Un assified AD--A276 825

SECURIT 1CLASSIFJCATION OF THIS PAGE

la. SEPORT SECURITY CLASSIFICATION

Unclassified
2a. SECURITY CLASSIFICATION AUTHORITY 3. DISTRIBUTION /AVAILABILITY OF REPORT
NA Distribution Statement A: Approved for public
2b. DECLASSIFICATION I DOWNGRADING SCHEDULE release; distribution is unlimited.
N/A _
4. PERFORMING ORGANIZATION REPORT NUMBER(S) S. MONITORING ORGANIZATION REPORT NUMBER(S)

NDU-ICAF-93- Same

6a. NAME OF PERFORMING ORGANIZATION 6b. OFFICE SYMBOL 7a. NAME OF MONITORING ORGANIZATION
Industrial College of the (If applicable)
Armed Forces ICAF-FAP National Defense University
6c. ADDRESS (City, State, and ZIP Code) 7b. ADDRESS (City, State, and ZIP Code)
Fort Lesley J. McNair Fort Lesley J. McNair
Washington, D.C. 20319-6000 Washington, D.C. 20319-6000

ea. NAME OF FUNDINGISPONSORING 8b. OFFICE SYMBOL 9. PROCUREMENT INSTRUMENT IDENTIFICATION NUMBER
ORGANIZATION (If applicable)

8c. ADDRESS (City, State, and ZIPCode) 10. SOURCE OF FUNDING NUMBERS
PROGRAM TASK WORK UNIT
ELEMENT NO. I PROJECT
NO. O. ACCESSION NO.

11. TITLE (Include Security Classification)

CCA-LC{ <&-? ,
+ly /9 /-6 A i , Cc .S_ . ..
12. PERSONAL AUTHOR(S) .

13a. TYPE OF REPORT 13b. TIME COVERED 14. DATE OF REPORT (Year, Month, Day) i5S PAGE"COUNT "$
Research . FROM Aug 92 TOApr 93 April 1993
16. SUPPLEMENTARY NOTATION

17. COSATI CODES 18. SUBJECT TERMS (Continue on reverse if necessary and identify by block number)
FIELD GROUP SUB-GROUP

19. ABSTRACT (Continue on reverse if necessary and identify by block number)

SEE ATTACHED
T

20. DISTRIBUTIONI/AVAILABILITY OF ABSTRACT 21. ABSTRACT SECURITY CLASSIFICATION

I0UNCLASSIFIED/UNLIMITED EJ SAME AS RPT. 0 DTIC USERS Unclassified
22a. NAME OF RESPONSIBLE INDIVIDUAL 22b. TELEPHONE (Include Area Code) 22c. OFFICE SYMBOL
Judy Clark (202) 475-1889 ICAF-FAP
OD FORM 1473,84 MAR 83 APR edition may be used until exhausted. SECURITY CLASSIFICATION OF THIS PAGE
All other editions are obsolete.
UNCLASSIFIED
 ABSTRACT

Origins of the 1986

Philippine Constitution

Mark Stevens
Department of State

Traces political history of the Philippines, from pre-colonial

times to present day. Describes developed concepts of law and
order and organized society long before Spanish conquest in 1512.
Details continued development during 300 years of Spanish rule.

Describes effect of American rule on development of democratic

principles during first half of this century. Finally, it

describes the despotic reign of President Marcos, his eventual
overthrow, and the successful efforts of the Aquino
administration to draft and ratify 1986 Constitution. Conclusion
heralds maturing of democracy in the Philippines and predicts
social and economic success will surely result.
 1993
Executive Research Project
F26

Origins of the 1986

Philippine Constitution

Mark Stevens
Department of State

FacultyResearchAdvisor
Dr. Joseph E. Goldberg

The Industrial College of the Armed Forces

National Defense University
Fort McNair, Washington, D.C. 20319-6000

"9 "10~"110 100

/l/i~l/ill/l/l/l//llll
94-08044
4

1993
Executive Research Project
F26

Origins of the 1986

Philippine Constitution

Mark Stevens
Department of State

FacultyResearch Advisor
Dr. Joseph E. Goldberg

The Industrial College of the Armed Forces

National Defense University
Fort McNair, Washington, D.C. 20319-6000
I

"DISCLAIMER

This research report represents the views of the author and does not necessarily
reflect the official opinion of the Industrial College of the Armed Forces, the National
Defense University, or the Department of Defense.

This document is the property of the United States Government and is not to be
reproduced in whole or in part for distribution outside the federal executive branch
without permission of the Director of Research and Publications, Industrial College
of the Armed Forces, Fort Lesley J. McNair, Washington, D.C. 20319-6000.

Aooession For
NTIS GI [
[YTIC Ua 5
Unamlunaed 5
Just 1-f Ca 1o0

By

Dist 3.I0~' ia!

I

ORIGINS OF THE 1986

PHILIPPINE CONSTITUTION

INTRODUCTION

The original purpose of this paper was to investigate the reasons behind the drafting of

a new Philippine constitution in 1986. Actually, I was curious about the process the

framers of the new Constitution used in creating this modem document, but my

investigations led into the fascinating history of the Philippines itself. The world was

painfully aware of the excesses of the Marcos regime, but most of us were at a loss as

to how President Marcos remained in power for so long. We had all heard of the long

period of martial law, but that was lifted in 1981, so how did he continue as president

after that, and what was wrong with the previous Constitution that it allowed him to do

so? And finally, does the 1986 Constitution properly address and correct the problem

of excessive executive power?

Our examination will begin with a brief discussion of the political history of the

Philippines.
 THE PRE-COLONIAL ERA

Long before the coming of foreign rule, the inhabitants of the archipelago now known

as the Philippines lived in organized societies under varying regimes of law and

political authority. Their culture was comparable to those of other lands of similar

geography and climate. Families made up the basic social unit, where the authority of

the father was recognized and respected. The population consisted of farmers,

weavers, fishermen, hunters, and traders. They believed in a Supreme Deity. They

carried on commerce and trade with each other and with neighboring islands. They

accepted the concept of private property and respected the sovereignty of law and

political authority.

The unit of government was the barangay,each independent of the other, similar to

the city-states of old Greece. Although these barangays were barely bigger than a

large neighborhood of today, their chosen leaders - normally the head of one of the

largest families in the barangay - were quite powerful, exercising executive,

legislative, judiciary, and military powers by decree. The older men of the barangay

assisted this all-powerful executive with advice in such matters of government as

making laws, trying cases, declaring war, and managing affairs with their neighbors.

Often for mutual protection, barangays occupying contiguous territories would form

2
confederations, the forerunners of today's large barrios or villages. There might be a

chief for the entire village, with the barangayrulers retaining their original powers. In

certain cases, barangay confederations embraced fairly large territories, including an

entire island or a group of islands.

The early Filipinos lived under a regime of laws, both written and unwritten. The

unwritten laws were the customs and traditions passed down through the generations.

According to mythology, these laws were handed down by the lawgiver Luluban.

Recent archaeological findings show that the early Filipinos also had written laws.

Two of these findings of codified law were the Code of Kalantiaw, bearing the date

1443, and the Maragtas Code, so called because it was found in the Maragtas, a pre-

Spanish chronicle written early in the thirteenth century. A cursory study of these

early laws readily reveals that they covered practically the entire spectrum of modern

law, both civil and criminal. They covered family relations, property, contracts,

adoption, divorce, murder, rape, perjury, etc. The predominantly Muslim areas of

Mindanao and Sulu also had codified laws similar to those found in the Koran,

although evidently modified to suit the prevailing customs of the region before the

advent of Islm in these isles.

It is clear that pre-colonial Filipinos recognized and respected the sovereignty of law

3
and had well-developed legal concepts comparable to those in other lands. ' Justice

Norberto Romualdez summed it up with these words:

The Filipino people even in prehistoric times, had already shown high
intelligence and moral virtues; virtues and intelligence clearly manifested
in their legislation, which taking into consideration the circumstances and
the epoch in which it was framed, was clearly as wise, as prudent, and as
humane, as those of the nations then at the head of civilization.'"2

THE SPANISH ERA

Continuing with her colonial expansion, Spain took control over many islands in 1521,

claiming title over them under the law of nations of the time. Spain named these

islands Los Islas Filipinas,after their reigning King Philip.

Well versed in the skills and pitfalls of occupation and colonization of new territories,

Spain studiously avoided interfering with the customs and traditions of the natives.

Spain preserved the barangay system, converting the barangays into townships

(pueblos) and placing them under authority of the Governor appointed by the King of

Spain.

1Aurego, Jose M. Baranpay Government Law and Administration. Manila: University

Book Supply, Inc., 1975.
2 Romualdez, N.: Pre-historic Leqislation of the Philippines, Philippine Law Journal,

(November, 1914), page 179, quoted in George A. Malcolm's The Government of the
Philippine Islands (Manila, 1916), page 44.
4
In the early years of the colonial period, Spain instituted the encomienda system,

similar to the feudal system of old, primarily to reward Spaniards who had rendered

service in the conquest of the Philippines. The encomiendas were large parcels of land

including its inhabitants and resources. The encomendero, or owner of the

encomienda, ruled over the inhabitants and kept order by the execution of laws created

mostly by decree.

The encomienda was abolished after only a few generations of generally despotic rule

and replaced by a provincial system of government called the alcaldias mayores,

headed by judicial governors. Once the colony had been divided into provinces with

relatively strong local governors, the King of Spain, with the approval of his Council

of Ministers, established a unitary system of government by naming a Governor

General. After 1822, the men appointed for this important colonial position were, as a

rule, members of the army.

The powers and functions of the Governor General remained much the same until the

end of Spanish rule. They could be divided into three categories:

" direct delegate of the home government in Spain

" chief of the administration

" head of military and naval forces

5
Following the examples of the French, Dutch, and English colonial systems of

concentrating executive authority in a single person, but subject to counsel of expert

advisors, Spain, by the Royal Decree of 1850, created the Board of Authorities. The

Council of Administration was created by a similar decree in 1861. The Board of

Authorities was in fact the Governor's cabinet. The main functions of the Council of

Administration were to consider general budget matters, changes in regulations or

reforms which the Governor General might propose to the home government, and all

other matters which the Governor General might wish to submit for consideration. The

council's decisions were by r o means final, however, for they were subject to the

approval of the Governor General.

For administrative purposes, the Philippines was divided into geographical units called

provinces - and these, further divided into municipalities. Up until 1886, these

provinces were under the control of a functionary known as an alcalde-mayor. After

that, and the institution of a Civil Governor, the judicial functions of the former

position were transferred to the newly created provincial courts. The Governor, as well

as other major officials of the provinces, was appointed by the home government.

The Provincial Governor, possessing executive powers, was a major link in the central

government concept imposed by Spain. Although appointed and removed by royal

decrees issuing from the Minister of Colonies back in Spain, he was directly

6
responsible to the Governor General in Manila. This made him the medium for

bringing home to the inhabitants of his province the almost boundless powers of the

Governor General. As the representative of the central government, the Provincial

Governor performed the following functions:

" publish and execute the laws, decrees and orders of the Governor
General

"* suppress and punish acts contrary to religious or public morals

" serve as commander in chief of the provincial civil guard

"*preside over meetings of the provincial council and over mayoral

elections

"*promote use of and instruction in the Spanish language

" propose and administer provincial budgets

It seems clear that Spain did much to contribute to the constitutional development of

the Philippines. Specifically, the following were fundamental changes impnsed under

Spanish rule:

"*the creation of towns and provinces as political units

"*the development of a centralized system of government that

superseded tribal organizations

"* the spread of Christianity among the inhabitants

"* the gradual molding of a sense of unity among the formerly diverse
populace into the Filipino nation

"*the establishment of a judiciary system with a Supreme Court in

Manila

7
 the development of the concepts of a national head of government
(Governor General), national advisory bodies, provincial and
municipal executives, and of popular representation, albeit only at the
local level.

However, except for short periods, the Philippine Islands were never extended the

direct benefits of the Spanish Constitution, as was done for Cuba and Puerto Rico.

Pursuant to Article 89 of the Spanish Constitution of 1837, the Philippine Islands were

subject to special and separate laws. '

THE REVOLUTIONARY ERA

The opening of the Suez Canal in 1869 brought the Philippines closer to Europe.

Filipinos returning from European universities or business trips brought back liberal

ideas, which - through their encouragement - gradually fostered the spirit of Philippine

nationalism among the intelligentsia and a growing middle class. By the end of the

century, the masses had picked up on the debate and were demanding, through political

insurrection, independence from Spain.

The insurrections were the result of a strong desire for political reforms, for a more

Aruego Jose M. Barangay Government and Administration. Manila: University Book

3

Supply, Inc., 1975.

8
liberal government, and for a guarantee of fundamental human rights. Mabini's La

Revolucion Filipinaof 1898 demanded "laws limiting the power of the Governor

General, extending Filipino individual liberties through recognition in the Spanish

Constitution, granting Filipino representation in the Spanish Cortes, and establishing a

system of competitive examinations for civil servants of the colonial government."

The framing and adoption of the Malolos Constitution climaxed these revolutionary

efforts. The Malolos Congress " drafted and approved its own work on November 29,

1898. In a bold move, Governor General Aguinaldo accepted and adopted the new

constitution on January 21, 1899. He ordered that the new constitution should be

"kept, complied with, and executed in all its parts because it is the will of the Filipino

people."

The Malolos Constitutioti was the result of several attempts at constitution making.

Most were patterned after other constitutions, such as the revolutionary Constitution of

Cuba. The constitutions of France, Belgium, Mexico, Brazil, Nicaragua, Costa Rica,

Chile, and Spain were studied in detail and had a molding influence on the framers.

Familiarity with Spanish institutions must have provided the dominating influence, for

no mention of the American Constitution appears in the literature of the period.

4 So named after the ranking member of the Congress.

9
 THE AMERICAN ERA

After over 300 years as colonial masters of the Philippines, and a widespread revolt

against their rule in 1896-97, Spain ceded the Philippines to the USA at the December

10, 1898 Treaty of Paris and the conclusion of the Spanish-American War. The fight

for independence continued in the Filipino-American War (1899-1902), which ended

with the imposition of American rule.

A change from Spanish constitutional principles to American principles came mainly

from executive orders of the President of the United States, Acts of the American

Congress or the Philippine Legislature, and decisions of the Philippine Supreme Court.

The Court led the way in establishing a doctrine of supremacy of the (American)

constitution in their legal system through many rulings during the American Era. Time

and again the Court held that an act of the lawmaking body or of the executive was

null and void, or of no effect, when it contravened a provision of a (U.S)

Congressional law or of the United States Constitution.

In various other decisions, the same tribunal laid down the doctrine that the

government of the Philippines, like that of the United States, was essentially one of

limited powers; that whatever power had not been given to the government was

deemed reserved in the sovereign. At the time, the source of legal sovereignty was the

10
Congress of the United States.

The organic laws - the Philippine Bill of 1902 and the Philippine Autonomy Act of

1916 (Jones Law) - did not expressly provide for the separation of powers.

However, in various decisions, the Philippine Supreme Court held that this principle

had been extended to the Philippines. In 1910, in the case of the United States vs. Bull

(15 Phil. 7), it said:

Within the limits of its authority the Government of the Philippines is a

complete governmental organism with executive, legislative, and judicial
departments exercising the functions commonly assigned to such
departments. The President and Congress framed the government on the
model with which Americans are familiar and which has proven best
adapted for the advancement of the public interests and the protection of
individual rights and privileges.

In instituting this form of government the intention must have been to

adopt the general constitutional doctrines which are inherent in the
system. Hence, under it the Legislature must enact laws subject to the
limitation to the organic laws, as Congress must act under the national
constitution. The executive must execute such laws as are
constitutionally enacted. The judiciary, as in all governments operating
under written constitutions, must determine the validity of legislative
enactments, as well as the legality of all private and official acts. In
performing these functions it acts with the same independence as the
Federal and State judiciaries in the United States. Under no other
constitutional theory could there be that government of laws and not of
men which is essential for the protection of rights under a free and
orderly government.

The independence of the judiciary as part of the separation of powers was repeatedly

declared by the Supreme Court of the Philippines to have been extended to the

11
Philippines. Referring to it, the Supreme Court in the case of Borromeo vs. Mariano,

(41 Phil.332), said:

Since the early days of the Republic, the judicial system in the United
States, with certain exceptions which only served to demonstrate more
fully the excellence of the whole, has been viewed with pride, and
confidently relied upon for justice by the American people. The
American people considered it necessary that there should be a judiciary
endowed with substantial and independent powers and secure against all
corrupting or perverting influences; secure also, against the arbitrary
authority of the administrative heads of the government. It was such a
conception of an independent judiciary which was instituted in the
Philippines by the American Administration and which has since served
as one of the chief glories of the government and one of the most
priceless heritages of the Filipino people.

In his instructions to the Philippines Commission,5 President McKinley insisted that

all municipal officials were to be selected by popular vote. Additionally, the

Philippine Bill of 1902 provided for the popular election of the members of the

Philippine Assembly. Congress authorized in the Philippines Autonomy Act of 1916

the election by the people of the members of the House of Representatives and the

Philippine Senate. The doctrine of popular election, and inferentially of the

sovereignty of the people, gradually became more extensive in its application and more

deeply entrenched in Philippine political thought.

5 A group of Americans appointed to be commissioners serving in the Philippine

government.

12
It was evident that the Philippine Bill of 1902 and the Philippine Autonomy Act of

1916 produced in the Congress of the United States would establish American patterns

of government. Among them are a bill of rights; the presidential system; a popularly

elected lawmaking body and a national executive, with the powers and privileges given

in the American constitutional system. 6

Each of the above mentioned acts of the U.S. Congress provided for a bill of rights,

with contents more or less the same as those of American state constitutions and those

of the first ten amendments to the United States Federal Constitution.

The Philippine Bill of 1902 vested legislative power in the Philippine Commission, the

members of which to be appointed by the President of the United States. In 1907, it

was vested in a bicameral legislature consisting of the Commission and the Philippine

Assembly. The Assembly was composed of 81 members elected for a term of two

years.

Under the Jones Law of 1916, legislative power was vested in the Philippine

Legislature composed of the Senate and the House of Representatives. The Senate was

composed of 24 members representing 12 senatorial districts. With the exception of

6Abueva, J.V. "Filipino democracy and the American legacy," Annals of the American
Academy of Political and Social Science. 428 (November 1976), 113-114.
13
two who were appointed by the American Governor General to represent non-Christian

tribes, all were elected to six year terms. In the House, the Governor General

appointed nine members for the same reason mentioned above and the remainder were

elected for three year terms by the electorate of the respective representative districts.

COMMONWEALTH PERIOD

The American people and the Congress of the United States long wanted to grant

independence to our first and only experiment in colonialism. In 1934, as a prelude to

independence, the Tydings-McDuffie Law authorized the Philippine Legislature to call

a Constitutional Convention to draft a new constitution. There were no limitations

upon the powers of this convention save the significant requirements that the new

constitution should be republican in form, should contain a bill of rights, and should be

effective upon the withdrawal of American sovereignty. The convention had the

choice of drafting an interim constitution covering the transition period of ten years or

a permanent constitution for the coming Republic of the Philippines.

The convention chose the latter route, including an ordinance containing the mandatory

provisions of the Tydings-McDuffie Law. This allowed the drafters to formulate a

binding constitution and satisfy the requirements for the mandated ten-year

14
commonwealth period. Although beset with temptations to engage in political

theorizing and debate over institutional experimentation and to be original in thought,

the convention delegates opted for a more conservative route. The drafters believed

that, "in order to be stable and permanent, the constitution must be moored to the

experiences of the people, providing for institutions which had been the natural

outgrowths of the national life. It held that for a people already politically organized,

with political institutions of their own already developed, buttressed with national

traditions, the Constitution was not a place for venturing experiments." '

Accordingly, the institutions and philosophies of the Constitution were, generally

speaking, those with which almost every Filipino was familiar. The Convention

delegates drew heavily from the laws under which they had been governed for the

preceding three and a half decades, particularly the Jones Law enacted by the U.S.

Congress in 1916. Where Philippine precedents were lacking, the drafters looked first

for precedents of American origin, for they would more easily be incorporated into this

new political system.

But while the dominating influence was American, the 1935 Constitution bears traces

of the Malolos Constitution of the ephemeral Philippine Republic, the German

7 Fernandez, Perfecto V.; Melo, Jose A.R.; Garcia, Cancio G.; Alday, Aloysius C. A

Study of the Philiopine Constitution. Quezon City: JMC Press, 1974.

15
Constitution, the Constitution of the Republic of Spain, the Mexican Constitution, the

constitutions of several South American countries, and the unwritten English

Constitution - all of which were frequently consulted during the Convention. " The

1934 Constitutional Convention, however, included in the 1935 Constitution several

provisions that were relatively new. Among them were the following:

Preamble - Unlike the organic laws in effect, the new Constitution provided
for a preamble.

National Territory - Drawing form the example of the Mexican

Constitution, the new Constitution defined the National Territory of the
Philippines.

Bill of Rights - Basically the same as those of the United States, but
with some new provisions.

Declarationof Principles - Unlike the American Constitution, but like

some of the new Constitutions in Europe, the new Constitution provided
for a declaration of principles, two of which were the adoption of social
justice and the renunciation of war as an instrument of national policy.

Suffrage - Unlike many other constitutions, the new Constitution

provided for qualifications for suffrage.

Legislative contest - Departing once again from the American

Constitution, wherein the legislatures are the sole judges of contests
relating to the election, returns, and qualifications of their members, the
new Constitution provided for a new body known as the Electoral
Commission, composed of three justices of the Supreme Court and six
members chosen by the lawmaking body, three from the ruling party and
three from the party having the second largest number of votes in the
Assembly.

Executive budget - Quite unlike most other constitutions, the new

6 Ibid.

16
 Constitution did not provide authorization for the lawmaking body to act
on recommendations from the executive branch on budget appropriations
to run the executive branch of the government.

Executive veto of items of revenue and appropriations- The new

constitution provided for an executive line item veto for separate items in
proposed appropriation, revenue, or tariff measures.

Filipinizationof natural resources - Like the constitutions of Mexico

and Spain, the new Philippine Constitution provided for the
nationalization of natural resources and public utilities.

Elective national executive - Similar to some European constitutions and

to American state constitutions, the new Constitution provided for the
direct election of the executive by popular vote.

In general a considerable portion of the ideas and institutions of the 1935 Philippine

Constitution were adopted from the American Constitution, and partly on the

Constitutions of some European countries. The remainder could be said to be original

with the Philippines.

SEMI-COLONIAL RULE 1-935-1946

The American Era, beginning in 1902, ushered in a period of substantial economic

progress, stimulated by free trade with the USA, preferential treatment for Philippine

agricultural exports and US investment which naturally followed. US suzerainty was

interrupted by three years of Japanese occupation during the Second World War (1941-

17
1944), but the restoration of US rule was short-lived and the independent Republic of

the Philippines was inaugurated in 1946. It retained close links with the USA, with the

continuance until 1974 of preferential trade and parity rights for US citizens. The

1935 Constitution remained the operative document for years to come.

THE MARCOS ERA

The 1935 Constitution was abruptly overturned in September 1972 as President

Ferdinand Marcos neared the end of his second term. Citing a threat from "subversive

forces," he imposed martial law under the provisions of the 1935 Constitution, which

lasted until January 1981. In a bid to extend his influence and remain in office,

Marcos appointed a commission to formulate a new constitution. On January 10,

1973, the new Constitution was approved by the Filipino electorate in a national

referendum. One week later, President Marcos declared that it would go into effect

immediately. It had been the intention of the framers of this Constitution to establish a

parliamentary system of government. However, there was to be a transition period

during which time the foundations were to be laid for the transformation from a

presidential to a parliamentary system.

18
Section 1 of the Transitory Provisions stipulated that:

There shall be an interim National Assembly which shall exist

immediately upon the ratification of the Constitution and shall continue
until the Members of the regular National Assembly have been elected
and shall have assumed office following an election called for the
purpose by the interim National Assembly.

Also, Section 3(1) of the Transitory Provisions stated that:

The incumbent President of the Philippines shall initially convene the

Interim National Assembly and shall preside over its sessions until the
interim Speaker shall have been elected. He shall continue to exercise
his powers and prerogatives under the 1935 Constitution and the powers
vested in the President and the Prime Minister under this Constitution
until he calls upon the interim National Assembly to elect the interim
President and the interim Prime Minister, who shall then exercise their
respective powers vested by this Constitution.

The situation was far from normal. It was left to President Marcos to decide when the

Interim National Assembly would convene. President Marcos was still governing

under martial law, which he had instituted on September 21, 1972. And he was

exercising legislative powers through presidential proclamations orders, and decrees.

Section 3(2) of the Transitory Provisions of the 1973 Constitution stipulated that:

All proclamations, orders, decrees, instructions, and acts promulgated or

issued by the incumbent President shall be part of the law of the land,
and shall remain valid, legal, binding, and effective even after lifting of
martial law or the ratification of this Constitution, unless modified,
revoked, or superseded by subsequent proclamations, orders, decrees, or
other acts of the incumbent President, or unless expressly and explicitly
modified or repealed by the regular National Assembly.

19
Obviously, under martial law and the transitory provisions of the 1973 Constitution,

President Marcos was endowed with enormous powers. However, there appeared to be

a check on his authority by means of the courts. The constitutional basis for this was

provided by Section 4 of the Transitory provisions which stated that:

All courts existing at the time of the ratification of this Constitution shall
continue and exercise their jurisdiction, until otherwise provided by law
in accordance with this Constitution, and all cases pending in said courts
shall be heard, tried, and determined under the laws then in force. The
provisions of the existing Rules of Court not inconsistent with this
Constitution shall remain operative unless amended, modified, or repealed
by the Supreme Court of the National Assembly.

The role of the courts and especially the Supreme Court during this extraordinary

period, is therefore of the greatest importance. Early in 1973 there were many

prominent individuals who questioned the constitutionality of the procedure which had

been followed in bringing about the referendum.

President Marcos was urged to end martial law and restore civil liberties in a petition

submitted to him by Roman Catholic bishops made public September 1, 1974. The

petition requested that "...bold steps be taken to gradually lift martial law and thus pave

the way for healing the wounds of the nation." It also questioned the Philippine

economic policy and asked for the restoration of freedom of speech and press.

20
In a worldwide satellite press conference on September 30, 1974, President Marcos

stated:

Of course the problem here is, if you say that martial law leads to
democracy, how long are you going to maintain martial law? I say
again, only as long as necessary. As the constitutionalists put it,
necessity gave life to martial law and martial law cannot continue unless
necessity allows it to live.

Addressing the nation on December 11, 1974 President Marcos enumerated:

...seven major threats to the Republic...the leftist rebellion; the rightist

conspiracy, which included plans for a coup d'&at; the secessionist
movement on Mindinao and Sulu; the criminal syndicates and political
warlords with their private armies; the deteriorating economy; corruption
on all levels; and the oppressive oligarchy which was responsible for and
bent on promoting widespread social injustice.

He also warned of the dangers of "worldwide inflation and the threat of recession." 9

In response to a proposed national referendum, On March 31, 1973, the Supreme Court

dismissed the case of Javellana vs. Executive Secretary whereby the petitioners sought

to prevent executive officials from implementing the provisions of the new

Constitution on the ground that it had not been validly ratified and that it had not (in

effect) come into force. Chief Justice Fred Ruiz Castro wrote the following comments

in answer to the important questions raised by this action:

The net result was a holding that the question whether the new
Constitution has come into force and effect is a political question beyond

9 Republic of the Philippines, Official Gazette 70, December 23, 1974.

21
 the competence of the Supreme Court to decide. Consequently, the
challenge to its validity must fail, with the result that, in the language of
the resolution, 'there is no further judicial obstacle to the Constitution
being considered in force and effect.'

The dismissal of the petitions follows from the premise that the decisive
question tendered was political, while the statement that 'there is no
further judicial obstacle to the Constitution being considered in force and
"ffect' is a logical consequence of the dismissal of the petitions which
soug'at to enjoin the enforcement of the Constitution.

The Court thus abstained from judgment on the ultimate question of constitutionality.

But its disposition of the cases was no less a decision. To hold that the question

tendered was a political question was itself an interpretive process that called for the

exercise of judgment. Ironically, the Philippine Court referred to Baker vs. Carr, 369

U.S. 186, 1962, in which Justice Bremens cites Justice Brandeis' words, "the most

important thing we (the Supreme Court) decide is what not to decide."

In April 1978 the first elections under martial law were held, and, despite its criticism

of government restrictions, a substantial segment of the opposition participated.

Predictably, President Marcos' New Society movement (KBL) won overwhelmingly.

Of the interim assembly of 200 members, only 15 seats were won by the opposition.

The assembly comprised 165 elected representatives from 14 electoral regions, with

other members appointed by the president.

22
In January 1980 local elections were held, at which the KBL had a sweeping victory,

gaining even more support than in the 1978 elections. At the same time convincing

charges of cheating were made by the opposition. In January 1981 President Marcos

lifted martial law (for most parts of the country), but he could in effect use martial law

powers as he considered necessary.

To solve the uncertainty about succession, amendments to the constitution were

approved by plebescite in April 1981. These replaced the parliamentary form with a

mixed presidential/parliamentary government and, most significantly, provided for an

executive committee to take over from the president should the need arise and until

another president was elected. In theory this dealt with the problem of succession but

uncertainty continued as to who could command the support necessary to succeed

President Marcos.

A national referendum was held on July 27-28, 1973 on the question: "Do you want

President Marcos to continue in office beyond 1973 and to complete the reforms he

has initiated under Martial Law?" The popular vote overwhelmingly supported Mr.

Marcos by an affirmative response of approximately 90% with almost 20 million

voting. President Marcos later declared that "martial law should have been legally

terminated on January 17, 1973 when the New Constitution was ratified (but) the

popular clamor manifested in the referendum (was) that the National Assembly be

23
temporarily suspended."

In June 1981 President Marcos was elected for a six year term by an overwhelming

majority (88 percent), with the opposition refusing to participate. Many opposition

politicians continued in detention or voluntary exile and, with the media censored, the

moderate opposition seemed unable to mobilize feeling against the administration and

its abuses. The only effective opposition came from the Communist New People's

Army (NPA), active in rural areas, and from the southern areas where a secessionist

Muslim movement had been active since before the beginning of martial law.

Regional assembly elections held in May 1979, in line with government proposals,

were boycotted by most of the Muslim population. Meanwhile, the NPA extended its

operations from Luzon and Samar to the south - in particular the Davao provinces -

and was estimated to have 12,000 - 15,000 regular and another 10,000 part time militia

by the end of 1985.

The situation changed rapidly in August 1983, when Benigno Aquino, the opposition

leader regarded as the most credible alternative to President Marcos, was assassinated

while under military escort immediately after his return from exile in the US. This

event, and the deep and widely held suspicion that top levels of the government and

military had ordered the assassination, galvanized the non-violent opposition to the

regime. A series of massive demonstrations followed in which the disenchantment of

24
the urban middle class, and notably the business community, was expressed for the

first time.

This disenchantment owed much to the "crony" system - the granting of massive

privileges (such as monopoly control over coconut and sugar marketing) to individuals

whose qualifications were largely based on their closeness and devotion to the interests

of the Marcos family. This system was permeated by corruption at all levels, and the

gross economic inefficiency and waste it entailed (long evident to both domestic and

foreign observers) became even more undesirable as the Philippines' payments

situation moved into deep crisis.

Marcos' contention that Aquino's assassination was a lone gunman in communist pay

was contradicted in the hearings of the commission of inquiry into the event, and the

suspicion that Marcos had not been fully in control at the time, because of poor health,

reinforced the demand for some more secure and open mechanism for succession than

that provided by the executive committee. Bowing to pressure from inside his own

party as well as from external creditors, President Marcos restored the office of elected

vice president as from the next presidential election (then due in 1987), with the

speaker of the National Assembly to be interim president should Marcos be removed

before that date. Moreover, significant changes were made in the set up for the

legislative elections in May 1984, which were designed to make the contest less

25
grossly one sided - for example, by basing the election on local areas rather than

regions and the results more credible abroad (notably in the USA). However, there

were well authenticated reports of vote buying and tampering with ballot boxes and a

very long delay (over a week) in compiling the resul. But the opposition

nevertheless did well, winning 63 of the 183 seats in contention, despite the well

entrenched and well financed KBL party organization at grass roots and the split

within the opposition ranks between those supporting participation in the elections

(however distorted the process) and those urging a boycott.

The strength of anti-Marcos feeling was sustained by the results of the enquiry. This

reported that military forces were responsible for the assassination of Aquino and the

attempted cover-up. The majority (i.e., all members except the commission's head)

named Fabian Ver, the armed forces chief of staff, head of the intelligence service, and

close aide of the President, plus 25 others. The head of the commission named only

seven, led by the chief of security command at the airport. After an initial attempt to

treat the less damaging Yeport as the operative one, Marcos (under pressure from

Washington) allowed proceedings to begin against General Ver and the other accused.

However, there was widespread suspicion that the whole exercise was designed to clear

General Ver and permit him to resume his functions as chief of staff. This was borne

out by Ver's acquittal in December 1985. Because of the verdict's lack of credibility,

it only reinforced the general swell of opposition.

26
To reassert his supremacy, and to counter pressure from Washington, President Marcos

called an early election for February 1986. He assumed he would easily prevail. He

had advantages stemming from two decades of autocratic rule, with access to funds

and the media, while the opposition had still to unite behind one candidate, with less

than two months to prepare for the poll.

PEOPLE POWER - THE AQUINO ERA

Marcos did not miscalculate on the workings of the government electoral machine; he

was declared winner by about 1.5 million votes. But he had miscalculated on other

critical points. He underestimated the drawing power of Corazon (Cory) Aquino,

widow of Benigno Aquino, who united the previously disparate moderate opposition

and, with her calls for peaceful reform, drew the total support of the Roman Catholic

Church. Marcos also underestimated the effect of US public opinion informed by

detailed press coverage of the realities of Philippine elections - the massive

disenfranchisement (of up to 3 million voters) in opposition strongholds, the blatant

rigging of the court, and the widespread intimidation of the electorate. And finally he

overestimated his own hold on the Philippines. His claim to be victor was rejected

first by the opposition, second by Washington, and finally by a section of the armed

forces led by the defence minister, Juan Ponce Enrile, and by the deputy chief of staff,

27
General Fidel Ramos. Their mutiny in support of Aquino's claim to be president was

backed by the civilian population in Manila which, at the behest of the head of the

Catholic Church, Cardinal Jamie Sin, came out on the streets to shield the rebels.

Troops and armor sent to capture the rebel stronghold turned back when faced with

thousands of unarmed civilians. With his stronghold over the armed forces eroding by

the hour and with final confirmation that he could not look to President Reagan for

more than an offer of asylum, and that only if he went without a fight, Marcos

yielded. He flew to exile in Hawaii, where he remained until his death in 1989. He

did not specifically yield the presidency to Corazon Aquino, but the legitimacy of her

succession was not contested even by many of the former supporters of Marcos.

President Aquino then sought to reunite the country. Following campaign pledges,

civil liberties were restored, political prisoners were released, and the NPA was offered

a six month cease fire, with negotiations on grievances, in return for surrendering its

arms. Cory's regime wished to maintain fundamental social structures and the system

of government, at least in its broad terms. However, the fact of having come to power

through a military revolt and the forced departure of a proclaimed elected president

meant that the Aquino government's claim to legality was suspect under the existing

constitution, and the new regime could not constitutionally remove established

governors and mayors. Consequently, President Aquino proclaimed a transitional

constitution in March 1986 to last for one year while a permanent constitution was

28
drafted by a special commission. The transitional constitution maintained many

provisions of the old one, including in rewritten form the presidential right to rule by

decree. A permanent constitution was drawn up in summer 1986 in a constitutional

convention whose members were appointed by the president. It largely restored the

set-up abolished by Marcos in 1972, but with new controls on the president based on

the experience of Marcos rule.

The presidential term is a single one of six years (thus Aquino's term lasted until mid-

1992). The president may impose martial law for no longer than 60 days, and the

decree proclaiming it can be revoked by Congress. The president may not abolish

Congress. The judiciary rules on the constitutionality of presidential decrees, and there

is a new procedure to secure impartial appointments. A permanent independent

commission oversees compliance with an expanded bill of rights.

The new constitution was overwhelmingly approved (with a 76 per cent majority in an

87 per cent turnout) in February 1987, and congressional elections were held the

following May. The 1986 Constitution was upheld throughout President Aquino's

tumultuous six years in office and a peaceful (by Philippine standards) turnover

occurred following the 1992 presidential elections.

29
 CONCLUSION

The message delivered here has been long, but its conclusion is quite clear -

After more than 300 years of monastic rule by the Spaniards, a half-century of

Hollywood, and nearly a quarter-century of home-grown megalomania with Marcos,

the Philippines developed a functional democracy embodied in the 1986 Constitution.

The results were inextricably tied to their culture and adopted Christianity. They were

long used to the idea of the sovereignty of law and central government. Christianity

added the ideals of fair play and higher purpose. The practice of sending scholars to

Europe, and later to America, helped to develop liberal ideas and a deeper

understanding of the principles of democracy. The 1935 Consttituion could have been

in existence today, were it not for the excesses of the Marcos years. Those excesses,

coupled with the increased political awareness of an ever growing educated middle

class, finally fomented enough dissatisfaction that one final change was inevitable.

Marcos and wife actually helped things along by their outright corruption and arrogant

behavior. It may take decades for the Philippines to recover from the economic and

social losses incurred during its recent history, but as it is blessed with a resilient

population enjoying a new era of political freedom based on social consciousness, I

have no doubts that they will prevail.

30