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Novum
Millennium
Paul Speck in Summer 1999
(Photo by Wolfgang Ette rich)
Novum
Millennium
STUDIES ON
BYZANTINE HISTORY AND CULTURE
Claudia Sode
Sarolta Takdcs
First published 2001 by Ashgate Publishing
The editors have asserted their right under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act, 1988, to be
identified as the editors of this work.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form
or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including
photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without
permission in writing from the publishers.
Notice:
Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for
identification and explanation without intent to infringe.
Preface ............................................................................................................................. ix
General Introduction
Byzantium after 2000: Post-Millennial, but not Post-M odern?..............................1
John Haldon
Melania ........................................................................................................................... 41
t William Brashear
Bitter Brine and Sweet Fresh Water: The Anatomy of a Metaphor in Psellos . . . 89
John Duffy
John III Ducas Vatatzes and the Venetians: The Episode of his
Anti-Venetian Cretan Campaigns, 1230 and 1234...............................................231
John S. Langdon
Bonifatios von Tarsos: Ein Verwandter der bekehrten Mimen ....................... 251
Claudia Ludwig
The Greek and Arabic Sources on the Eight Day Captivity of the
Emperor Romanos IV in the Camp of the Sultan Alp Arslan after
the Battle of M antzikert........................................................................................... 439
Speros Vryonis, Jr.
Preface
There have been many journeys across the Atlantic to make this volume a reality. This
book presents a collection of articles on Byzantine history and culture written by
friends and students of Paul Speck. Its aim is to impart a look at the different methods
and new approaches to this field of study and maybe even give a sense where future
studies should, or ought to lead new generations of scholars. This volume contains
studies in English, German, and French on art, historiography, linguistics, literature,
theology, topography, and sigillography. Several articles deal with Byzantium’s rela
tionship to its eastern and western neighbors. They demonstrate how much Byzantium
was the center of the Late Antique and medieval world. The editors would like to
acknowledge the generous support they received in form of initial computer help from
Richard Stadtherr as well as financial aid from Harvard University’s Faculty Aide Pro
gram and the Loeb Fund. Judson Herrman, Berislav Marusic, and especially Reuben
Kantor assisted us greatly in the last stretch of production. We extend our thanks to
Dumbarton Oaks, which supplied the sigillographie fonts, and Ashgate’s John Smed-
ley for his continuing and reassuring interest in this volume. We are very sorry to
report that two authors, William Brashear and Nicolas Oikonomides, whom Paul
Speck held in high esteem, have since died. Since a “Festschrift” inspired by a mile
stone birthday is not in the spirit of Paul Speck, this volume is, nonetheless, dedicated
to him with the title: Novum Millennium for his last birthday in the 20th Century,
19.12.1999.
Monographs
1. Theodoros Studites, Jamben auf verschiedene Gegenstände, Einleitung, kriti
scher Text, Übersetzung und Kommentar besorgt von P. Speck (Supplementa
Byzantina 1), Berlin 1968.
2. Die Kaiserliche Universität von Konstantinopel. Präzisierungen zur Frage des
höheren Schulwesens in Byzanz im 9. und 10. Jahrhundert (Byzantinisches
Archiv 14), München 1974.
3. Kaiser Konstantin VI. Die Legitimation einer fremden und der Versuch einer
eigenen Herrschaft. Quellenkritische Darstellung von 25 Jahren byzantinischer
Geschichte nach dem ersten Ikonoklasmus, Band I: Untersuchung, Band II:
Anmerkungen und Register, München 1978.
4. (in Zusammenarbeit mit Studenten des Münchener Instituts) Zufälliges zum Bel
lum Avaricum des Georgios Pisides (Mise. Byz. Monac. 24), München 1980.
5. Artabasdos, der rechtgläubige Vorkämpfer der göttlichen Lehren. Untersuchun
gen zur Revolte des Artabasdos und ihrer Darstellung in der byzantinischen Hi
storiographie (rioiKiÄa BuCgvtivc ! 2), Bonn 1981.
6. Byzantinische Bleisiegel in Berlin (West) unter Mitarbeit von I. Aslanis, A.
Dimitriu, D. Lindow, S. Sahpekidou und R. Tscharke sowie teilweise nach
Vorarbeiten von V. Eibern, H.-G. Severin und E. Krengel und mit besonderer
Unterstützung durch J. W. Nesbitt (nondÄa Bu(avTiva 5), Bonn 1986.
7. Das geteilte Dossier. Beobachtungen zu den Nachrichten über die Regierung
des Kaisers Herakleios und die seiner Söhne bei Theophanes und Nikephoros
(rioiKiÄa Bu£avTiva 9), Bonn 1988.
8. Ich bin’s nicht, Kaiser Konstantin ist es gewesen. Die Legenden vom Einfluß des
Teufels, des Juden und des Moslem auf den Ikonoklasmus (rioiKiÄa Bu£avTiva
10), Bonn 1990.
9. (Claudia Sode, mit Unterstützung durch ...) Byzantinische Bleisiegel in Berlin
II (noiKiÄc! Bu^avTivc! 14), Bonn 1997.
10. Die Interpolationen in den Akten des Konzils von 787 und die Libri Carolini
(rioikIäg Bu£avTiva 16), Bonn 1998.
(1969) 474-481.
35. Rezension von H. Hunger, Der byzantinische Katz-Mäuse-Krieg. Theodoros
Prodromos, Katomyomachia, Einleitung, Text und Übersetzung (Byzant. Vin-
dob. 3), Graz — Wien — Köln 1968, 'EXXqviKG 22 (1969) 481-487.
36. Der Mauerbau in 60 Tagen. Zum Datum der Errichtung der Landmauer von
Konstantinopel mit einem Anhang über die Datierung der Notitia Urbis
Constantinopolitanae, Studien zur Frühgeschichte Konstantinopels, hrsg. von
H.-G. Beck (Mise. Byz. Monac. 14), München 1973, S. 135-178 und S. 227.
37. (zusammen mit G. Prinzing) Fünf Lokalitäten in Konstantinopel (das Bad
Kg o v o t g v t iv ig v g î ; die Paläste Ko o v o t g v t ig v g î und t g Kg o v o tg ; das Z e u v |j g ;
das 'ErrTGOKGXov), Studien zur Frühgeschichte Konstantinopels, hrsg. von H.-
G. Beck (Mise. Byz. Monac. 14), München 1973, S. 179-226.
38. Rezension von P. Lemerle, Le premier humanisme byzantin. Notes et remarques
sur enseignement et culture à Byzance des origines au Xe siècle (Bibliothèque
Byzantine. Études 6), Paris 1971, Byz. Zeitschr. 67 (1974) 385-393.
39. Die ikonoklastischen Jamben an der Chalke, 'EXXqviKG 27 (1974) 376-380.
40. Petros Sikeliotes, seine Historia und der Erzbischof von Bulgarien, 'EXXqviKG
27 (1974) 381-387.
41. Buch und Fachberatung zum Unterrichtsfilm: Konstantinopel— Großstadt im Mit
telalter. Institut für Film und Bild in Wissenschaft und Unterricht, Grünwald 1976.
42. Eine byzantinische Darstellung der antiken Stadt Athen, 'EXXqviKG 28 (1975)
415-418.
43. Photios über das Apsis-Mosaik der Hagia Sophia, 'EXXqviKG 30 (1977-1978)
399-403.
XIV Bibliography
61. Weitere Überlegungen und Untersuchungen über die Ursprünge der byzantini
schen Renaissance, mit einem Nachtrag: Das Trierer Elfenbein und andere
Unklarheiten, Varia II (rioiiaXa Bu£avTiva 6), Bonn 1987, S. 253-283.
62. Anthologia Palatina I, 1 und das Apsismosaik der Hagia Sophia, mit vier Addenda:
1. Die Bilderschriften angeblich des Epiphanios von Salamis. 2. Der Dialog mit
einem Juden angeblich des Leontios von Neapolis. 3. Die Darstellungen in der
Apsis der Chalkoprateia-Kirche. 4. Ta kpa — Eine Stiftung des Artabasdos, Varia
II (noiKiÄa Bu£avTiva 6), Bonn 1987, S. 285-329.
63. Nochmals: Die Endyte, Varia II (IHondAa ßu(avTiva 6), Bonn 1987, S. 331-337.
64. Ein Reiterrelief Justinians I. im Hippodrom (Appendix Planudea 62 und 63),
mit einem Anhang: Das Barberini-Elfenbein (mit zwei Tafeln), Varia II
(rioiKiÄa ßu^avTiva 6), Bonn 1987, S. 339-353.
65. Ein Bild des Erzengels Michael in Ephesos (Anthologia Palatina I, 36), Varia II
(rioiKiÄa ßu(avTiva 6), Bonn 1987, S. 355-362.
66. Ehrenbilder als Tafelbilder und Reliefs, Varia II (rioiidAa ßu^avTiva 6), Bonn
1987, S. 363-369.
67. Die Interpretation des Bellum Avaricum und der Kater MexAejjrre, in drei
Teilen: 1. Der Protest des Patriarchen Sergios gegen die Heirat des Herakleios
mit Martina. 2. Die Gesandtschaft des Patrikios Athanasios zu dem Khagan der
Avaren. 3. Bellum Avaricum; die Verse 457-461, Varia II (iloiKiÄa BuCavnva
6), Bonn 1987, S. 371-402.
68. Die große Kirche von Antiocheia, Varia II (üoiKiAa Bu£avnva 6), Bonn 1987,
S. 403-410.
69. Die “Maria von Sozupolis”, 'EAAqviKc: 37 (1986) 349-351.
70. War Bronze ein knappes Metall? Die Legende von dem Stier auf dem Bus in den
“Parastaseis”42, 'EAAqviKa 39 (1988) 3-17.
71. Die Schilderhebung des Phokas, ‘EAAqviKa 39 (1988) 157f.
72. Ikonen unter dem Kopfkissen oder über die Dauerhaftigkeit von Legenden und
historiographischen Klischees (Rezension von W. T. Treadgold, The Byzantine
Revival 780-842, Stanford, California, 1988), Klio 72 (1990) 246-253.
73. Eine Interpolation in den Bilderreden des Johannes von Damaskos, Byz.
Zeitschr. 82(1989) 114-117.
74. Marginalien zu dem Gedicht In Laudem Iustini Augusti Minoris des Corippus,
Philologus 134(1990) 82-92.
75. Commentarius historico-philologicus ad librum qui inscribitur Sine Titulo.
76. (= Sine Titulo, Prolegomena zu einer Festschrift für Paul Speck aus Anlaß
seines 60. Geburtstages. 1. Beiheft zu den IHondAa ßu(avTiva [Beilage zum 1.
Beiheft zu der Reihe rioiKiÄa Bu£avTiva], Berlin 1990).
77. Der Tod an der Furca, Jahrb. Österr. Byz. 40 (1990) 349f.
XVI Bibliography
78. Artikel Irene, byzantinische Kaiserin; Konstantin V., byzantinischer Kaiser; Kon
stantin VI., byzantinischer Kaiser; Leon III., byzantinischer Kaiser, Lexikon des
Mittelalters, Bd. V, 1991.
79. Zwei anonyme Epigramme, Klio 73 (1991) 279f.
80. (zusammen mit E. Krengel), KgAgijgov ouvt6(jig . Z u griechischen Bezeichnungen
für tesserae, Rhein. Mus., N.F. 134 (1991) 196-202.
81. Rezension von H. Belting, Bild und Kult. Eine Geschichte des Bildes vor dem
Zeitalter der Kunst, München 1990, Klio 73 (1991) 678-685.
82. Wie dumm darf Zosimos sein? Vorschläge zu seiner Neubewertung, ByzSlav.
52(1991) 1-14.
83. Juliana Anicia, Konstantin der Große und die Polyeuktoskirche in Konstan
tinopel, Varia III (noiKÍÁa Bu£gvtivg 11), Bonn 1991, S. 133-147.
84. Golden oder vergoldet? Die Statuen der Wagenlenker im Hippodrom, Varia III
( Í I o i k í Ag Bu £g v t iv g 11), Bonn 1991, S. 149-162.
85. Wunderheilige und Bilder. Zur Frage des Beginns der Bilderverehrung, Varia III
( Í I o i k í Ag Bu ( g v t i v g 11), Bonn 1991, S. 163-247.
86. Konstantinos von Rhodos. Zweck und Datum der Ekphrasis der Sieben Wunder
von Konstantinopel und der Apostelkirche, Varia III ( I I o i k í Ag Bu £g v t i v g 11),
Bonn 1991, S. 249-268.
87. Über Dossiers in byzantinischer antiquarischer Arbeit, über Schulbücher für
Prinzen, sowie zu einer Seite frisch edierten Porphyrogennetos, Varia III
(lloiKÍÁG Bu£gvtivg 11), Bonn 1991, S. 269-292.
88. (Erlassenes?) Gesetz oder ein weiteres Schulbuch? Überlegungen zur Entste
hung des Eparchenbuches, Varia III ( Í I o i k í Ag Bu £g v t i v g 11), Bonn 1991, S.
293-306.
89. Konstantinopel — ein Modell für Bologna? Zur Gründung einer Rechtsschule
durch Irnerius, Varia III ( Í I o i k í Ag Bu ^g v t iv g 11), Bonn 1991, S. 307-348.
90. Rezension von Nikephoros, Patriarch of Constantinople, Short History
(Nicephori patriarchae Constantinopolitani Breviarium Historicum). Text,
Translation and Commentary by C. Mango (CFHB 13) Washington, D.C., 1990,
Byz. Zeitschr. 83 (1990) 471-478.
91. Eine Quelle zum Tod an der Furca, Jahrb. Österr. Byz. 42 (1992) 83-85.
92. Eine Gedächtnisfeier am Grabe des Maurikios. Die Historiai des Theophylaktos
Simokates: der Auftrag; die Fertigstellung; der Grundgedanke, Varia IV
( Í I o i k í Ag Bu £g v t i v g 12), Bonn 1993, S. 175-254.
93. De miraculis Sancti Demetrii, qui Thessalonicam profugus venit, oder Ket
zerisches zu den Wundergeschichten des Heiligen Demetrios und zu seiner
Basilika in Thessalonike, Varia IV ( Í I o i k í Ag Bu £g v t i v g 12), Bonn 1993, S.
255-532.
Paul Speck XVII
126. Epiphania et Martine sur les monnaies d’Heraclius, Rev. numism. 152 (1997)
457-465.
127. Rezension von H. Schlange-Schöningen, Kaisertum und Bildungswesen im spät
antiken Konstantinopel (Historia, Einzelschriften 94), Stuttgart 1995, Byz.
Zeitschr. 90(1997) 499-502.
128. Der Disput um Fragment 209,1 des Johannes von Antiocheia, Klio 79 (1997)
479-483.
129. Beobachtungen zur Unterbasis des Theodosios-Obelisken im Hippodrom von
Konstantinopel, Boreas 20 (1997) 17-22.
130. Bilder und Bilderstreit, Byzanz, die Macht der Bilder. Katalog zur Ausstellung
im Dom-Museum Hildesheim, hrsg. von M. Brandt und A. Effenberger,
Hildesheim 1998, S. 56-67.
131. Ohne Anfang und Ende. Das Hexaemeron des Georgios Pisides, AETOL Studies
in honour of Cyril Mango, presented to him on April 14, 1998, ed. by I.
Sevcenko and I. Hutter, Stuttgart — Leipzig 1998, S. 314-328.
132. Byzantium: cultural suicide?, in: L. Brubaker (Hrsg.), Byzantium in the Ninth
Century: Dead or Alive?, Aldershot 1998, S. 73-84.
133. SO Debate. J. Ljubarskij, Quellenforschung and/or Literary Criticism: Narrative
Structures in Byzantine Historical Writings with comments by D. Ye.
Afmogenov, P. A. Agapitos, J. Duffy, M. Hinterberger, E. Jeffreys, A. Little-
wood, C. Rapp, J. O. Rosenqvist, L. Ryden, P. Speck, & W. Treadgold, Symb.
Osloen. 73 (1998) 5-73 (P. Speck S. 52-57).
134. Rezension von A. Alexakis, Codex Parisinus Graecus 1115 and Its Archetype
(Dumbarton Oaks Studies 34), Washington, D.C., 1996, Jahrb. Österr. Byz. 48
(1998) 345-348.
135. Rezension von W. Seibt— M. L. Zarnitz, Das byzantinische Bleisiegel als
Kunstwerk. Katalog zur Ausstellung, Wien 1997, Byz. Zeitschr. 91 (1998)
581-583.
136. Eine Brautschau für Staurakios?, Jahrb. Österr. Byz. 49 (1999) 25-30.
C\
~
Taylor & Francis
Taylor & Francis Group
http://taylorandfrancis.com
G eneral Introduction
John Haldon
1 There is an excellent short survey of the history of Byzantine Studies in Gy. Moravcsik, Einfiihrung in
die Byzantinologie, Darmstadt 1976.
2 Byzantium after 2000
a central part of this developing tradition. The linguistic evolution of Greek in its var
ious spoken and written forms, the functional and cultural differentiation between the
various registers and dialects, proved to be a vast field for linguists and philologists, an
interest again stimulated by the need to make sense of medieval Greek historical writ
ing and chronicles, and tied in with the very immediate demands of the cultural poli
tics of the period which produced it.
But like much of the subject-matter of western science, Byzantium has remained
the object until quite recently of outside scrutiny, for the scholarly study of “Byzan
tium” evolved last of all in those areas most directly part of the heritage: the Greek
speaking regions of the south Balkans and Asia Minor. Of course, such an interest
existed throughout the Tourkokratia, evolving especially towards the end of the eigh
teenth century, less as a revival of interest in the Byzantine past than as a re-directing
of already existing intellectual currents, from a more-or-less strictly “Orthodox” view
of the God-guarded empire and its heritage, to a more openly pluralistic and, dare one
say, more “scientific” attitude, as the effects of rationalism and the Enlightenment
were felt.
Yet the Enlightenment did not necessarily signal an enlightened approach to
Byzantium: indeed, we all are familiar with Edward Gibbon’s judgement, a view
determined largely by the eighteenth-century English interpretation of Greek philoso
phy and the stoic values of the Roman republic (which fitted comfortably with the
self-image of the English upper class), together with the distaste felt by many enlight
enment thinkers for the politics of the medieval Church, eastern or western — a view
also shared, to a degree at least, by Greek rationalist thinkers such as Adamantios
Koraes2.
Byzantine Studies, in the sense of the study of Byzantine history, language and
literature has a long pedigree. But whether we consider Hieronymus Wolf3, Edward
Gibbon or Karl Krumbacher to be the founders of “modern” Byzantine Studies, it is
clear that, more than with many other areas of the study of past societies, it is a multi
disciplinary and, perhaps most importantly, a multi-cultural field. In this it reflects its
subject, itself a multi-cultural and, for much of its history, a polyglot state in which the
Greek language and the Orthodox Church served among many other elements as key
unifying factors. The content of the present volume provides a neat illustration of the
point, as also of the many-stranded nature of the field. This is not to suggest that other
2 But we should be careful to differentiate between the ‘rationalist’ hostility to Byzantium displayed by
writers such as Gibbon and the prurient moralising hostility of later writers of the Victorian age such as
William Lecky, whose views Gibbon would probably have found equally distasteful. See W. E. H. Lecky,
A History of European Morals from Augustus to Charlemagne, 2 vols., London 1869, 2, pp. 13f.: “Of
that Byzantine empire, the universal verdict of history is that it constitutes, without a single exception,
the most thoroughly base and despicable form that civilisation has yet assumed. There has been no other
enduring civilisation so absolutely destitute of all forms and elements of greatness, and none to which the
epithet mean may be so emphatically applied . . . The history of the empire is a monotonous story of the
intrigues of priests, eunuchs, and women, of poisonings, of conspiracies, of uniform ingratitude”.
3 See H.-G. Beck, Der Vater der deutschen Byzantinistik: Das Leben des Hieronymus Wolf, von ihm selbst
erzählt (Mise. Byz. Monac. 29), Munich 1984.
John Haldon 3
fields — for example, western Medieval Studies — are in themselves less multi-faceted,
simply to remark on the fact that Byzantinists have evolved a particular identity which
contrasts them with colleagues in other fields. This has sometimes had negative results,
insofar as Byzantine Studies can be seen as an esoteric and somewhat marginal area of
interest— a result to a degree of the language or languages of the sources, partly also a
result of the geographical centre of the field, well away from most of the regions where
the subject first evolved.
Only in Greece itself (and in emigré Greek communities) is Byzantium “main
stream”, and this has, in turn brought its own particular disadvantages. For here the
exigencies of cultural politics, ethnohistory, the continued role of the Orthodox
Church and its own view of the Byzantine past, contemporary national political issues
of identity and relations with neighbouring states and cultures, have all combined to
affect the ways in which Byzantium has been appropriated, studied, and re-presented
to the indigenous consumer of recent and contemporary Greek culture. The internal
debate has in turn had its effects upon the external readership, so that both a romantic
philhellenic and an anti-Hellenic perspective can be detected in the writings of non-
Greek Byzantinists4. The literature on this topic is considerable and well-known, and
it is unnecessary to pursue the subject further in this context. But it is important to bear
it in mind, because the bifocal lens of Byzantine studies — informed both by an “inter
nal” perspective of those born and brought up within the modern Hellenic tradition,
and by an “external” point of view of those outside modern Greek culture — has deter
mined a good deal of the discourse of Byzantinists.
Byzantine Studies is a handy term that actually comprises a vast range of sub-fields
which often have little direct contact one to another— indeed, the contents of this vol
ume are again illuminating in this respect. But these sub-fields, if that is an appropriate
term, themselves fall into two broad categories: instrumental and interpretational. By the
former, I mean those disciplines which are primarily concerned with the preparation and
analysis of source material of one type or another, without which it must reasonably be
conceded that no more broadly-based interpretative or generalising study can properly
be effected. And because of the nature of the sources, whether literary, epigraphic,
archaeological or visual representational, the instrumental tradition has tended, by
necessity, to dominate the field of Byzantine Studies as a whole. Most “Byzantinists”
possess a competence in at least one, and usually more than one, of these instrumental
skills, which in themselves tend to discourage theoretical reflection. Such skills are
rooted in the positivism of nineteenth-century notions of scientificity which have domi
nated and moulded European and North American historiographical thinking, and it has
been until recently the emphasis on the technical and methodological skills which are
required for the internal and external assessment of textual evidence that have domi
nated— quite rightly, up to a point— the training of those who wanted to study Byzan
tium more closely. In particular, the methods and priorities of classical philology have
4 For a useful brief summary o f some of the issues, see Av. Cameron, The Use and Abuse of Byzantium.
An Essay on Reception, Inaugural Lecture, King’s College London, 15 May 1990, London 1992 (rpt. in:
ead., Changing Cultures in Early Byzantium, Aldershot 1996, no. XIII).
4 Byzantium after 2000
necessarily had a major influence, even if this is no longer the case today (and without
pronouncing any value judgements in that regard). Theoretical abstraction has thus been
avoided without too many qualms as largely unneccessary, enabling specialists to pursue
their aims using methods which, by virtue of their proven scientificity, are seen as more-
or-less neutral, thus assuring a ‘true’ picture of the past.
In 1984 I wrote an article about the confrontation which it seemed to me at the
time existed between, very broadly speaking, those who were interested in question
ing the theoretical assumptions underlying and informing their research, and those
who were not interested in such debates, preferring to see them either as irrelevant
or as inaccessible5. In my concluding remarks, I suggested that Byzantine Studies in
the mid-1980s was in the process of what T. S. Kuhn would have called a ‘paradigm
shift’, that is to say, a process through which a traditional set (or sets) of assump
tions and priorities, as well as theories and approaches, is replaced by different sets
of ideas. The changes in the nature of the subject and in those who pursue it have not
been particularly marked, yet there has for all that been some considerable move
ment in attitudes and assumptions about what is acceptable material for study and
what are appropriate questions to ask. To a degree, of course, this is entirely pre
dictable: the changes in social and cultural values and priorities in general, in sec
ondary education, and in the context of the major political issues of the day, have
naturally worked themselves through to the level of university and college degree
programmes. The effects of gender-studies programmes and feminist history-writing
in particular can be seen in the sorts of social history questions which are now
being asked by younger scholars especially. But equally impressive changes in the
agendas of art historians and archaeologists have taken place, so that, when we
stand back for a moment and compare the situation only twenty or so years ago
with that of today, we see a really rather different set of questions and interests at
the forefront.
Now all this may simply be the inevitable result of a shift in attention introduced
by a new generation of scholars and students. On the other hand, it seems to me that
the changes since the late 1970s have been faster and more far-reaching than those
beforehand, and that a real broadening of the historical agenda has occurred which
contrasts very strikingly with the slower rate of change of the period from before the
Second World War until the 1970s.
Two fields in particular, it seems to me, have benefited from closer engagement
with current theoretical debates, namely art history and literary studies6. Yet, as with
social and economic history, which have similarly engaged to an extent with develop
ments inaugurated in other fields, Byzantine Studies as a whole remains peculiarly
slow to take up — even if only to debate with and to reject — some of the issues
5 J. F. Haldon, “Jargon” vs. “the Facts”? Byzantine Flistory-Writing and Contemporary Debates, Byz.
Mod. Greek Stud. 9 (1984-1985) 95-132.
6 For useful recent surveys of new as well as traditional approaches, see M. Mullett, Dancing with Deconstruc
tionists in the Gardens of the Muses: New Literary History vs?, Byz. Mod. Greek Stud. 14 (1990) 258-275;
and L. Brubaker, Parallel Universes: Byzantine Art History in 1990 and 1991, ibid. 16 (1992) 203-233; and
ead., Life Imitates Art: Writings on Byzantine Art History, 1991-1992, ibid. 17 (1993) 173-223.
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