies of more recent vintage, such as Great Britain since the 17th century and the United
States since its founding, political policies often have been quite removed from military
capabilities and goals. Regardless of the conditions, political factors maintain a major influence
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upon the military profession. In modern democratic societies, political factors have a double
meaning: at one level, they involve the activities of the military profession that influence
legislation and administrative decisions regarding national security; at another lever, they involve
the consequences of military actions on the international balance of power and the behavior of
foreign states. The two levels are closely related, and in spite of the many differences between
military leaders and civilian politicians, political factors themselves remain closely intertwined
with the military profession.
(2) Social Factors. The activities or ideas emanating from human groups and group
relationships that affect warfare are social factors. These factors involve such diverse concepts
as popular attitudes, the role of religious institutions, level of education, roles of educational
institutions, psychological warfare, reactions to and roles of mass media, interracial and minority
rights questions, combat psychology, standards of morality and justice, and ultimately the will of
a people to resist. In total war social factors are objectives that can be as important as terrain
objectives or the destruction of the military forces in the field.
(3) Economic Factors. Those activities and ideas that involve the production,
distribution, and consumption of the material resources of the state are economic factors.
Different types of economies (for example: capitalist, communist, laissez-faire, industrial,
agrarian, commercial, subsistence, or common market) affect warfare differently. Economic
war, which takes such forms as blockade or boycott, is a part of total war, but it can also occur
when war as a general condition does not exist.
The interrelation of political, economic and social factors is generally complex, especially in
modern societies, and the detailed study of one alone is often impossible. Together, these factors
provide the foundations of national power.
(4) Technology. Political, social, and economic factors provide the foundations of
power, and technology often provides the limits to power. Technology is the using of knowledge
to create or improve upon practical objects or methods. Within the military profession,
technology leads to progressive advancement in such important areas as transportation,
weaponry, communications, construction, food production, metallurgy, and medicine.
Technology has an undeniable influence on strategy, tactics, logistics, military theory and
doctrine and generalship; when a group’s technology is superior to its adversary’s, it greatly
enhances the probability of success in military endeavors.
The 11 threads of continuity discussed above do not provide an infallible means for learning
about every aspect of the military past. Rather they offer a conceptual framework that seeks to
provide a means to reconstruct at least the general outline of the tapestry of the military past.
The full meaning and magnitude of that tapestry can be appreciated only after long study or long
years of service and significant contribution to the profession of arms.
a. OBJECTIVE: Direct every military operation towards a clearly defined, decisive and
attainable objective.
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b. OFFENSIVE: Seize, retain and exploit the initiative.
f. UNITY OF COMMAND: For every objective, ensure unity of effort under one
responsible commander.
i. SIMPLICITY: Prepare clear, uncomplicated plans and clear, concise orders to ensure
thorough understanding.
4. Levels of War. War is a national undertaking which must be coordinated from the highest
levels of policy making to the basic levels of execution. Strategic, operational, and tactical levels
are the broad divisions of activity in preparing for and conducting war. While the Principles of
War are appropriate to all levels, applying them involves a different perspective for each.
a. The Strategic Level of Warfare. The level of war at which a nation or group of nations
determines national or alliance security objectives. Activities at this level establish national and
alliance military objective; sequence initiatives; define limits and assess risks for the use of
military and other instruments or power; develop global or theater war plans to achieve those
objectives; and provide armed forces and other capabilities in accordance with the strategic plan.
(JCS Pub 1-02)
The strategic perspective is worldwide and long-range. The strategic planner deals with
resources, capabilities, limitations, and force postures. He sets broad priorities for allocation of
resources and time frames for accomplishment. Working within a broad perspective of forces
and capabilities, strategy concerns itself with strategic mobility, mobilization, civil defense,
forward force deployments, nuclear deterrence, rapid reinforcements and rapid deployment.
Cooperation among the services and allied nations to produce a unity of effort is of vital concern
in the strategic arena. Strategic planning is not a military function only. It is formulated by input
from the Joint Chiefs of Staff, The National Security Council, members of Congress, and
selected advisors to the President.
b. The Operational Level of Warfare. The level of war at which campaigns and major
operations are planned, conducted, and sustained to accomplish strategic objectives within
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theaters or areas of operations. Activities at this level link tactics and strategy by establishing
operational objectives, initiating actions, and applying resources to bring about and sustain these
events. These activities imply a broader dimension of time or space than do tactics; they insure
the logistic and administrative support to tactical forces, and provide the means by which tactical
successes are exploited to achieve strategic objectives. (JCS Pub 1-02)
The operational art of war is primarily the planning and conduct of campaigns and practiced by
large field, air, and fleet unity of the services. It involves joint, combined, and coalition forces
that maneuver with the objective of defeating the enemy and achieving strategic objectives
within a theater of operations, rather than a specific battlefield.
Operations take the form of large-scale maneuvers such as penetrations, envelopments, double
envelopments, frontal attacks, naval blockades, air interdiction, turning movements, feints,
amphibious landings, and airborne assaults. At the operational level, maneuver may be
sometimes entirely movement.
c. The Tactical Level of Warfare. The level of war at which battles and engagements are
planned and executed to accomplish military objectives assigned to tactical units and task forces.
Activities at this level focus on the ordered arrangement and maneuver of combat elements in
relation to each other and to the enemy to achieve combat objectives. (JCS Pub 1-02)
The objective of the tactical level of war is the detailed destruction of enemy forces or thwarting
directly the enemy intentions. Tactics consists of the employment of division size and smaller
units in weapons engagements and battles with the enemy. Close support, interdiction,
destroying equipment, disrupting facilities, reconnaissance and surveillance, killing or capturing
personnel, positioning and displacement of weapons systems, and supply and support are tactical
activities.
Maneuver at the tactical level is nearly always a combination of movement and supporting fires.
These two functions are tightly integrated instead of being somewhat discrete as they may
frequently be at the operational level. Movement, instead of resulting from opportunities for
positional advantage, is usually an effort to position forces to concentrate fires on the enemy or
to escape enemy fires.
Tactical unit commanders depend on their higher operational level commander to move them
effectively into and out of battles and engagements. Success or failure at the tactical level, when
viewed as a whole by the operational-level commander, are the basis for a wider scheme of
maneuver. Small unit actions stimulate the operational-level commander’s anticipation for result
in victory. The perspective of the tactical commander is somewhat more subjective – his
concern is destruction of the enemy forces in his zone of action and his own force’s survival. He
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must concentrate on executing his portion of the overall mission effectively, at the same time
visualizing the overall operational-level perspective.
d. Schematic
(1) Grand Strategy. A coalition’s long-range plans and policies for using military
and other resources of each member to achieve specific, shared objectives.
(2) National Security. The art and science of development and using the political,
economic, and psychological powers of a nation or alliance, together with its armed forces,
during peace and war, to secure national or alliance objectives.
(3) Military Strategy. The art and science of employing the armed forces of a nation
or alliance to secure policy objectives by the application or threat of force.
(4) Campaign Strategy. A military commander’s long-range plans and policies for
using the resources available to him to achieve specific, assigned objectives in a given space and
time.
(6) Tactics. The employment of units in combat or the ordered arrangement and
maneuver of units in relation to each other and/or to the enemy in order to utilize their full
potentialities.
5. Forms of Strategy
a. EXHAUSTION – A strategy which seeks the gradual erosion of an enemy nation’s will
or means to resist.
b. ATTRITION – A strategy which seeks the gradual erosion of the combat power of the
enemy’s armed forces.
a. Categories of Operations
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(1) OFFENSIVE. Operations designed to achieve one’s purpose by attacking the
enemy.
(4) COMBINED. Military operations involving the armed services of more than one
allied nation.
b. Operational Design
(1) Center of Gravity: This concept derives from the idea that an armed combatant,
whether a warring nation or an alliance, an army in the field, or one of its subordinate
formations, is a complex organism whose effective operation depends not merely on the
performance of each of its component parts, but also on the smoothness with which these
components interact and the will of the commander. As with any complex organism, some of the
components are more vital than others to the smooth and reliable operations of the whole. If
these are damaged or destroyed, their loss unbalances the entire structure, producing a cascading
deterioration in cohesion and effectiveness which may result in complete failure, and which will
invariably leave the force vulnerable to further damage. Clausewitz defined the idea as “the hub
of all power and movement, on which everything depends.” (FM 100-5)
(2) Line of Operation: The directional orientation of a force in relation to the enemy.
Lines of operation connect the force with its base of operation on the one hand and its
operational objective on the other. Normally a campaign or major operation will have a single
line of operation, although multiple lines of operation in a single campaign are not uncommon.
Classical theory makes special note of the relationship between opposing lines of operations. A
force is said to be operating on interior lines when its operations diverge from a central point and
when it is therefore closer to separate enemy forces than the latter are to each other. Interior
lines benefit a weaker force by allowing it to shift the main effort laterally more rapidly than the
enemy, or due to the successful conduct of the defense.
(3) Culminating Point: That point in any offensive operation where the strength of
the attacker no longer significantly exceeds that of the defender, and beyond which continued
offensive operations risk overextension, counterattack, and defeat. In operational theory, this
point is called the culminating point. The art of attack at all levels is to achieve decisive
objectives before the culminating point is reached. Conversely, the art of defense is to hasten the
offensive when it arrives. Culminating points may occur because movement of supplies cannot
keep pace with the attack or because lines of communication are under attack by partisans or
other forces such as airborne or air mobile units capable of attacking rear area assets.
c. Forms of Maneuver. (FM 100-5, pp. 101-106). For map references, see pamphlet from
Avery Publishing Group -- the West Point Military History series.
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(1) FRONTAL ATTACK – An offensive action that strikes the enemy across a
broad front and over the most direct approaches. Pickett’s Charge, depicted on Map 37b of the
Civil War Atlas, is an example of a frontal attack.
(5) INFILTRATION – The covert movement of all or part of the attacking force
through enemy lines to a favorable position in their rear.
(2) HASTY ATTACK – A planned offensive action made without pause in the
forward momentum of the force upon initial contact with the enemy. A hasty attack was
conducted by Henry Heth’s division against Union infantry and cavalry situated west of
Gettysburg on 1 July 1863. It is described on pages 156-157 of the Civil War text and depicted
on Map 35a of the accompanying atlas.
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(5) PURSUIT – An offensive action the purpose of which is to intercept and
annihilate a retreating enemy which has lost its ability to react effectively. The actions of the
Grand Armee following the Battle of Jena, shown on Map 32 of the Napoleonic Atlas, are
excellent examples.
(2) AREA DEFENSE – A defense which is conducted to deny the enemy access to
specific terrain for a specified time. The fortifications at West Point are representative of an area
defense. Their mission: do not allow the west point of the Hudson River to fall into British
hands.
(1) DELAY – A retrograde operation whose purpose is to gain time for friendly
forces to reestablish the defense, cover a defending or withdrawing unit, protect a friendly unit’s
flank, or to participate in an economy of force effort. The 1st Cavalry Division and the I Corps
of the Army of the Potomac fought a delay on the hills west of Gettysburg on the morning of 1
July 1863. It is shown on Maps 35a and 35b of the Civil War Atlas.
(3) RETIREMENT – A rearward movement away from the enemy by a force not in
contact. The actions of the Russian Army prior to the Battle of Austerlitz, described in The Wars
of Napoleon, pp. 49-50, and on Map 20 of the Napoleonic Atlas, constitute a retirement.
(4) RETREAT – Though it is not officially recognized by U.S. Army doctrine, the
term “retreat” is often used generically in literature to describe any movement of a unit away
from the enemy. The term generally implies that the movement is forced by the enemy and is
often characterized by a high degree of disorder.
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(2) SUPPORTING ATTACK – An offensive action, separate from the main attack,
intended by the commander to facilitate the success of the main attack. Common purposes of a
supporting attack can include deception, fixing the enemy in position, and seizing key terrain.
Lannes’ corps conducted the supporting attack at Austerlitz (Map 22).
7. Terms
e. INTELLIGENCE – The product resulting from the collection, evaluation and analysis
of all available information about opposing forces or nations.
f. INTERIOR LINES – The ability to reinforce one’s separated units faster than one’s
opponent, due to central position, superior mobility or both, relative to the enemy. Robert E. Lee
utilized interior lines at the tactical level in his conduct of the Battle of Antietam, depicted on
Map 14 of the Civil War Atlas.
h. LINES OF COMMUNICATION – The land, sea and/or air routes that connect a
military force with its base of operations and along which logistical support is provided.
i. LOGISTICS – The provision, movement and maintenance of all services and resources
necessary to sustain military forces.
xlvii
by the government (or alliance) at a national level in pursuit of national objectives.
xlviii
“HOW TO GET THE MOST OUT OF A SEMINAR FORMAT”
by
Dr. Bradley J. Meyer
The seminar discussion is one of the most powerful teaching tools available. It has a
number of advantages. First, discussion is an active rather than a passive form of learning.
In a well-run discussion, students do not simply “absorb” material, as in a lecture. They react to
what is being said: they agree or disagree, they come up with something to add to the discussion,
they express a point of view in their own words. They continually compare and integrate their
own knowledge with that of others. Sometimes, they come up with ideas that are new to
themselves or to others.
Preparing for the discussion is also an exercise in active learning. Typically, a reading
assignment constitutes the base of knowledge upon which the discussion will be built. While
knowledge derived from work or life experience can often be worked into a seminar discussion,
and this is an advantage of the discussion format, in an academic situation, a reading assignment
will normally form the basis of the discussion.
Reading itself is a form of active learning. The words on the page are clues to the writer’s
meaning, but each reader must make his or her own sense out of them. Normally, in a well-
organized seminar, students will already have a topic for discussion in mind as they do the
assigned reading, so that even before the discussion group meets, they begin relating the reading
material to the discussion topic. Then again, for most people, reading is the most time-effective
way of acquiring information, much more efficient than hearing a lecture or watching a video
presentation. The typical seminar will cover a lot of ground, simply in terms of processing
information efficiently.
Reading is a powerful learning tool, but a good seminar discussion will enhance the payoff
from time spent in reading. If a group of 8 to 10 people all read the same material, they will
likely come away with 8 or 10 interpretations of that material. If they then spend an hour or two
attempting to reconcile those interpretations, chances are good each person will gain a clearer
understanding of the issues at hand. If nothing else, each discussion participant hears how other
people have interpreted the material, and this helps to fill in some of the blanks and blind spots
that everyone has. By arguing about and discussing the issue at hand, discussion participants
sort out the evidence that speaks for and against a given point of view.
This brings us to the most important advantage of the seminar: it promotes synthesis.
Synthesis, bringing the factors that bear on a complex problem into an ordered whole, is the
ultimate goal of most education in the humanities. Discussion helps the students make sense of
the assigned material. All members of the discussion group, and not just the teacher, can help
each other come to terms with the material. In a good discussion, everyone comes away with a
better grasp of the issues.
Finally, a good seminar is one of the most enjoyable forms of learning. Everyone can
make a contribution to the group effort, and everyone should. Generally speaking, people like
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being able to say something in class, to throw in their two cents worth, rather than simply to
listen while someone talks to them. A good discussion is lively and it helps keep the interest of
the class in the subject matter high.
From the instructor’s point of view, running a good discussion is an exercise in backwards
engineering. The instructor first synthesizes material bearing on the discussion topic. Then the
instructor assigns to the students that portion of the material which allowed him or her to achieve
that synthesis, together with a discussion topic to focus the student’s attention. The students read
the material in light of the discussion topic, work the matter over in their heads, and come to
class, not necessarily knowing all the answers, but at least ready to discuss the question. The
instructor guides the class discussion, generally in light of some prearranged plan. At the end of
the discussion, hopefully, a body of insight and knowledge the instructor alone had possessed is
now the common property of all.
The role of the discussion leader might be compared to the helmsman on a ship. The
discussion leader chooses the destination the discussion will aim for. This goal is based on the
course objectives and the discussion leader’s own synthesis of the material. With an objective in
mind, the discussion leader sets the initial course of the discussion, through selection of readings
(in some educational settings) and through selection of the discussion topic, which the students
keep in mind as they do the readings. The discussion leader generally helps get the discussion
moving, and stands ready to restart it if it gets stalled. Having chosen an objective and set a
course, the discussion leader applies rudder corrections if the discussion strays too far off course.
But the steering mechanism is somewhat loose: the discussion leader expects a somewhat
meandering course across the bay, and realizes that to a great extent a discussion has a life of its
own – so long as the discussion leader allows the discussion to occur.
Once a general objective for the discussion has been assigned, the instructor surveys the
material that bears on the topic, attempting to achieve a synthesis of the subject. Once the
instructor has come to a general understanding of the problem suggested by the topic, the
instructor assigns to the students those materials from which the synthesis was achieved.
Note that the instructor has already done the students a service, by preselecting the
materials the students will read to achieve a synthesis through the discussion process. It might
be possible to send the students into the library with a learning objective and have the students
research the topic themselves. The students would then come to their own synthesis based upon
their own research -- if they had the necessary research skills (a major “if” at certain levels of
education). But this would take more time. The instructor can do the selection and sorting for
the students in advance. A discussion seminar can cover more ground than the students could on
their own -- more learning can take place.
Generally speaking, once the instructor has achieved a synthesis, there is no need to worry
that the students will be able to “get it.” In the seminar format, the students will have a lot of
help in “getting it.” First, the materials they will read are preselected, so they don’t have to read
l
through a lot of superfluous material. Second, the students have a discussion topic to focus their
inquiry. Third, the discussion format allows the instructor to “jump start” the students to a
higher level of understanding than they could achieve on their own, at least in the amount of time
available for the course.
A well-chosen discussion topic, provided to the students before they do the reading, can be
great assistance in dealing with a mass of information presented in the reading. Basically, the
discussion topic will ask the question which the discussion will attempt to answer. All of the
assigned reading will be relevant (hopefully), at least in terms of providing necessary
background, but only a small amount, perhaps scattered in several places, will actually answer
the discussion topic.
When the actual discussion arrives, the goal is to have a lively discussion that stays on the
topic and arrives at some kind of conclusion. The students should talk more to each other than to
the instructor. The discussion leader should not talk to the discussion group for any length of
time, should not deliver a lecture, impromptu or otherwise. The discussion is not a lecture.
Neither should the instructor ask a series of questions of the students, which they answer. The
discussion is not a recitation. (Neither should everyone sit around and stare at each other.)
Discussable questions are the discussion leader’s stock in trade. A discussable question is
one that is open-ended enough to form the basis for a portion of the discussion, but at the same
time is based on the discussion topic and the reading. Obviously, a discussable question does not
have a short definite answer: “1862” or “Abraham Lincoln.” A discussable question is
something like this: “How would different political groups in the North react to Lincoln’s
Emancipation Proclamation?” Such a question does not lend itself to short, simple answers, but
to longer, more complex answers. Discussable questions that have two sides to them are
particularly prized by the discussion leader: they get discussions going. They get arguments
going (always good for the liveliness of the discussion) that force people to answer objectives
and present their point of view to others. Discussable questions that demand an answer to
unanswerable questions can sometime be quite useful: “Did Lincoln issue the Emancipation
Proclamation to free the slaves or to save the Union?”
Drawing up, in advance, an outline of a discussion, just as one would draw up an outline of
a lecture or a paper, is an excellent idea. The discussion leader should ask: “What is the
ultimate objective of this discussion, what understandings should be reached, and what is the best
way to proceed towards the objective? What are the intermediate understandings that have to be
reached? What critical points have to be brought out? What is the evidence for these critical
points? In other words, a discussion can be “gamed out,” just as an essay writer or a lecturer
games out what his audience needs to know, and in what order they need to know it.
All of these considerations give the discussion leader a rudder for controlling the
discussion. If the discussion has exhausted a given sub-topic and needs to go in a certain
direction, the discussion leader can throw out an introduction to a whole area of intermediate
consideration, according to the pre-arranged plan. On the other hand, very often the discussion
will tend to move on from an issue before it has been well enough explored. Now is the time for
the discussion leader to throw out a specific, focused question about the issue. Now is the time
li
to ask specific questions about the evidence for a given point of view. These tactics help to
ensure that an important subsidiary point is fully discussed before the group moves on to
something else.
Frequently, as a discussion gets going, four or five major issues will be thrown out by the
discussants within the first five minutes. There are, after all, only so many things that can be
said about a given discussion topic, based on a given set of readings. Each of those four or vice
areas is a potential lead into a major area of discussion. The discussion leader can come back to
some of them 20 or 30 minutes down the road. But if the discussion leader has not “gamed out”
the course of discussion, the major issues thrown out by the students probably will not be
recognized for what they are.
In many ways the only difference between the discussion leader and any ordinary member
of the discussion group is that the discussion leader has more authority than the other members
of the discussion group, and it is generally easier for the discussion leader to get “into” the
discussion than for anyone else. One thing this means is that the discussion group generally will
look to the discussion leader to get the group back on track if it gets off the topic. Discussion is a
spontaneous, open-ended form. One aspect of this is that even the most “high-powered” groups
can spiral off into meaningless drivel in about nine seconds flat. In such cases, experienced
discussion groups will automatically look to the discussion leader to restore order.
All the techniques (and reasons) for steering a discussion are available to the students as
well as to the instructor. Members of a long-standing discussion group will gradually learn to be
better discussants, which is an important skill in many professions. Humanity makes many of its
decisions through discussions -- and arguments -- and it is important for many people to be
known as someone who makes comments that are relevant to the discussion, as opposed to
irrelevant, and perhaps even a reputation for saying things that are conclusive. Perhaps most
importantly, the most serious mistakes are often made when argument and discussion have not
taken place, and as a result no one knows what decisions truly mean and what is at stake.
No matter how many people are in the room, only about four or five will be in discussion
at any time. This seems to be an empirical fact. In a large group, the more articulate and
informed, or those most determined to be heard, will tend to dominate the discussion. It follows
that, for optimal learning, discussion groups need to be small. Four of five people probably are
too small: then everyone needs to be in the discussion all the time. A group of about 8 or 10
seems to work well: that way, it is relatively easy for an individual to get into the discussion, but
everyone doesn’t have to be in it all the time. In groups larger than this, it becomes harder for an
individual to get into the discussion. Not being able to get a word in edgewise can be frustrating.
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Groups where the members know each other outside of a formal classroom setting are
more likely to discuss freely in class. If there is a free and easy interchange around the table
before class starts, it is more likely discussion will come easily. It follows that discussion leaders
should encourage students to get to know each other outside the formal classroom setting, even if
this just means having introductions around the table before class starts. Obviously, it also helps
if discussants are all more or less at the same knowledge level.
People who say too much, and who say it in ways that do not contribute to the discussion,
can be one of the biggest problems a discussion leader faces. Generally, if the discussion leader
is aware of a problem, everyone else is as well. People who try to dominate a discussion for
their own ends, whether for the sheer pleasure of hearing themselves talk, or because they have
an ax to grind, typically are not subtle about it. The discussion group won’t like this phenomena,
and group pressure is one of the most effective ways of bringing this problem under control.
CONCLUSION
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NAVAL RESERVE OFFICERS TRAINING CORPS
EVOLUTION OF WARFARE
LESSON 1 HOURS: 1
TITLE: Introduction
I. Learning Objectives
A. Instructor references
A. Course outline
1
B. Chalkboard/whiteboard
A. Method options
1. Lecture
V. Presentation
2
formulating his/her own ideas about how warfare
has evolved, changed, remained the same, etc.
2. Attendance policy.
5. Grading policy.
3
NAVAL RESERVE OFFICERS TRAINING CORPS
EVOLUTION OF WARFARE
LESSON 2 HOURS: 1
I. Learning Objectives
D. The student will know, list, and discuss the six causes
of international conflict as defined by Jomini.
A. Instructor references
4
III. Instructional Aids
A. Chalkboard/whiteboard
A. Method options
1. Guided discussion
V. Presentation
A. Definitions of war.
c. Other definitions.
5
4. Types of conflict:
a. Military.
b. Political.
c. Economic.
d. Religious/moral.
e. Ideological.
f. Psychological.
g. Other.
6
9. Simplicity - The acid test of the soundness of any
plan for a military operation and of the orders
issued for its execution.
D. Summary
7
NAVAL RESERVE OFFICERS TRAINING CORPS
EVOLUTION OF WARFARE
LESSON 3 HOURS: 1
I. Learning Objectives
A. Instructor references
8
III. Instructional Aids
A. Chalkboard/whiteboard
B. Map
A. Method options
1. Lecture
V. Presentation
2. Protective armor.
3. Use of metals.
9
b. Reflected evolving technology.
a. Beginnings.
b. Organization.
10
and the word for “rebel” was the same as
for “sinner.”
c. Tactics.
d. End.
1. Transition.
11
e. Considered the first Great Captain in
history.
a. Cousin of Cyrus.
1. Phalanx.
E. Graeco-Persian conflicts.
12
and sprang a double envelopment.
F. Peloponnesian War.
1. Transition.
13
3. Sparta.
4. Resolution.
G. Summary
14
NAVAL RESERVE OFFICERS TRAINING CORPS
EVOLUTION OF WARFARE
LESSON 4 HOURS: 1
I. Learning Objectives
A. Instructor references
B. Student texts
15
A. Chalkboard/whiteboard
B. Map
A. Method options
1. Lecture
V. Presentation
1. Parallel advance.
2. Refused wing.
B. Philip of Macedon.
1. Cooperative arms.
a. Infantry.
(1) Sarissa.
b. Cavalry.
(1) Scouting.
(2) Skirmishing.
c. Artillery.
(1) Ballista.
(2) Catapult.
2. Organizational staff.
16
3. Engineering Corps.
4. Baggage train.
5. Medical service.
6. Drill masters.
1. Battle of Issus.
2. Siege of Tyre.
a. Ram.
b. Bore.
c. Penthouse.
d. Mantelets.
e. Siege tunnels.
f. Naphtha.
g. Spies.
h. Mole.
4. Siege of Gaza.
17
1. Principles of war.
2. The man.
3. Human resources.
F. Summary
18
NAVAL RESERVE OFFICERS TRAINING CORPS
EVOLUTION OF WARFARE
LESSON 5 HOURS: 1
I. Learning Objectives
G. The student will know and review the Battle of Zama and
Scipio’s impact on the outcome.
A. Instructor references
19
5. Instructor Resource Manual (optional)
B. Student texts
A. Chalkboard/whiteboard
B. Maps
A. Method options
1. Lecture
V. Presentation
1. Legion composition.
a. Three lines.
20
f. Second line = principles = 30-40 years old.
2. Discipline.
b. Thoroughly trained.
B. Rise of Rome.
1. Origin.
3. Pyrrhus.
21
c. Pyrrhus defeated Romans (partially due to
judicious use of elephants), but suffered
heavy, difficult-to-replace casualties (280
B.C.).
1. Nature of powers.
2. Roman Navy.
3. Sea Battles.
22
5. Resolution.
1. Origins.
a. Hamilcar in Spain.
2. Hannibal’s campaigns.
a. Move to Italy.
b. Threatened Carthage.
E. Evaluation of Hannibal.
23
long supply line.
F. Summary
24
NAVAL RESERVE OFFICERS TRAINING CORPS
EVOLUTION OF WARFARE
LESSON 6 HOURS: 1
I. Learning Objectives
D. The student will know and recall the key changes in the
Roman military system from Actium to Adrianople and the
causes of these changes.
A. Instructor references
B. Student texts
25
III. Instructional Aids
A. Chalkboard/whiteboard
D. Maps
A. Lecture
C. Guided discussion
V. Presentation
3. Civil disorder.
4. Garrison duty.
B. Caesar.
3. The man:
a. Personal courage.
26
b. Tactical skill.
c. Intelligence.
d. Loyalty.
e. Inspiring leader.
C. Caesar’s Lieutenants.
3. Battle of Actium.
27
4. Primary goal was consolidation and security of
frontiers.
E. Battle of Adrianople.
F. Summary
28
NAVAL RESERVE OFFICERS TRAINING CORPS
EVOLUTION OF WARFARE
LESSON 7 HOURS: 1
I. Learning Objectives
A. Instructor references
B. Student texts
29
A. Chalkboard/whiteboard
D. Map
A. Method options
1. Lecture
3. Guided discussion
V. Presentation
4. Military philosophy.
30
e. Cavalry - an important ingredient.
C. Post-Justinian Byzantium.
2. Theme system.
4. Military innovations.
a. Cavalry.
b. Stirrup.
c. Greek fire.
31
1. Persians and Slavs in 7th century.
E. Summary
32
NAVAL RESERVE OFFICERS TRAINING CORPS
EVOLUTION OF WARFARE
LESSON 8 HOURS: 1
I. Learning Objectives
A. Instructor references
33
6. War Through the Ages, pp. 91-103 (optional)
A. Chalkboard/whiteboard
B. Map
A. Method options
1. Lecture
3. Guided discussion
V. Presentation
34
accuracy just prior to making contact with
the enemy.
3. Charles Martel.
a. The comitatus.
35
(2) Further extended by Charlemagne to
include conquered areas.
36
D. The Crusades.
1. Swiss infantry.
37
a. Could outrange and outshoot the crossbow.
G. Niccolo Machiavelli.
H. Summary
38
NAVAL RESERVE OFFICERS TRAINING CORPS
EVOLUTION OF WARFARE
LESSON 9 HOURS: 1
I. Learning Objectives
A. Instructor references
B. Student texts
A. Chalkboard/whiteboard
39
B. Map
A. Method options
1. Lecture
3. Guided discussion
V. Presentation
40
4. Pavia (1525) - Again, Spanish small arms proved
decisive. The French Cavalry was methodically
shot as it attacked piecemeal.
41
with the recapture of Antwerp by Alexander
Farnese, Duke of Parma, the finest soldier of
his age.
42
c. Shortages of provisions and bad weather
resulted in additional serious personnel and
ship losses to the armada during the voyage
around Scotland and back to Spain.
E. Summary
43
NAVAL RESERVE OFFICERS TRAINING CORPS
EVOLUTION OF WARFARE
LESSON 10 HOURS: 1
I. Learning Objectives
A. Instructor references
B. Student texts
44
1. The Art of War in the Western World, pp. 221-266
A. Chalkboard/whiteboard
B. Map
A. Method options
1. Lecture
3. Guided discussion
V. Presentation
45
b. As the Thirty Years' War progressed, it
became a power struggle between monarchs as
opposed to a religious war. Catholic France
was ultimately allied with Protestant Sweden
against the Catholic Holy Roman Emperor.
1. Strategy.
46
a. Musketeers ceased using armor, save for a
helmet.
4. Artillery innovations.
3. Defensive fortifications.
47
great engineer, constructed three systems of
fortifications that were instrumental in
reducing the advantage that artillery had
given the offensive.
48
Cromwell recognized the importance of raising a
disciplined and well-trained force. The result
was the New Model Army.
G. Summary
49
NAVAL RESERVE OFFICERS TRAINING CORPS
EVOLUTION OF WARFARE
LESSON 11 HOURS: 1
I. Learning Objectives
A. Instructor references
B. Student texts
50
A. Chalkboard/whiteboard
B. Map
A. Method options
1. Lecture
V. Presentation
1. Marlborough.
C. International law.
D. Limited war.
1. Nature of armies.
51
c. No relationship between military and civilian
segments of society.
2. Examples of discipline.
1. Strategy.
2. Tactics.
52
b. Occurred when both commanders were fairly
sure of winning.
3. Means.
b. Flintlock musket.
3. Anglo-Dutch Wars.
5. Solidification of hold.
53
a. Establishment of colonial empire.
G. Summary
54
NAVAL RESERVE OFFICERS TRAINING CORPS
EVOLUTION OF WARFARE
LESSON 12 HOURS: 1
I. Learning Objectives
A. Instructor references
B. Student texts
A. Chalkboard/whiteboard
55
B. Map
A. Method options
1. Lecture
V. Presentation
A. Definition of terms.
1. Strategy of attrition.
B. Application of terms.
1. Strategy of attrition.
b. European enemies.
c. Length of war.
2. Partisan warfare.
1. At Lexington.
2. At Saratoga.
56
3. In the southern campaigns.
1. At Lexington.
2. At Saratoga.
E. Opposing forces.
1. British.
2. American.
d. More flexible.
F. Impact of French.
1. Contributions.
b. Soldiers.
c. Weapons.
d. Sea power.
57
2. Coordination.
H. Summary
58
NAVAL RESERVE OFFICERS TRAINING CORPS
EVOLUTION OF WARFARE
LESSON 13 HOURS: 1
I. Learning Objectives
A. Instructor references
B. Student texts
A. Chalkboard/whiteboard
59
B. Instructor-prepared PowerPoint slides or transparencies
D. Map
A. Method options
1. Lecture
3. Guided discussion
V. Presentation
a. John Locke.
c. American Revolution.
60
3. Military theories of Comte Jacques de Guibert:
a. "Ordre mixte."
a. Interchangeable parts.
b. Improved carriages.
c. Tangent sight.
61
d. By the time of the Revolution, French
artillery was clearly superior to that of
other armies.
b. Signal telegraph.
a. Balloons.
b. Shrapnel.
D. Summary
62
NAVAL RESERVE OFFICERS TRAINING CORPS
EVOLUTION OF WARFARE
LESSON 14 HOURS: 1
TITLE: Napoleon
I. Learning Objectives
A. Instructor references
63
III. Instructional Aids
A. Chalkboard/whiteboard
B. Map
A. Method options
1. Lecture
V. Presentation
A. French Revolution.
2. Pre-Napoleon battles.
B. Napoleon.
2. Rise to power.
a. Italian campaign.
64
1. Lord Nelson:
2. Economic war.
E. Russian Campaign.
3. Russian reaction.
a. Scorched earth.
b. Partisan warfare.
4. Retreat - losses.
F. Post-Russian Campaign.
2. Waterloo.
b. Description.
c. Compare to Austerlitz.
1. Philosophy.
a. Stress on offense.
65
2. Technology.
H. Summary
66
NAVAL RESERVE OFFICERS TRAINING CORPS
EVOLUTION OF WARFARE
LESSON 15 HOURS: 1
TITLE: Clausewitz/Jomini
I. Learning Objectives
A. Instructor references
5. On War (optional)
67
B. Student texts
A. Method options
1. Lecture
V. Presentation
A. Clausewitz.
68
political thoughts? It has certainly a
grammar of its own, but its logic is not
peculiar to itself."
a. Then:
b. Now:
4. Clausewitz's scope.
69
(3) Gain public opinion.
5. Moral force.
7. Other quotations.
B. Jomini.
2. Nature of approach.
70
b. Books have many diagrams and geometrical
references.
C. Summary
71
NAVAL RESERVE OFFICERS TRAINING CORPS
EVOLUTION OF WARFARE
LESSON 16 HOURS: 1
I. Learning Objectives
A. Instructor references
A. Chalkboard/whiteboard
A. Method options
72
1. Lecture
3. Guided discussion
V. Presentation
a. Mass production.
2. Social consequence.
c. Rising discontent.
73
(Civil War, etc.).
1. Iron-clad vessels.
3. Rockets.
4. "Machine-guns", rifle-muskets.
6. Hand grenades.
7. Submersibles.
8. Floating mines.
9. Land mines.
74
2. Fourfold nature of warfare - an escalating
process.
a. Diplomatic.
b. Economic.
c. Psychological.
d. Military.
D. Summary
75
NAVAL RESERVE OFFICERS TRAINING CORPS
EVOLUTION OF WARFARE
LESSON 17 HOURS: 1
I. Learning Objectives
A. Instructor references
76
5. Instructor Resource Manual (optional)
B. Student texts
A. Method options
1. Lecture
V. Presentation
A. Post-war of 1812.
1. Professional development.
77
Commander-in-Chief.
B. Mexican War.
1. Vera Cruz.
3. Military-political aspects.
4. Innovations introduced.
78
2. Populations.
3. Resources.
4. Military leadership.
5. Political leadership.
1. Necessity.
79
expense of others.
a. Urged by Lincoln.
c. Jackson killed.
80
b. Constant pressure.
c. War of attrition.
E. Change of warfare.
2. Industrial impact.
81
2. Direct effects:
3. Indirect effects:
H. Great Captains.
1. Lee.
2. Grant.
I. Summary
82
NAVAL RESERVE OFFICERS TRAINING CORPS
EVOLUTION OF WARFARE
LESSON 18 HOURS: 1
I. Learning Objectives
A. Instructor references
A. Chalkboard/whiteboard
D. Maps
83
IV. Suggested Methods and Procedures
A. Method options
1. Lecture
3. Guided discussion
V. Presentation
A. Pax Britannica.
84
British sea power. No real challenges due to
British deterrence.
3. Tactical ineptitude.
85
protracted the struggle over two and a half
years.
F. Summary
86
NAVAL RESERVE OFFICERS TRAINING CORPS
EVOLUTION OF WARFARE
LESSON 19 HOURS: 1
I. Learning Objectives
A. Instructor references
B. Student texts
87
A. Chalkboard/whiteboard
B. Map
A. Method options
1. Lecture
3. Guided discussion
V. Presentation
88
b. Fear of France forces the southern German
states into an alliance with Prussia.
B. General Staff
89
French.
E. Summary
90
NAVAL RESERVE OFFICERS TRAINING CORPS
EVOLUTION OF WARFARE
LESSON 20 HOURS: 1
I. Learning Objectives
A. Instructor references
91
3. War in the Modern World, pp, 215-235, 239-274
B. Student texts
A. Chalkboard/whiteboard
B. Maps
A. Method options
1. Lecture
3. Guided discussion
V. Presentation
92
a. Approached the military problem
scientifically.
b. Boer War.
c. Russo-Japanese War.
C. Austria.
93
1. Assassination of the Austrian Archduke.
D. Opposing plans.
2. Plan XVII.
a. Adopted in 1912.
94
would strike center of German line near
Lorraine, disrupting communications, and then
roll back both wings.
a. To project colonialism.
b. National prestige.
F. French.
2. Return of Alsace-Lorraine.
95
3. Elimination of Germany as a commercial rival.
G. Germans.
H. Americans.
5. Allied propaganda.
2. St. Mihiel.
3. Meuse Argonne.
96
4. Kriemhilde Line.
K. Summary
97
NAVAL RESERVE OFFICERS TRAINING CORPS
EVOLUTION OF WARFARE
LESSON 21 HOURS: 1
I. Learning Objectives
A. Instructor references
A. Chalkboard/whiteboard
B. Maps
98
A. Method options: Lecture
V. Presentation
5. Treaty of Brest-Litovsk.
99
intercourse with an admixture of other means.”
F. Summary
100
NAVAL RESERVE OFFICERS TRAINING CORPS
EVOLUTION OF WARFARE
LESSON 22 HOURS: 1
I. Learning Objectives
A. Instructor references
B. Student texts
A. Chalkboard/whiteboard
101
B. Instructor-prepared PowerPoint slides or transparencies
A. Method options
1. Lecture
3. Guided Discussion
V. Presentation
1. The aftermath.
(1) Problems.
(2) Results.
102
b. Disarmament - Not total, but a limit on arms.
(1) Problems.
(2) Results.
(1) Problems.
(2) Results.
b. No practical solutions.
103
a. Fortifications with integrated firepower.
2. B. H. Liddell Hart.
a. Personal background.
D. Summary
104
NAVAL RESERVE OFFICERS TRAINING CORPS
EVOLUTION OF WARFARE
LESSON 23 HOURS: 1
I. Learning Objectives
A. Instructor references
A. Chalkboard/whiteboard
D. Map
105
IV. Suggested Methods and Procedures
A. Method options
1. Lecture
3. Guided discussion
V. Presentation
1. Giulio Douhet.
a. Personal background.
b. Major assumptions.
106
a. Personal background.
b. Major beliefs.
1. Background.
b. Expeditionary force.
d. FMF established.
D. Summary.
107
NAVAL RESERVE OFFICERS TRAINING CORPS
EVOLUTION OF WARFARE
LESSON 24 HOURS: 1
I. Learning Objectives
A. Instructor references
B. Student texts
108
A. Chalkboard/whiteboard
B. Map
V. Presentation
1. Code of Bushido.
109
1. The Long March.
F. Summary.
110
NAVAL RESERVE OFFICERS TRAINING CORPS
EVOLUTION OF WARFARE
LESSON 25 HOURS: 1
I. Learning Objectives
A. Instructor reference
A. Chalkboard/whiteboard
B. Map
A. Method options
111
1. Lecture
3. Guided discussion
V. Presentation
e. Extensive reparations.
112
as its head. Hitler now personally commands the
armed forces.
113
1. Failure of French and British to act resulted more
from timorousness than impotence.
114
I. 1 September 1938 - German troops invade Poland.
J. Summary.
115
NAVAL RESERVE OFFICERS TRAINING CORPS
EVOLUTION OF WARFARE
LESSON 26 HOURS: 1
I. Learning Objectives
A. Instructor references
B. Student texts
116
2. Men in Arms, pp. 295-330
A. Chalkboard/whiteboard
B. Map
A. Method options
1. Lecture
V. Presentation
117
12. Allied doctrine and training based on 1918 trench
warfare doctrine.
B. Battle of Britain.
b. No amphibious doctrine.
2. Operation Sea-Lion.
118
D. Battle of Stalingrad.
119
E. North Africa and Italy Campaigns.
120
8. Eisenhower selected as Commander-in-Chief of North
African Campaign.
F. Strategic bombing.
c. Inaccurate bombing.
d. Inefficient bombs.
a. Heavier bombers.
b. Larger bombs.
121
restricted in the early part of the war due to
weather and enemy fighter opposition. The key
rested in the development of long-range fighter
cover.
G. Summary.
122
NAVAL RESERVE OFFICERS TRAINING CORPS
EVOLUTION OF WARFARE
LESSON 27 HOURS: 1
I. Learning Objectives
A. Instructor references
B. Student texts
A. Chalkboard/whiteboard
123
B. Map
V. Presentation
2. Doctrine of deterrence.
124
E. Discuss the origins and importance of NSC-68.
F. Summary.
125
NAVAL RESERVE OFFICERS TRAINING CORPS
EVOLUTION OF WARFARE
LESSON 28 HOURS: 1
I. Learning Objectives
A. Instructor references
B. Student texts
A. Chalkboard/whiteboard
B. Map
126
A. Method options: Lecture and discussion
V. Presentation
127
2. Repeated instances of policy differences with
Truman - public announcement of disagreements.
E. Summary.
128
NAVAL RESERVE OFFICERS TRAINING CORPS
EVOLUTION OF WARFARE
LESSON 29 HOURS: 1
I. Learning Objectives
A. Instructor references
A. Chalkboard/whiteboard
B. Map
129
IV. Suggested Methods and Procedures
V. Presentation
1. Nationalism.
2. Anticolonialism.
3. Communism.
130
2. Soviet perceptions of John F. Kennedy.
F. Summary.
131
NAVAL RESERVE OFFICERS TRAINING CORPS
EVOLUTION OF WARFARE
LESSON 30 HOURS: 1
TITLE: Vietnam
I. Learning Objectives
A. Instructor references
132
A. Chalkboard/whiteboard
B. Map
V. Presentation
133
4. American optimism by the end of 1966.
1. Vietnamization.
H. Summary.
134
NAVAL RESERVE OFFICERS TRAINING CORPS
EVOLUTION OF WARFARE
LESSON 31 HOURS: 1
I. Learning Objectives
C. The student will know and review the October War, with
emphasis on the impact of modern weaponry.
A. Instructor references
B. Student texts
A. Method options
1. Lecture
135
3. Guided discussion
V. Presentation
136
winning the second Arab-Israeli War.
7. For the first time, and perhaps the only time, the
United States and the Soviet Union acted in
concert to help terminate hostilities in the
October War, although both “superpowers”
resupplied their respective sides during the
conflict.
137
8. 1979: President Sadat and Premier Begin sign
Eyptian-Israeli peace treaty at White House.
I. Summary.
138
NAVAL RESERVE OFFICERS TRAINING CORPS
EVOLUTION OF WARFARE
LESSON 32 HOURS: 1
TITLE: Terrorism
I. Learning Objectives
B. Student texts
A. Chalkboard/whiteboard
D. Map
A. Method options
1. Lecture
139
2. Lecture and discussion
3. Guided discussion
V. Presentation
2. OAS.
C. Terrorism.
D. Summary
140
NAVAL RESERVE OFFICERS TRAINING CORPS
EVOLUTION OF WARFARE
LESSON 33 HOURS: 1
I. Learning Objectives
A. Instructor references
A. Map
141
IV. Suggested Methods and Procedures
A. Method options
1. Lecture
V. Presentation
142
2. Air attacks - 100,000 Allied sorties in 6 weeks.
3. Targets.
4. Artillery raids.
5. Intelligence effort.
6. Deception.
1. Air supremacy.
4. Amphibious demonstration.
5. Effect on environment.
H. Combat “firsts.”
1. Harrier strikes.
4. PAO.
143