Theory of Justice
Theory of Justice
John Rawls is the twentieth century political philosopher who has attempted to develop a theory
of justice in his own unique way. Rawls conception of justice is to generalise and take to higher
abstraction the theory of social contract as advanced by Locke, Rousseau, and Kant. The
original contract represents the basic structure of society in achieving justice. As Kant had said
that man in his original position has inalienable rights and freedoms before enters into a social
contract, similarly Rawls conceives principles of justice from the standpoint of free and rational
persons who are concerned to further their own interests accepting the proposition that being
free and equal at the initial level, the regulations which they form to enter into associations to
form the government for social cooperation is justice as fairness. These associations or
government assign basic rights and duties and determine the division of social benefits. There
is a veil of ignorance according to Rawls, before people choose principles of justice for the
reason that no one knows what his place in society prior to forming a social contract as people
would be in a state of nature which is a hypothetical situation. The veil of ignorance ensures
that no one is advantaged or disadvantaged, nor are they aware of their social status, neither
are people able to design principles in one or other’s favour, principles of justice are the result
of fair government or bargain. The original position is the initial status quo and thus the
fundamental principles reached in it are fair. The principles of justice are agreed to be fair in
the initial situation. The concept of justice chose at the initial situation succeeds in the
institutions of law such as constitutions, legislature, statutes, etc. The original position once
determines the obligations and principles, the people can say that they are operating on the
principles that they would agree as if they were fair. The choice of principles would impose
restraints on the freedom of persons, whoever, whatever the status of the person in society is,
the assumption is that the associations or state and its various legal institutions is essentially
voluntary towards achieving freedom and equality as they are autonomous and the restrains are
self-imposed.1
1
Political Theory, Vol. 10, No. 1 (Feb., 1982), pp. 134: Sage Publications Inc.
2. Persons who look themselves are equals are entitled to press their claims upon one
another for the principle that some may be entitled for lesser prospects than the greater
sum of advantages enjoyed by others.2
3. Principle of utility is incompatible with the concept of social cooperation among equals
for mutual advantages.
4. The persons at initial situation would choose two different principles, first requires
equality of assignment of basic rights and duties, while the second, social and economic
inequalities are just only if they result in compensating benefits for everyone, in
particular to the most disadvantaged members of society, and
5. Institutions cannot be justified on the ground that hardships of some are offset by a
greater good in the aggregate, rather the distribution and division should be such that
every person willing cooperates in the distribution of obligations. Rawls two principle
of justice and the first statement of the two principles reads as follows:
First- Each person is to have an equal right to the most extensive basic liberty compatible with
similar liberty to all others.
Second: Social and economic inequalities are to be arranged so that they are both (a) reasonably
expected to be to everyone’s advantage: and (b) attached to positions and offices open to all.3
FIRST PRINCIPLE- Each person is to have an equal right to the most extensive total system
of equal basic liberties compatible with a similar system for all.
SECOND PRINCIPLE- Social and economic inequalities are to be arranged so that they are
both:
(a) The greatest benefit of the least advantaged, consistent with just savings principle, and
(b) Attached to offices and positions open to all under conditions of fair equality of
opportunity.
2
The Modern Law Review, Vol. 44, No. 6 (Nov., 1981), pg 47
3
The Modern Law Review, Vol. 44, No. 6 (Nov., 1981), pp. 105
There are two cases:
(a) A less extensive liberty must strengthen the total system of liberty shared by all;
(b) A less than equal liberty must be acceptable to those with the lesser liberty.
(a) An equality of opportunity must enhance the opportunity of those with the lesser
opportunity
(b) An excessive rate of savings must on balance mitigate the burden of those bearing this
hardship.
GENERAL CONCEPTION
All social primary goods-liberty and opportunity, income and wealth and the bases of self-
respect are to be distributed equally unless an unequal distribution of any or all of these
goods is to the advantage of the least favoured.
4
The Cambridge Law Journal, Vol. 40, No. 2 (Nov., 1981), pp. 366
hypothetical rational persons would choose in a hypothetical original position of equality.
People in original position area assumed to know certain things, for instance general
psychology and the social sciences but as they are living behind the veil of ignorance which
keeps them away from understanding their personal conditions, places in society, material
fortunes, etc. In other words all people behind the veil of ignorance may be possessing
various types of material conditions, places in society, material fortunes, etc. Once basic
principles of justice are to be employed, the personal status, property and other conditions
are to be excluded for achieving generality and validity. The form of justice is required to
benefit everyone, i.e. maximization of the minimum, the primary social goods included
basic liberties, opportunities, power and minimum of wealth.5 Therefore, Rawls first
principle of justice stresses that each person is to have an equal right to the most extensive
total system of equal basic liberates include basic equal liberty of thought and conscience,
equal participation in political decision making and the rule of law which safeguards the
person and his self-respect. This may be termed as distributive justice. The second principle
accordingly takes the shape of social justice in the sense that social and economic
inequalities are to be arranged so that they are not:
A. To the greatest benefit of the least advantaged consistent with the just saving principles
and
B. Attached to offices and positions open to all under conditions of fair equality of
opportunity. The just saving principle is a principle to secure justice for generations and
is categorised as each generation must not only preserve the culture and civilization and
gains thereof, but should maintain intact those institutions that have been established
and also accumulate real amount of capital accumulation. There has to be constitutional
convention to settle a constitution and procedures for the purposes of achieving just and
effective order, which has to be followed by legislation and other rules and regulation.
5
The Philosophical Quarterly (1950-), Vol. 31, No. 124 (Jul., 1981), pp. 150: Oxford University Press
violence, theft and breach of agreement would emerge in this way. Any further state if not
justified, particularly, a state distributing wealth is not justified, and taxation to bring this
about is the equivalent of forced labour.6 The only legitimate way of coming to hold
property is by just acquisition, just transfer, or rectification of a past injustice. Nozick extols
the virtues of eighteenth century individualism and nineteenth century extols lassies-faire
capitalism. It has certainly represented profound shock to legal theory. The book is a
provocative essay and one which in my view has had a very considerable impact on political
reality. After reading Nozick one may ascertain where many of the ideas of Thatcherism
have derived their origin, although they have undergone some modification in the process.
Nozick’s views, to the extent that classification is all legitimate, may be referred to as
libertarian. He questions whether liberty and equality are compatible and concludes that
they are not. His control thesis rests on the proposition that the individual is inviolable. This
point is crucial to an understanding of his theory.7 Let us look at his theory in more detail.
In hi critique of Rawls, as we have seen, Nozick rejects any ‘patterned’ conception of
justice. A patterned conception is one that views justice as a matter of the pattern of
distribution of benefits and burdens that is achieved, for example the Marxist idea of
distribution according to need. As state he prefers his ‘historical entitlement theory’, the
content of which would be appropriate to outline as follows.
NATURAL RIGHTS
Rather than examine the pattern of distribution, Nozick seeks to concentrate on the question
of how the distribution came about in the first place. If that distribution is brought about
entirely as a result of freely entered into transaction then it is just. He puts it thus, ‘If each
person’s holding are just then the total set of holdings is just’. The individual has certain
rights, including the freedom from violence against his person.8 The freedom to hold the
property, and the freedom to enforce his other rights. Concentrating on the right to hold
individual property, a person can legitimately acquire property in three ways.
6
documents.routledge-interactive.s3.amazonaws.com/.../A2/.../JusticeRawlsNozick.pdf
7
Id.
8
The Philosophical Review, Vol. 92, No. 4 (Oct., 1983), pp. 504
remainder be left for other, and not necessarily as much as good. In many case, MacPherson
says that the Lockean proviso ceases to be relevant once money is invented, since there is
always some of that property available.
BY LEGITIMATE TRANSFER
This details the means by which ownership of resources may be transferred from one to
another. If I choose to give you some of my property, or we agree to swap bits of our
property, then you receive my property legitimately by transfer.
9
Supra 3
is then an expression of the right to liberty. Nozick believes that private property increases
freedom. The idea of Nozick that when one mixes one’s labour with an object that is not
owned, natural talents and abilities are not possessed as a result of any labour but as a result
of natural and therefore, morally arbitrary distributions.
The dominant agency develops into a ‘night-watchman’ state, carrying out a minimal range
of duties, protection from theft, violence, fraud, and breach of contract. This state claims a
monopoly of force. If the state engaged in a patterned distribution then it would be
exercising excessive powers as it would entail constant interference with liberty. Nozick
does, however, recognise the need for some state, otherwise there would be anarchy.
CONCLUSION
The difference between Rawls and Nozick is in their starting points. Rawls starts from a
standpoint of equality, and asks for reasons why we should accept inequality. Nozick starts
from the idea of rights, with a consequence that a man owns the property he has worked for
and created. For Rawls, the rich man must show why his wealth should not be taken, for
Nozick, it cannot be taken without his consent. Wealth is created by individuals and they
that create have rights over it. Hence Nozick maintains that one is not entitled to regard
society’s total wealth as a cake to be divided up. Nozick’s theory is very controversial,
because it could justify very unequal distributions of property that may not respect what
people deserve, nor what they need, nor give any kind of priority to people who are worse
off. If he is right, redistribution cannot be justified except to rectify a previous injustice.
Rawls challenges Nozick’s defence of property rights. Much of what people own is the
result of people’s social position and their natural talents, both of which are morally
arbitrary. Therefore, any inequalities in ownership are unjust. Furthermore, what rights
people have to property can’t be decided before deciding on the principles of justice.
People don’t have a right to the earnings their talents bring them, only to that share which
they keep according to the principles of distributive justice.
Nozick responds that each person’s talents and abilities belong to them. They therefore
have a right to keep (or do whatever they want with) whatever these talents and abilities
gain for them. To forcibly redistribute what they earn is to fail to respect their autonomy.
But even if people own themselves, we can argue that this doesn’t entail that we have the
right to do whatever we want with all of our property. A reinterpretation of ‘justice in
transfer’ could place restrictions on property rights. Nozick supposes that any transfer, if it
is freely consented to, is just. We can argue that the rules governing transfer should be
sensitive to many political values, not just liberty. The rules we currently have (regarding
tax, inheritance, transfer between married couples, gifts and so on) are a product of
balancing many considerations relating to patterns of production and work, family life, and
political institutions.