Linking critical discourse analysis

with translation studies

An example from BBC News

Bandar Al-Hejin
Lancaster University and Institute of Public Administration, Saudi Arabia

This paper argues for closer interdisciplinarity between critical discourse analysis
(CDA) and translation studies (TS). There has been very little CDA investigat-
ing discursive representations by news organisations across linguistic, political
and cultural boundaries. Similarly researchers in TS have pointed out that the
sensitive role news translation plays in discursive phenomena such as globalisa-
tion and political discourse remains largely underestimated. To address this gap,
three methodological models are proposed for linking the dialectical-relational
approach to CDA (Fairclough 1992, 1995, 2003) with text-based approaches
in TS. A mini-case study will illustrate such links by analysing talks by Saudi
women translated by BBC News into Standard Arabic and English. Findings
reveal substantial transformations which cannot be dismissed as inevitable con-
straints of the news genre or translation, but are more likely to reflect prevailing
narratives of Muslim women being 'submissive' and oppressed'.

Keywords: critical discourse analysis, translation studies, media, BBC News,

Saudi women

1. Introduction

Concerns have been raised in the field of Translation Studies (TS) that the sensi-
tive role international news translation plays in discursive processes such as glo-
balisation, conflict and political discourse remains largely underestimated (Bielsa
2009:4, Prez-Gonzlez 2012:171, Schaffner 2004:120). Similarly in the field of
Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) there have been very few studies investigating
the language of news organisations across linguistic, political and cultural bound-
aries (Palmer 2009:186). Considering that important aspects of hnguistic analysis
such as pragmatic and sociocultural meanings are mostly language specific, one

Journal of Language and Politics 11:3 (2012), 311-335. DOI io.io75/jlp.ii.3.oialh

ISSN 1569-2159/ E-issN 1569-9862 John Benjamins Publishing Company
312 Bandar Al-Hejin

might question whether CDA, a primarily monolingual research tradition, can

be conducted with translated texts at all. Fairclough (1999:186) rightly points out
that such an analysis is problematic when the translated text is treated as though
it were part of the source language's sociocultural context. In this paper, however,
I will suggest that the translation process itself presents a fertile research area for
comparative or multilingual CDA. Chilton (2004: xii) has already alluded to that
potential stating that translation "pose[s] more intriguing, and politically urgent,
challenges for scholars in a world that is both more global and more fragmented".
My argument will be that the application of CDA to translated texts can be meth-
odologically sound providing (a) the translation is accounted for as part of the
production process; (b) the discursive and social practices of the source and/or
target language are linked to their respective texts; and (c) the analysis draws on
the rich array of analytical tools TS theory provides.
The starting point for this paper will be a discussion of the ground CDA and
TS already have in common. I will then attempt to systematise the link between
CDA and TS by suggesting three methodological models for linking Fairclough's
dialectical-relational approach to CDA (1992,1995,2003) with various approach-
es to translation studies. The same section will review previous studies that might
exemplify each model by drawing on tools from both fields, albeit in limited ways.
Next I will illustrate the application of the second model in more detail using ex-
amples from a CDA case study analysing talks by Saudi women translated by BBC
News into Standard Arabic and subsequently into English. I conclude the paper
with a critique of CDA's relative neglect of translation as a major intertextual force
in the context of globahsation.

2. Common denominators in CDA and TS

Some of the theoretical and methodological links between the fields of CDA and
TS have been touched on in previous studies (Baumgarten 2007, Calzada-Prez
2007, Elbadri 2010, Kang 2007, Knowles & Malmkjr 1989, Kuo & Nakamura
2005, Munday 2007, Oik 2002, Schaffner 2004, Valden 2007). In this section I will
make some of those links explicit and try to elaborate others. It should be noted
that the discussion will be limited to only one of several CDA approaches. Other
approaches may have their own potential links with TS, for example at the dis-
course-historical (Reisigl & Wodak 2001), sociosemantic (van Leeuwen 1996), so-
ciocognitive (van Dijk 1988, van Dijk & Kintsch 1983) or corpus linguistic (Hardt-
Mautner 1995) levels. Such links can hopefully be explored elsewhere. Also, what
follows will not review various approaches to TS in any comprehensive way but
merely those which share common ground with Fairclough's approach to CDA.
 Linking critical discourse analysis with translation studies 313

Starting with grammatical theory, most CDA approaches including that

of Fairclough have traditionally been hased on systemic functional grammar
(Halliday 1978, 1994) which recognises the ideational, interpersonal and textual
metafunctions of language. This functional view of language means prominent TS
approaches such as Baker (1992), House (1997) and Hatim and Mason (1990) all
share a common linguistic platform with CDA which can be exploited for inter-
disciplinary linguistic analysis.
Moving on to central concepts, Fairclough (1992, 1995, 2003) defines dis-
course as any practice that is both semiotic and social. He views discourse as hav-
ing a dialectical relationship with social identities, social relationships and systems
of knowledge and belief (Fairclough 1992:64). In other words, discourse is both
socially determined and socially constitutive. Discourse generates and draws on
discourses (count noun) which reflect opinions on a given topic resulting from a
certain belief, ideology or worldview (e.g. a neoconservative economic discourse).
Fairclough (2003:218) defines ideology as "representations of aspects of the world
which contribute to establishing and maintaining relations of power, domina-
tion and exploitation." The ideas endorsed by dominant ideologies are rarely
questioned and typically perceived as "common sense" (Ruth Wodak & Meyer
2009:8). Orders of discourse refers to a network of relationships between differ-
ent discourses, genres and styles within a given social institution and how these
compliment and/or constrain one another (Fairclough 2006:26). Fairclough s dia-
lectical-relational framework for CDA sees discourse as having three dimensions:
(1) text, which refers to organisation, clause combination, clause grammar, and
vocabulary; (2) discursive practices, which refers to how the text is produced, dis-
tributed, interpreted and appropriated, and (3) sociocultural practices, which refers
to the context on a situational, institutional or societal level (1995:97). There is no
reason to assume that these dimensions are any less relevant to TS theory as they
are equally applicable to the production of target language (TL) as well as source
language (SL) texts (Valden 2007:100).
The importance of incorporating translated texts into CDA seems obvious
considering the centrality of intertextuality and recontextualisation in the work of
critical discourse analysts, so I will briefly elaborate them here. Following Kristeva
(1986) and Bakhtin (1981), intertextuality basically refers to the fact that texts ex-
plicitly or implicitly recontextualise elements from previous texts. Intertextuality
may be external, referring to the relationship between a text and other texts, or
internal, referring to the semantic, grammatical and lexical features within a text
(Fairclough 2003:36-37). Fairclough sees internal intertextuality as dealing with
not only syntagmatic relations "between elements which are actually present in
the text" but also paradigmatic relations "between what is actually present and
what might have been present but is not 'significant absences'" (2003:37). The
314 Bandar Al-Hejin

importance of "absences" in TS has been echoed by Mona Baker (2006:71) in the

process oi selective appropriation, that is, the inevitable choices authors and trans-
lators make regarding what will and will not be included in a text. Drawing on
narrativity theory. Baker explains that such choices may be constrained by the-
matic, spatial and temporal relevance but also by ideologies which she refers to as
"meta-narratives" (p. 72).
RecontextuaUsation is a term initially used by Bernstein (1990:60-61) to ex-
plain how discourses were transformed when appropriated in pedagogical set-
tings. The concept has since been adopted in CDA by, among others, van Leeuwen
(1993:204-205) who explains the process as involving rearrangement, deletion,
addition and substitution of elements to make texts "work" in new contexts.
According to van Leeuwen and Wodak (1999:96), "recontextualisation always in-
volves transformation, and what exactly gets transformed depends on the inter-
ests, goals, and values of the context into which the practice is recontextualised".
Indeed such transformations can be more complex when they involve translation
or as Schaffner (2004:143) put it, "recontextualisation across cultures". This com-
plexity is reflected in the fact that the recontextualisation processes identified in
TS, more broadly referred to as translation strategies, are more elaborate than those
in CDA. Relevant examples include:

Implicitation: "making what is explicit in the source language implicit in the

target language, relying on the context or the situation for conveying the
meaning" (Vinay & Darbelnet, 1995:342 cited in Klaudy 2009:103-104).
- Explicitation: "making explicit in the target language what remains implicit in
the source language because it is apparent from either the context or the situ-
ation" (Ibid).
Domestication: modifying or replacing elements in SL texts to accommodate
TL conventions, making them familiar to TL readers (Venuti 1995:20).
Foreignisation: preserving the cultural conventions of the SL text regardless of
their familiarity to TL readers (Venuti 1995:19-20)

Examples of translation strategies such as these (there are many more) should il-
lustrate the point that CDA needs to draw on TS theories when tackling translated
texts (Schflher 2004:138).
Turning to the field of TS, Schaffner (2004:133) points out that before the
1970s translation had largely been defined in linguistic terms as the semantic
transfer of meaning from one language to another. A much broader understand-
ing of translation developed thereafier based on functionalist approaches which
recognise that translated texts are produced to fulfil certain functions or skopos
(Vermeer 1987). Functionalist approaches adopt "a prospective attitude to transla-
tion, as opposed to the retrospective attitude adopted in theories which focus on
 Linking critical discourse analysis with translation studies 315

prescriptions derived from the source text" (Schaffner 2009:117). This division
between retrospective and prospective approaches to TS is also evident in the two
major schools of thought that developed in Europe since the 1970s (Snell-Hornby
1988:11-26). The first is bersetzungswissenschaft [translatology] which was initi-
ated by the Leipzig School and considers TS a subdiscipline of Applied Linguistics.
It relies on linguistic analysis viewing itself as an exact science that focuses on the
concept of equivalence, which basically refers to the extent to which the TL text
reflects the SL text. The notion of equivalence has been controversial for at least
two reasons. One is that its various definitions have been difficult to apply in prac-
tice especially within the confines of traditional linguistic theory (Snell-Hornby
1988:22), although more recent approaches to equivalence based on systemic
functional linguistics such as Baker (1992) and House (1997) have been more rig-
orous and empirical while acknowledging the relativity of the concept itself. The
second reason seems to be a general reaction against a counterproductive preoc-
cupation with equivalence in TS. Schaffner (2004:136) claims that "the notion of
equivalence' is almost a 'dirty' word now", which reflects a further shift away from
a prescriptive and retrospective view of translation towards a more descriptive and
prospective one that also recognises the cultural and ideological processes involved.
Reactions to pure descriptivism, however, have led to the incorporation of
self-reflexivity and an attention to hegemonic narratives in TS, both of which
play key roles in CDA. Brownlie (2009:78) points out that the descriptive tradi-
tion has been criticised for its positivistic assumption that researchers are able
to adopt an objective stance in their analysis of other people's translations. This
led to the development of what she refers to as "Critical Descriptive Translation
Studies" by researchers such as Hermans (1999) who emphasise the importance of
self-reflexivity in interpretation. Another reaction to descriptivism is "committed
approaches" which Brownlie describes as "a politically motivated revival of pre-
scriptive approaches towards translation, based on the recognition of unfair power
differentials in and between cultures and languages" (p. 79). She classifies commit-
ted approaches into those which are explicitly committed to a particular political
cause, such as Venuti's (1995) promotion of foreignisation to resist neocapitalist
values, and those which recognise translation "as an activist and interventionist
activity per se" (p. 80, emphasis in original) such as Baker's (2006) exposition of
selective appropriation by the Middle East Media Research Institute or her advo-
cacy of activist translators who "distance themselves from organisations that are
actively involved in unethical or suspect agendas..." (Baker 2009:238).
The second major school of thought is based on Manipulation Theory (MT)
which considers TS a subdiscipline of Comparative Literature. As its name sug-
gests, MT assumes that translations are actually "rewrites" in which translators
"manipulate the originals they work with to some extent usually to make them fit
3i6 Bandar Al-Hejin

in with the dominant, or one of the dominant ideological and poetological cur-
rents of their time" (Lefevere 1992:8). Hatim and Mason (1997:119) distinguish
between two related but analytically distinct issues of ideology. One is the ideology
of translating, that is the extent to which translators mediate SL texts. The other
is the translation of ideology, that is "what happens to ideologies when they are
translated". While previous work by Hermans, Bassnett and Lefevere has focused
on the first issue, Hatim and Mason point out that significant progress in critical
linguistics and CDA has provided a better understanding of the translation of ide-
ology by elucidating the way discourse shapes and is shaped by ideology.
Aside from an interest in ideological manipulation, MT shares other com-
mon denominators with CDA because it constitutes an approach to translation
that is "descriptive, target-oriented,/uci/ona/ and systemic, and [has] an interest
in the norms and constraints that govern the production and reception of transla-
tion..." (Hermans 1985:10 fn., emphasis added). This shows clear parallels with
CDA since "production and reception" form essential components of discursive
practices; and what Hermans refers to as "norms" and "constraints" are typically
subsumed under orders of discourse. These constraints governing translation are
elaborated by Lefevere (1992) who classifies them as follows: (1) Language refers
to inherent linguistics difference between the SL and TL. (2) Patronage refers to
the status of the translator as well as ideological and economic factors affecting
the person or institution commissioning the translation (p. 16). (3) Poetics refers
to two components: "one is the inventory of literary devices, genres, motifs, proto-
typical characters and situations and symbols; the other a concept of what the role
of literature [translation] is, or should be in the social system" (p. 26). Lefevere and
Bassnett (1990: xi) state that "all rewritings, whatever their intention, reflect a cer-
tain ideology and a poetics and as such manipulate literature to function in a given
society in a given way". (4) Universe of discourse refers to the knowledge, objects,
customs and beliefs of a given culture at a given time. This includes "a cultural
script' [which] could be defined as the accepted pattern of behaviour expected of
people who fill certain roles in a certain culture." (p. 89). Like Fairclough, Lefevere
explicitly draws on Foucault in his understanding of power in patronage "not just,
or even primarily, as a repressive force" but also one that produces widely accepted
knowledge and discourse (p. 15).
Hatim and Mason (1990) were among the first within the field of TS to argue
that translation theory needed to account for the concept of discourse, which they
broadly define in the same Foucauldian sense as Fairclough (p. 70). Their contex-
tual model of translation situates the text as the central unit of analysis which must
incorporate three dimensions: the communicative (setting and users), pragmatic
and semiotic (p. 58). This semiotic dimension calls for the translator's understand-
ing of the discourses and intertextual links that reside in the source text. Mason
 Linking critical discourse analysis with translation studies 317

(2007:343) points out that critical linguistics (the precursor to CDA) as pioneered
by Kress and Hodge may have been overlooked to some extent by other disci-
plines, including TS, due to "excessive compartmentalization of academic disci-
plines in the western world" as well as critical linguists' own failure to connect with
other sociological theories of power and ideology such as Foucault and Bourdieu.
Nevertheless, he goes on to argue that critical linguistics did much to operation-
alise discourse as a concept in textual analysis which "has become an indispens-
able concept in translation studies of various kinds" (p. 344).
The most compelling arguments for interdisciplinary cooperation between TS
and Political Discourse Analysis (including CDA) have been made by Christina
Schaffner (2004). She lists a number of examples from EU political discourse
where aspects such as lexical choice and conceptual metaphors in translations had
contrasting effects in the British and German political and media environments
(for details see Schaffner 1997, 2003). Aside from having serious political con-
sequences, the translational choices made in the examples illustrate that "textual
features need to be linked to the social and ideological contexts of text production
and reception. In other words, [TL] texts and discourses are framed by social and
political structures and practices" (p. 131-132). This, she argues, provides impor-
tant links between TS and CDA.

3. Three methodological models

Having summarised some of the common ground CDA and TS share, here I will
propose three methodological models for applying CDA to translated texts within
Fairclough's framework. It should be acknowledged that there was no "perfect fit"
when it came to finding examples of each model. Some studies analysed the texts
and paid little attention to the discursive and social practices. Others paid more
attention to TL practices than those in the SL context or vice versa. The common
feature in all the following studies, however, is that they trace textual transforma-
tions in the translation process in order to investigate the extent to which these
may be ideologically motivated.
Model 1 emphasises translation as re-writinghy conducting a textual analysis
of a translation and then analyse the discursive and sociocultural practices of the
translator operating in the target language domain (see Figure 1). Assuming that
translators, like authors, are both ideological agents and subject to orders of dis-
course that impact their work, a translation can be viewed as a text in its own right
which reflects the interests of a particular culture or group. Accordingly the dis-
cursive and social practices to be analysed in Model 1 will most likely be those of
3i8 Bandar Al-Hejin

Social practices

Discursive practices

Source J Target
Language Mran.slation/Recontextualisa ion a lalysis Xanguage
Text ^ Text

Figure 1. Apply the analysis to the context of the target language text (adapted from Fairclough
1992: 73).

the target language and culture but may in fact belong to any culture the translator
happens to identify with.
A study by Kang (2007) analysed the transformations in news stories about
North Korea in the South Korean magazine Newsweek Hankuk Pan after being
translated from its US affiliate Newsweek. Her findings showed how various ele-
ments in the SL text were transformed to construct North Korea as "relatively
more rational, legitimate and benign" than in the English version (p. 236). Kang's
work could rightly be described as "CDA" because her analysis includes not only
the texts and social practices but the discursive practices such as the editorial roles
of the "translator", "native checker" and "top checker" (p. 226) which are often dif-
ficult to access due to institutional barriers. The study takes a prospective approach
by focusing on the texts' recontextualisation in the South Korean TL context rath-
er than the SL context in the US. This makes it a good example of the framework
in Model 1.
Model 2 emphasises translation as an intertextual chain by conducting a
comparative CDA of the texts, discursive and social practices of both the SL and
TL domains (see Figure 2). This is clearly more demanding than Model 1 but it
would be necessary when analysts need to trace the motivation behind certain
linguistic choices back to the source language and culture in order to gain a proper
understanding of their intended function and discursive impact. This is often the
case with genres such as political speeches biographies.
One example of Model 2 is a study by Banhegyi (2008) which proposes an
approach to analysing translated texts that integrates text linguistics, sociocog-
nitive theory and CDA. His study compared a French speech by the former
Canadian Prime Minister Jean Chrtien against its official English translation.
Banhegyi shows how lexical choice and predicates expressing personal opinions
produced a translation that was less emotive and more focused on unity then the
French text. He concludes that these differences in the political discourse reveal
 Linking critical discourse analysis with translation studies 319

Social practices Social practices Social practices

Discursive practices Discursive practices Discursive practices

^ ,; ;
Source rJ laiget .
Trans dlioii/F econtextualisa ion a alysis Trans atioii/ .econtextuaiisa liona n"ary.Ts'^'="'''"''''!
1/ 'i,', Text 1
Text Text

Figure 2. Apply the analysis to both the source and target language contexts (adapted
from Fairclough 1992: 73)

a cultural divide despite the proclaimed monocultural political environment of

Canada (p. 104). Another example is an extensive study by Elbadri (2010) which
compared the English website of CNN against the Arabic version by tracing par-
allel news stories over a one month period. Despite originating from the same
news organisation, the two websites were found to reflect very difl^erent linguistic,
cultural and ideological positions. To address such data in future research, Elbadri
calls for "the development of a contrastive critical approach to the discourse of
news" (p. 228).
Model 3 emphasises translation as multiple versions by conducting a com-
parative CDA of two or more translations of one text (see Figure 3). It differs from
Model 2 in that the TL texts are all primary translations of the same SL text rather
than forming an intertextual chain based on retranslations (Figure 2). Wodak and
Busch (2004:112) point out that "there is a serious lack of systematic research
available on language and the media in multilingual settings...". Model 3 can help
to address this gap as the TL texts need not necessarily be in the same language.
For example, translations "A", "B" and "C" in Figure 3 could all be different English
translations of the same political speech but they could also be in different languag-
es as is usually the case in multilingual institutions such as the European Union.
An early example of Model 3 is a study by Knowles & Malmkjaer (1989) which
pioneered the call to link TS with critical linguistics. They contrasted four English
translations of The Steadfast Tin Soldier, a Danish fairytale by Hans Christian
Andersen. While the SL text contained levels of meaning aimed at both children
and adult readers, transitivity and adjective choices in the translations seemed
to interfere with that function by eliminating elements translators might have
deemed "subversive" or "too complicated for children" (p. 228). More recent ex-
amples include Baumgarten (2007) who incorporated CDA with corpus linguis-
tics to compare eleven translations of Hitler's Mein Kampf. His analysis showed
how the framing of different TL texts reflects contrasting ideological positions on
32O Bandar Al-Hejin

Source
Language
Social practices Text Social practices

Discursive practices Discursive practices

ex tualisation analysis ~ J

Translation
"A" "C"
Social practices

Discursi\ practices

Translation
"B"

Figure 3. Apply the analysis to different translation contexts of the same source text (adapted
from Fairclough 1992: 73).

the way Hitler was to be represented. Another study by Kuo and Nakamura (2005)
compared two translations of an interview with Taiwan's first lady by two ideologi-
cally opposed Taiwanese newspapers from English into Chinese. Their study illus-
trated the effectiveness of CDA tools for uncovering the ideological motivations
behind the contrasting linguistic choices and editorial transformations the two
translations were making. Chan (2007) also compared Taiwanese and mainland
Chinese translations of Hillary Clinton's memoir. Despite the Chinese publisher's
claim that theirs was a replica of the Taiwanese version, there were clear differ-
ences between the two versions, which Chan interpreted as reflecting the interests
of the PRC's ruling communist party. A final example of Model 3 by Ayyad (2012)
illustrates the efficacy of combining concepts from descriptive translation studies
and CDA. The study analysed translations of the 'Roadmap Plan' addressing the
Palestinian-Israeli conflict. This included six Arabic and four Hebrew translations
of the original English drafi by a range of stakeholders whose lexical choices, ex-
plicitation and deliberate ambiguity highlighted crucial differences in the ideo-
logical framing of the conflict.
It is important to stress that the application of any of the proposed models in
practice should allow for different permutations and extensions because the three
suggested are by no means exhaustive. The intertextual chain in Model 2 for ex-
ample may well extend into other languages and contexts depending on the avail-
able data and questions the analyst seeks to answer. The discourse boxes in dotted
lines in Figure 2 signify this potential extension of the intertextual chain. Valden
(2007) provides an example of such an analysis across three different contexts. He
 Linking critical discourse analysis with translation studies 321

analysed lexical choices made in prominent Spanish news websites reporting the
2004 Madrid bombings by comparing them to nine American and British news
websites including CNN and BBC News, which were then compared to their re-
spective Spanish versions, BBC Mundo and CNN Espaol. These Spanish versions
consistently used the term separatist in reference to the ETA (Basque organisa-
tion) even when quoting Spanish officials who used the term terrorist. Valden
argues that text producers were "altering a communicative and informative event
to make it conform to their own political stance" (p. 115). The study, incidentally,
provides another fllustration of the importance of TS tools for contrastive CDA.
Using Baker's (1992:21-26) non-equivalence criteria, Valden was able to sub-
stantiate his claim that the problematic lexical choices were not actually the result
of linguistic, pragmatic or cultural constraints between the SL and TL (something
an ill-equipped critical discourse analyst might have taken for granted).
Some studies have found evidence that seems to downplay ideological con-
siderations when it comes to transformations of TL texts. A study that approxi-
mates Model 3 by Munday (2007) for example analysed political speeches by Latin
American leaders (Castro, Marcos and Chavez), their official translations and
translation used in the US press. He concluded that ideologies typically associ-
ated with certain governments or groups were not actually a good predictor of the
lexical choices made and argues that a translator's individual experience with lexi-
cal priming (Hoey 2005) was a more likely explanation for those choices (p. 213).
Similarly, Al-Mohannadi (2006) conducted a comparative analysis of the BBC and
CNN's translations of Osama bin Laden's first statement following the 9/11 at-
tacks. The latter's TL text displayed significant omissions and changes that could
be interpret as ideological intervention, but the types of linguistic errors made led
Al-Mohannadi to conclude that the transformations were more likely to be due
to a combination of time pressure and "linguistic incompetence" (p. 540). Non-
systematic applications of explicitation and implicitation strategies (see Section 2)
by Finish translation students' also led Puurtinen (2003) to conclude that their
apparent manipulation of the source text was primarily the result of inadequate
knowledge of the source culture rather than any particular world view. Using
think-aloud protocols during translation. Oik (2002) also found that degree-level
students seemed unaware of the prejudicial discourse communicated by some
of their lexical choices. These findings, however, merely indicate that constraints
other than ideology, such as language and lack of knowledge, must also be con-
sidered. Indeed it seems naive to expect a one-to-one correspondence between,
say, passivisation and a particular political agenda (regardless of whether it exists)
without corroborating evidence from the textual and sociopolitical contexts. This
is precisely the type of evidence CDA aims to provide.
322 Bandar Al-Hejin

4. An example from BBC News

The following mini-case study will start with a brief description of the discursive
practices involved in the production of the biographical news stories to be ana-
lysed. Relevant social practices will be considered as they arise in the texts.

4.1 Discursive practices

In 2005 the BBC News posted an article on its website consisting of stories by sev-
en Saudi women ages 17-27. All were students at a private college in Saudi Arabia
who had partaken in a workshop by the BBC World Service Trust in conjunction
with BBC Arabic and UNICEF. The project had already conducted similar work-
shops in Egypt, Syria and Yemen. The theme for the workshop was "Where I Am
Now and Where I Want to Be by 2015". The women produced posters with pictures
and artwork telling their stories and aspirations. Then each one gave a short talk
describing her poster. These talks were then transcribed from spoken Saudi Local
Arabic (SLA) into written Modern Standard Arabic (MSA).' The stories were first
published on the BBC Arabic website with pictures of each of the seven women
and links to their stories in MSA as well as an audio file of each woman giving
her autobiographical talk in SLA. The MSA texts were eventually translated into
English and posted on the English BBC News website. Based on this information,
we can say that the discursive practices associated with the production of these
texts most closely reflect those in Model 2 as shown in Figure 4.
Two aspects to consider in the production of these stories are who the authors
and intended audiences might be. Goffman (1981:44) provides helpful distinc-
tions regarding the different roles of text producers. The animator handwrites,
types or reads the text; the author phrases its language; and the principal is the
person represented by the text. In this case, the women start off by assuming all
three roles. They probably knew that their audio files and images were going to be

Figure 4. The intertextual/translational chain in the BBC News stories (Model 2) adapted
from Fairclough 1992: 73
 Linking critical discourse analysis with translation studies 323

published on the BBC Arabic website. This meant instant online exposure to mil-
lions of Internet users across the Arab speaking world mostly educated young
and middle-aged readers. The rarity of Saudi women appearing in any Western^
news medium, not to mention audiovisually, must have been something the wom-
en were aware of It seems clear from the ambiance in the audio recordings and
the intimate style of the talk that there were no large audiences present. Although
presentations are normally given in MSA, all seven women seemed comfortable
using SLA throughout their talks with only occasional code-switches to MSA. It
is unclear, however, whether these stories were originally meant for publication in
BBC's English News website. An article in the Arab News newspaper covering the
workshop suggests that the women may not have had Western readers on their
mind when they gave these talks (Akeel 2005). The intertextual chain involved in
producing the women's stories from spoken SLA into written MSA and then into
English is illustrated in Figure 5. The chain involved three stages or textual trans-
formations: transcription, translation into MSA and translation into English. Stage
1 indicates the point where the women's roles as principles became distinct from
the animators and authors (translators) who would take over their representation
to both Arabic and English speaking audiences.
The following sections will discuss these transformations in detail. The story
of "Samia" will be the focus of the analysis because it presents some compelling
examples of those transformations but brief examples from the other stories will
be mentioned as well. In order to analyse and compare the content of Samia's talk
(about 6 minutes) with the MSA text, I transcribed the talk in its original SLA
form. For the benefit of readers unfamiliar with Arabic, I then retranslated that
transcription into English.^

4.2 The source text

Samia's talk (897 words) is largely organised around her poster which displays the
most important aspects ofher life. A primary discourse Samia consistently draws

Stage 1 Stage 2 Stage 3

Story posted on MSA text Story posted on

The talk ^^Transcription ^ . 'Translation'^^ BBC Arabic in ^ ^ , , BBC News in
in SLA ^ into SLA ^ into MSA ^ MSA using 1st ^ . ^ English using 1st
? person narrative + '"' i^nglisn person narrative
sound file + image + image

Figure 5. The processes involved in the production of the intertextual chain.

324 Bandar Al-Hejin

on is religion. She does this explicitly by mentioning that her religion takes prior-
ity over everything else. Her mother is the second most important thing but the
reasoning behind that is also partiaOy religious as she quotes a hadith (saying by
Prophet Muhammad) about the status of mothers in Islam. The third most impor-
tant thing, marriage, is also explained by paraphrasing a hadith regarding the im-
portance of marriage in Islam. Religious discourse is also used to explain Samia's
positive outlook on being adopted: "Allah has taken from me but he has given me
a good family". Even in the context of discussing the possibility of studying abroad,
she again refers to religion as "the first thing" she uses for guidance.
To gain a better understanding of Samia's religious discourse it is necessary to
consider the social practices within which the SLA talk is embedded as suggested
in Model 2 (Figure 4). For example, a survey conducted by BBC Arabic in Egypt
asked 500 young men and women about their motivations for wanting to get mar-
ried. The most common answer (35%) among both sexes was "completing half
my religion" (BBC Arabic 2006). This intertextuality of religion and social affairs
in the respondents' answers provides an indication of the extent to which Islamic
discourse often permeates all aspects of Muslims' personal and social lives, not to
mention the significance of Samia's reference to that particular hadith regarding
marriage. Social practices specific to the Saudi culture add further complexity to
this intertextuality. Samia's very appearance with her image on the BBC website is
problematic for some Saudis who view it as a breach with Islamic tradition (many
of the readers' comments reflected that concern). Her awareness of this may be
evidenced by her affirmation of the centrality of religion in her life right from
the outset. Another function of the religious discourse may therefore have been
to pre-empt any accusations of betraying her Islamic modesty or "selling out" to
Western standards of liberation by appearing on the website. This seems to fit a
pattern of constructing herself as a Muslim woman that is both independent and
religious, a discursive combination that may break with prevailing public nar-
ratives of Muslim women both at home and abroad. Hence the final sections of
Samia's talk draw on the discourse of women's rights. She talks about the impor-
tance of gaining confidence, family support and society's awareness in improving
women's participation in society.

4.3 MSA translation

It is not certain whether BBC Arabic initially transcribed the talk into SLA and
then translated it into MSA (hence the question mark under Stage 1 in Figure 5).
The MSA narrative (629 words) is expressed in the first person but the text on
the webpage is accompanied by an audio link to the talk which enables readers to
listen to Samia in her own words. Some omissions appear to be a matter of style.
 Linking critical discourse analysis with translation studies 325

which is to be expected considering the news genre formality required by the BBC,
perhaps even more so in MSA. Other changes are organisational. For example,
the author moves a section about Samia's nanny to follow a section about her step
sisters and brother, possibly because the author deemed it "inappropriate" to men-
tion the nanny before the siblings. This repositioning causes lack of cohesion in
the MSA text because it now appears as an opening sentence in an unrelated sec-
tion about studying abroad. It also meddles with the thematic prominence of the
nanny in Samia's life.
Another problematic transformation is the substitution highlighted by the un-
derlined phrases in the example (1):
(1) The third thing is marriage because u^j ^ cOoSi uls .JJI j diiJ ji^^ji ^ ji
according to religion it is like com- (original SLA)
pleting half your religion.
(my retranslation)
The third thing is marriage because
it's important for completing half jjjji. us cn-^\ LO JUS>I ^^ i) jij^ji ^ . ^ JBJ
your religion as they say.
(my retranslation) (MSA translation in BBC Arabic)

Here again, the analyst needs to step outside the text to consider the social practic-
es surrounding the MSA translation. To a Muslim audience, the ability to discern
a prophetic saying from "ordinary" discourse speaks to the person's knowledge
of their faith, especially when the hadith happens to be very well known (as ex-
plained in 4.2). By replacing the phrase "according to religion" with "as they say",
the author unwittingly constructs the principal as someone who is ignorant of her
own religion despite claiming its importance in her life. This misrepresentation re-
sults from the author/translator's domestication of a particular reference through
dereligiousisation, that is, the substitution of religious discourse with non-religious
or "secular" discourse despite the fact that MSA's linguistic and cultural resources
can readily accommodate religious meanings without compromising news genre
conventions. An acceptable alternative might have been:
(2) The third thing is marriage because in CJiij .^ji CH-^I ^-
Islam it equates to completing half of one's
religion,
(my retranslation) (my translation of the SLA into MSA)

Despite some organisational changes and the example just mentioned, the MSA
translation of Samia's talk generally succeeds in representing her the same way she
constructs herself in the SLA talk: religious, family oriented, independent minded.
326 Bandar Al-Hejin

and an advocate of women's rights. Omissions of ideational content were relatively

minor compared to the English translation which comes next.

4.4 English translation

The main page starts with the subheading, "In the conservative Kingdom of Saudi
Arabia, women often struggle to get their voices heard". This frames the stories that
follow in a rather negative light despite the general optimism expressed in most of
what the seven women had to say. Samia's biographical narrative (229 words) is ex-
pressed in the first person and positioned between enlarged quotation marks giving
the false impression of it being an actual quote. The webpage provides no indication
of it being a translation from Arabic and no reference to the original on the BBC
Arabic website. Readers are basically led to believe that the author and principal
are the same person having none of the insights presented in the previous sections.
A comparative analysis between the original SLA text and the English transla-
tion reveals substantial omissions by the translator. In mentioning the importance
of her mother for example, the aforementioned hadith about the status of mothers
in Islam is omitted as is the one about marriage. The part about consulting reli-
gion when studying abroad is deleted as well. Aside from eliding Samia's religious
identity, these exclusions omit the rationale behind some of the points she makes
which results in reasoning gaps. The author employs domestication strategies to
fill such gaps by plugging in alternative reasoning as illustrated in example (3):

(3) "The third thing is marriage because according to religion it is like

completing half your religion." (my retranslation)

Marriage is the final part. Being with someone committed, with love and
comfort. (BBC News)

The dereligiousisation of the text imposes language that may sound "normal" to
Western readers but fails to reflect Samia's ideas. Manipulation theorists such as
Lefevere (1992) might explain such transformations as the result of the constraints
a writer/translator faces when identifying with a particular Universe of Discourse
(see Section 2). He cites similar examples in his analysis of Anne Frank's re-edit-
ing of her 1944 diary prior to its publication. In one example the description of her
"pose" in the company of a boy she admired is rewritten prompting Lefevere to
make the following observation:
The "edited" pose is much more in keeping with what Anne must have seen in the
movie magazines she so avidly read. It is a very close approximation of the pose
her culture expects the young heroine (in the theatre orfilmversion of The Life of
Anne Frank, for instance) to assume. It is a Universe-of-Discourse element (one
might even say clich) consciously inserted into the text. (1992:60)
 Linking critical discourse analysis with translation studies 327

Similarly, the BBC translator chose to insert "commitment", "love" and "comfort"
which are rather clichd terms one might find in Western personal ads (no such
meanings could be found in the original). The intended function behind this do-
mestication strategy might have been to make Samia's talk more "palatable" to a
Westernised Universe of Discourse even though it omits a significant part of her
identity and perhaps even constructs her as being somewhat superficial.
Example (4) shows how the translator omits most of the information about
Samia's brother "summarising" it as follows:
(4) And my brother like- Allah be praised- despite being busy with his life but
whatever happens he's always there for me and if I need something he's
always offering his help. But the most important thing is that a brother is
proud of his sister and that- Allah be praised- is what happens.
(my retranslation)
[My brother] protects and takes care of us.
(BBC News)

The SL text contains nothing about "protection" or being "taken care of" by her
brother. The translator's choice of words seems to construct her the same way
Muslim women are often represented in some Western media: helpless, passive
and completely dependent on men (Bari et al. 1990 cited in Reisigl and Wodak,
2001:55, Hart Dyke & James 2009:24, Jafri 1998:12, Richardson 2004:90). This
is despite the fact that Samia had much to say on issues related to Saudi women
such as the need to be more pro-active and to convince themselves about their
abilities before they could convince others. This and other insightful aspects of
Samia's identity were deemed less important in the process of selective appropria-
tion which seemed to err on the side of what was "familiar". The resulting narrative
is one that appears to represent Samia in a positive light but actually perpetuates
stereotypes of Muslim women that have no basis in the SL text.
I will conclude this section with brief examples of ideational additions from
two of the other women's autobiographical stories. The first is by "Abeer" who, in
the context of her future plans, mentions she would like to open a coffee shop and
boutique. Compare the passages in (5):

(5) My retranslation BBC News

A place for women only- so men
wouldn't enter it [...] My ambition
. ,, , , , ,. ,. I hope that my husband will manage,
IS that I can choose everything [m
., , 1 ^, ^ ,.. . decorate and design it and I will then
the shop] that everything is run
,. ^ ^ . . choose what will be sold in it.
according to my taste to give it a
distinctive character.
328 Bandar Al-Hejin

This transformation of meaning seems puzzling but there may be an explana-

tion. Zogi [zDgl] means "my taste" in SLA, but in Egyptian local Arabic can mean
"my husband" {zoji [zDd3l]).'* The translator may have been more accustomed to
Egyptian Arabic, which made him/her confuse "taste" for "husband" because the
two are homonyms. Despite this explanation, the translator must have been read-
ing against the grain as it were because everything Abeer says in that particular
context indicates that she would want to be in charge. This contextual inconsistency
should have alerted the translator to the fact that "husband" was rather odd, but the
pragmatic clues were ignored or perhaps overlooked as a Muslim woman's reliance
on her husband may have been more schema consistent in the translator's mind.
The final example from a story by "Fadya" is particularly telling because there
was observable evidence of its negative effect on readers:

(6) My retranslation BBC News

My mother and father don't differen-
tiate between boys and girls in terms I love it when [my father] treats me like a
of opportunities, education, work, boy, it makes me feel equal and fair.
and treatment.

Rather than communicate that Fadya's parents are actually progressive, not to
mention the omission ofher mother's role, the BBC's translation transforms the
meaning to the opposite: that her father would only treat her equally if she were a
boy. Ironically, following the story, a Western reader commented, "Interesting that
Fadya says about her dad [...] Too bad her father can't simply treat her equally as
a young woman". Once again, the distorted translation feeds into prevailing preju-
dices, this time about Muslim men being patriarchal and sexist. As a consequence,
Fadya's father becomes vilified and the object of readers' criticism irrespective of
what she actually said.

5. Concluding remarks

Before concluding this paper, I will briefly make some remarks on what I perceive
to be an interdisciplinary gap between CDA and TS in the context of globalisa-
tion. In the introduction of her co-edited book. Globalization, political violence
and translation, Bielsa (2009) observes:
The important role played by translation in the production and circulation of
global information flows has been fundamentally neglected, and this has led to
the assumption that information can circulate unaltered across different linguistic
communities and cultures (p. 14).
 Linking critical discourse analysis with translation studies 329

Unfortunately this assumption seems to operate, at least implicitly, in many

prominent CDA studies as the role of translation is largely overlooked (Palmer
2009:186). For instance, Fairclough's (2006) book Language and Globalization ef-
fectively elucidates the role of discourse and its relationship with economic, po-
litical, social and cultural aspects of globalisation. The introduction starts with a
text illustrating the discursive effects of globalisation. It shows how much of the
discourse of "business English" is recontextualised into an official statement by
a Romanian government Minister (p. 2). Yet there is no mention of the crucial
role translation plays in this intertextuality. Translation need not have been a focal
point in a book primarily focused on discourse, but it seems odd that a mono-
graph on the role of language in globalisation, especially the chapter on the me-
dia and mediation (p. 84), made no reference even in passing to the impact
news translation by transnational corporations has on global audiences and its
intertextual implications. This seems to reflect a general neglect of translation and
interpretation within the CDA research community.
This neglect becomes more problematic when one considers the centrality
of intertextuality in the practice of CDA. The proliferation of international news
translation resulting from globalisation in an information age seems clear (Bielsa
2009, Bielsa & Bassnett 2009). International journalists acting as "translators"
are often under pressure to produce instantaneous translations from a variety of
languages. Politicians frequently make intertextual references to statements and
reported discourse by their counterparts across various linguistic and cultural
boundaries. If critical discourse analysts want to take intertextuality in a glo-
balised world seriously, then some attempt must be made to acknowledge the po-
tential effects of translation and incorporate the analytical tools TS can offer. This
recommendation applies not only to translations but any discourse containing
intertextual elements from other languages. Attention to other languages may, in-
cidentally, provide an impetus for CDA to incorporate more contrastive discourse
analysis and to "overcome its Euro-centric drift and respond to a globalised schol-
arly environment" (Chilton et al. forthcoming, cited in Wodak & Meyer, 2009:14).
The first part of this paper was an attempt to build on cafls by researchers
such as Schfl'ner (2004) and Valden (2005) to exploit common denominators
between CDA and TS both in terms of their theoretical frameworks and analyti-
cal tools. The inherent interdisciplinarity of both fields (Snell-Hornby et al. 1994,
Ruth Wodak & Meyer 2009) should facilitate such cooperation and a number of
studies mentioned in this paper have demonstrated that potential. Three method-
ological models were then proposed, based the processes involved in recontextu-
alisation and intertextuality, in order to formalise the links between Fairclough's
dialectical-relational approach to CDA and compatible approaches to TS such as
Manipulation Theory. Each methodological model emphasises different potential
33O Bandar Al-Hejin

facets of translation as (1) re-writing, (2) constituting an intertextual chain and (3)
producing multiple versions. In addition to their potential as procedural templates
for future CDA studies of translations, the models have proved helpful in classify-
ing past research despite variations in the analytical focus.
The final part of this paper presented a mini-case study of BBC News transla-
tions to demonstrate the application of the second methodological model. This
entailed an analysis of the texts and, crucially, the discursive and social practices
within which they were embedded at different stages in an intertextual chain. The
discussion of these practices has hopefully illustrated some of the benefits of CDA
when it comes to informing the interpretation of the choices translators make as
well as their potential impact on readers. It is not every day that Saudi women ap-
pear in a major Western news medium such as the BBC. It was a rare opportunity
to get an impression of these women in their own words but it was largely lost in
domestication and selective appropriation. Some transformations are obviously
unavoidable in the process of translation but the ones documented in this study
cannot be dismissed as the result of constraints imposed by language, culture or
the news genre. A foreignisation strategy might have preserved central themes
such as religion instead of replacing them with secular alternatives. As Schaffner
(2004:135) points out, foreignisation's respect for "otherness" makes it compat-
ible with CDA's agenda of engaging with marginalised groups and preventing the
perpetuation of prejudice.
The BBC data was a good example of selective appropriation which sometimes
went beyond that to include content that was basically invented. Such translation
practices are well documented in the representation of "enemy" cultures (Baker
2006:75), but the current findings suggest that they can also extend to the repre-
sentation of "Other" cultures in general. Heavy selectivity in the BBC translation
unfortunately left only a few opportunities to illustrate the lexical and syntactic
tools of CDA and TS. That type of analysis would have required more parallelism
between the source and target texts but the omissions were often too substantial to
make meaningful comparisons about linguistic aspects such as transitivity or lexi-
cal choice. Instead, the analysis focused on equivalence in ideational content and
its potential impact at the levels of discourse and society.
Proponents of functionalism, descriptive approaches and manipulation theo-
rists have argued that the notion of equivalence is Utopian and unhelpful for un-
derstanding the processes of translation. This may be true in literary translation
where the process is better viewed as one of "rewriting" rather than linguistic
transfer (Lefevere 1992). News reporting and autobiographies, however, are genres
where translators should maintain a stricter correspondence between ideational
content in the original and the target texts (Honey 2006:18). Substantiating crit-
ical claims about manipulation in any TL text also necessitates some notion of
 Linking critical discourse analysis with translation studies 331

equivalence. It is this possibility of having a relative "yard stick" against which a

text may be compared which provides exciting new prospects for CDA... as long
as analysts are not nave about what TS might have to say.

Notes

1. Modern Standard Arabic (MSA) is used in most forms of writing, speeches, sermons, lectures,
television and radio. Local Arabic is used in daily social interactions, commercial transactions
and informal conversations among family, friends and colleagues. MSA is fairly standardised
across all Arab countries making it comprehensible to most Arabs but local varieties such as
Saudi Local Arabic (SLA) can differ considerably in terms of lexicon, syntax and phonology.
Accordingly I refer to the conversion of the SLA text into MSA as a form of translation.

2. The vagueness of the term "West" depending on the context makes it rather problematic. It
may also feed into a false dichotomy between "Islam and the West" since many citizens in the
"West" are Muslims. For want of a better term, I use "West" to refer to the cultural heritage of
Europe and North America which is mostly liberal democratic, nominally Judeo-Christian and
secular.

3. The strategy adopted in my retranslation was to convey the SL text as literally as possible
which sometimes comes at the expense of English conventions but has the advantage of main-
taining the lexical integrity of the original. The strategy is similar to the one Baker (1992:8)
adopts in what she calls "back-translation" except that she uses it to refer to "translating the
target text back into the source language [usually English[" in order to make the analysis com-
prehensible to readers unfamiliar with the TL. To maintain reliability, my transcription and
retranslation were proofread by two Saudi postgraduate students in applied linguistics.

4. Even this explanation is questionable since the word "husband" in Egyptian Arabic is more
commonly pronounced with the consonants reversed as gozi [gDzI] rather than zogi [zagl].

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Author's address
Dr Bandar Al-Hejin
English Language Center
Institute of Public Administration
PO Box 205, Riyadh 11141
Saudi Arabia
EduBandar@gmail.com
 Linking critical discourse analysis with translation studies 335

About the author

Bandar Al-Hejin has recently completed his PhD in applied linguistics at the Department of
Linguistics and English Language at Lancaster University and currently works at the Institute
of Public Administration in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia. He holds a Bachelor degree in international
relations from Georgetown University (Washington DC) and a Master of Education in ap-
plied linguistics from Columbia University (New York). His research interests include Critical
Discourse Analysis (CDA) and how it can he combined with Corpus Linguistics to investigate
representations of Muslim women in the media. He is also interested in the application of CDA
to translated texts. For details see https://sites.google.com/site/EducatingBandar.
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