Mathematics in The Time of The Pharaohs PDF
Mathematics in The Time of The Pharaohs PDF
Gillings
MATHEMATICS
IN THE TIME OF
THE PHARAOHS
DOVER SCIENCE BOOKS
THEORIES OF THE WORLD FROM AN IQUFIY TO THE COPERNICAN REVOLUTION,
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THE SCIENCE OF SOAP FILMS AND SOAP BUBBLES, Cyril Isenberg. (269604)
Introduction I
2
Hieroglyphic and Hieratic Writing and Numbers 4
3
The Four Arithmetic Operations 11
ADDITION AND SUBTRACTION 11
MULTIPLICATION 16
DIVISION 19
FRACTIONS 20
4
The Two-Thirds Table for Fractions 24
PROBLEMS 61 AND 61B OF THE RHIND MATHEMATICAL PAPYRUS 29
TWO-THIRDS OF AN EVEN FRACTION 32
AN EXTENSION OF RMP 61B AS THE SCRIBE MAY HAVE DONE IT 33
EXAMPLES FROM THE RHIN'D MATHEMATICAL PAPYRUS OF THE
TWO-THIRDS TABLE 34
5
The G Rule in Egyptian Arithmetic 39
FURTHER EXTENSIONS OF THE G. RULE 42
6
The Recto of the Rhind Mathematical Papyrus 45
THE DIVISION OF 2 BY THE ODD NUMBERS 3 TO 101 45
CONCERNING PRIMES 52
FURTHER COMPARISON OF THE SCRIBE'S AND THE COMPUTER'S
DECOMPOSITIONS 53
7
The Recto Continued 71
EVEN NUMBERS IN THE RECTO: 2 = 13 71
MULTIPLES OF DIVISORS IN THE RECTO 74
TWO DIVIDED BY THIRTY-FIVE: THE SCRIBE DISCLOSES HIS METHOD 77
9
The Egyptian Mathematical Leather Roll 89
THE FIRST GROUP 95
THE SECOND GROUP 95
THE THIRD GROUP 96
THE FOURTH GROUP 98
THE NUMBER SEVEN 99
LINE 10 OF THE FOURTH GROUP 102
THE FIFTH GROUP 102
I0
Unit-Fraction Tables 104
UNIT.FRACFION TABLES OF THF RHIND MATHEMATICAL PAPYRUS I06
PROBLEMS 7 TO 20 OF THE RHIND MATHEMATICAL PAPYRUS 109
U
Problems of Equitable Distribution and Accurate Measurement 120
DIVISION OF THE NUMBERS I TO 9 BY 10 120
12
Pesu Problems 128
EXCHANGE OF LOAVES OF DIFFER _NT P SUS 132
11
Areas and Vnlumes 137
THE AREA OF A RFCTANGI.E 137
14
Equations of the First and Second Degree 154
THE FIRST GROUP 154
SIMILAR PROBLEMS FROM OTHER PAPYRI 156
THE SECOND AND THIRD GROUPS 158
EQUATIONS OF THE SECOND DEGREE 161
Contents ix
15
Geometric and Arithmetic Progressions 166
GEOMETRIC PROGRESSIONS- PROBLEM 79 OF THE RHIND MATHEMATICAL
PAPYRUS 166
16
"Think of a Number" Problems 181
PROBLEM 28 OF THE RHIND MATHEMATICAL PAPYRUS 181
17
Pyramids and Truncated Pyramids 185
THE SEKED OF A PYRAMID 185
THE VOLUME OF A TRUNCATED PYRAMID 187
is
The Area of a Semicylinder and the Area of a Hemisphere 194
19
Fractions of a Hekat 202
20
Egyptian Weights and Measures 207
21
Squares and Square Roots 214
22
The Reisner Papyri: The Superficial Cubit and Scales of
Notation 218
APPENDIX 1
The Nature of Proof 232
APPENDIX 2
The Egyptian Calendar 235
x Contents
APPENDIX 3
Great Pyramid Mysticism 237
APPENDIX 4
Regarding Morris Kline's Views in Mathematics, A
Cultural Approach 240
APPENDIX 5
The Pythagorean Theorem in Ancient Egypt 242
APPENDIX 6
The Contents of the Rhind Mathematical Papyrus 243
APPFNDiX 7
The Contents of the Moscow Mathematical Papyrus 246
APPENDIX 8
A Papyritic Memo Pad 248
APPENDIX 9
Horus-Eye Fractions in Terms of Hinu: Problems 80, 81 of the
Rhind Mathematical Papyrus 249
APPENDIX 10
The Egyptian Equivalent of the Least Common Denominator 251
APPENDIX I I
A Table of Two-Term Equalities for Egyptian Unit Fractions 254
APPENDIX 12
Tables of Hieratic Integers and Fractions, Showing Variations 255
APPENDIX 1
Chronology 260
APPENDIX 14
A Map of Egypt 266
APPENDIX 15
The Egyptian Mathematical Leather Roll 267
BIBLIOGRAPHY 269
INDEX 279
PREFACE
R.J. Gillings
One of the oddest of all the phenomena which come to the attention of
students of the history of mathematics is that logarithms were invented
by Napier more than a decade before Descartes first conceived the idea
of using indices in algebra. This oddity becomes even more striking
when we observe that mathematical textbooks today introduce the
subject of logarithms by a preliminary study of the index laws of algebra,
which is pedagogically perhaps the very best way to do it. Chrono-
logically, therefore, the expected order of invention seems to have been
reversed; things are the wrong way round!
A second oddity of the history of mathematics was brought to light
when the Babylonian clay tablet Plimpton 322 (museum number,
Columbia University, New York) was translated by Neugebauer and
Sachs in 1945. The translation established beyond any doubt that the
Pythagorean theorem was well known to Babylonian mathematicians
more than a thousand years before Pythagoras was born. The history
books tell us that the Greek mathematician sacrificed an ox to cele-
brate the discovery of the theorem named after him. Here then is an
unrewarded anticipation, for doubtless the name of the famous theorem
will remain as a true mumpsimus-" the Pythagorean theorem"-for
all time.
Now there is a third oddity in the history of mathematics, which,
however, we can clearly understand and explain; it is, indeed, one of
the raisons d'etre for this book. It is the circumstance that the mathe-
matics, astronomy, and science of the two most ancient of our recorded
civilizations, the Egyptian and the Babylonian, have only recently
been the subjects of historical research. And the very simple reason for
this is that for nearly 3,000 years no one knew what the many extant
hieroglyphic and cuneiform writings of these two civilizations meant,
nor indeed whether they were writing at all ! It was not until Cham-
pollion's Dictionnaire Egyptien appeared in 1842 that the Egyptian
hieroglyphs were at last deciphered, and not until the latter part of the
nineteenth century that the cuneiform writings (beginning with
Grotefend in 1802), with their many languages, were deciphered by
2 Chapter One
tion of their armies, the building of seagoing ships, the levying and
collection of taxes, and at all the thought and effort concomitant with
the proper organization of a civilization that existed successfully,
virtually unchanged, for centuries longer than that of any other nation
in recorded history.
What we today call science and mathematics must have played an
important role in the achievement of all this. I am reminded of a piece
of wisdom attributed to Arnold Buffum Chace, the principal author of
The Rhind Mathematical Papyrus:
I venture to suggest that if one were to ask for that single attribute of
the human intellect which would most clearly indicate the degree of
civilization of a race, the answer would be, the power of close reason-
ing, and that this power could best be determined in a general way by
the mathematical skill which members of the race displayed. Judged
by this standard the Egyptians of the nineteenth century before Christ
had a high degree of civilization.*
If we accept this thought as one containing a solid measure of truth,
then it will surely come as a great surprise to the readers of this history
to find that whatever great heights the ancient Egyptians may have
achieved scientifically, their mathematics was based on two very ele-
mentary concepts. The first was their complete knowledge of the twice-
times table, and the second, their ability to find two-thirds of any number,
whether integral or fractional. Upon these two very simple foundations
the whole structure of Egyptian mathematics was erected, as we shall
see in the following pages.
* A. B. Chace; L. Bull; H. P. Manning; and R. C. Archibald, The Rhind
Mathematical Papyrus, Vol. 1, Mathematical Association of America,
Oberlin, Ohio, 1927, Preface.
2 HIEROGLYPHIC AND HIERATIC
WRITING AND NUMBERS
No Egyptian scribe could ever have claimed to be the first man to pick
up a mallet and chisel, and to have said to himself, "Now I am going
to invent hieroglyphics." He could never have set about carving on a
block of stone various figures that would have a special meaning or
would convey a message to those who might see it. Neither could it
have happened that some intelligent scribe could have been the very
first to think of slicing up some Nile River papyrus reeds and, by placing
some strips crosswise over others and pressing them flat, invented
" paper"; then, bruising the end of a smaller reed, and having dipped
it into a pot of " ink," made the dramatic announcement, "Now I am
going to write in hieratic characters!"
Neither of these things could have happened like that. The inven-
tion of hieroglyphics, which must have come first, took many many
years, perhaps centuries. And hieratic writing, the first cursive form of
hieroglyphics, developed much later, as a quicker and more convenient
way of recording an agreement, conveying a message, or making a
calculation with numbers than by the detailed drawing of pictographic
hieroglyphs. No one is able to say exactly when writing as we under-
stand it actually began. But with the Egyptians, as with other ancient
civilizations, the method used to represent numbers must have been at
least easier than writing their phonetically equivalent words. What
could be simpler than the scheme shown in Figure 2.1 ?
Other nations like the Romans, Babylonians, and Chinese thought
of something similar for numbers up to 9. The ability to write numbers
depended on simple counting, which could have been learned without
knowing every separate word for the numbers being written. Most
nations adopted a decimal system, no doubt because of the anatomical
circumstance that Homo sapiens has ten fingers. Others worked in
groups of 5, groups of 20 (the Mayas), or groups of 12 (the Romans) ;
and the Babylonians had a sexagesimal system, which worked partly
in groups of 10, and partly in groups of 60. The Egyptian symbols for
higher powers of ten are shown in Figure 2.2.
Hieroglyphic and Hieratic Writing and Numbers 5
1 6 III
2 Il 7 II III
3 III 8 rill
4 (Ill 9 1III11
5 I It
FiouRE 2.1
The earliest Egyptian symbols for the numbers 1 to 9.
to r1
100 9
Lotus
1,000
1.0000 D
100,000 Tadpole or bird
FIGURE 2.2
Egyptian symbols for large numbers.
from left to right. Often the hieroglyphic and hieratic writing is written
vertically downwards, but still also from right to left. Where the align-
ment has not been carefully regarded by the scribe, a mathematical
papyrus is difficult to follow. In hieroglyphic and hieratic writing, the
various birds, reptiles, snakes, and other animals, the scribes, seated
or erect, and the human faces, all face the direction from which the
writing is coming, when drawn, as most of them are, in profile. It is
however an accepted convention that in translation into English or
other European language the direction is reversed for convenience,
but it is necessary and important, when comparing papyri with the
translations, to note whether or not this convention has been observed.
Lack of careful attention to this can be misleading, and even quite
wrong, as for example in a recent publication of the LIFE history of
mathematics.* There, the two hieroglyphs & and A, are stated as
meaning subtract and add, respectively, and the reader is referred to the
accompanying illustration where these signs occur. Now the truth is
exactly the opposite, and the sense of the mathematical problem,t if
examined from the reproduced illustration of the original, is com-
pletely changed.
In this present book, if hieroglyphs or hieratic writings are shown or
are being discussed as if in situ, then they will be written in the Egyp-
tian fashion from right to left, with hieroglyphs constructed, for ex-
ample, of animals in profile, facing toward the right. But if we are
treating a problem or discussing some mathematical question of
Egyptian techniques and methods, we will in translation, for our own
convenience, write from left to right.
Now practically everything that comes to our attention will origi-
nally have been written in the hieratic script; and, with Egyptian
scribes as with present-day handwriters, no two people write the same
hand. Some arc uniform and some irregular, some are angular and
some slope backwards, and as a result the reader needs to acquaint
* David Bergamini and the Editors of LIFE, LIFE Science Library: Mathematics,
p. 64. © 1965 by TIME Inc. TIME-LIFE International, Netherlands N.V.
t Problem 28 of The Rhind Mathematical Papyrus. See A. B. Chace; L.
Bull; H. P. Manning; and R. C. Archibald, The Rhind Mathematical Papyrus,
Vol. II, Pl. 51.
Hieroglyphic and Hieratic Writing and Numbers 7
1z a I a a a
ff &taatuacr'd 2da"e 8
FIGURE 2.3
Examples of Hieratic script, with hieroglyphic transcriptions, phonetic
English transliterations, and English translations. The hieratic characters
and hieroglyphs are written from right to left, and orientable hieroglyphs
(here only "Syn ") face toward the right, as in the originals.
FIGURE 2.4
Further examples of hieratic script, transcriptions, transliterations, and
translations. Note that in the examples of vertical writing ("working out")
the orientable figures still face toward the right.
Hieroglyphic and Hieratic Writing and Numbers 9
ss as
Ftal Ft" Fina
*14 Mw %
i iw S tai
Tetaa t Totat6 Totact 4
AT3 4160
nk I * ti g m a t'vi
16 ditay as it eos ha dotsF ss it oars Di as it occurs
ev q fqSU
C. 'M
t
won .4 a.
JL1L 1
j
10 It,
\
14
U. ?t ksW k.*k vi UL ?t ), -, w k t-1. ri
tetki th.u tit 246 AAAAU ttt$ dW
A31A..3L0
"ON
O Gta '1
trp m 3 ltc to 3
to tit otddtb 118114
0-1113
I q;?
:113 eats 13
f rb h3 w m k3wto
To k acdded to tt To be adduct bit
f -r k M Mg fr kM- zay
,gou have corvafy joand tt yoU UvIt toMaly wit
FIGURE 2.5
Further examples of hieratic script, showing the idiosyncratic hand of
different scribes.
3 THE FOUR ARITHMETIC OPERATIONS
- 1111 An
m nn 53
Iii non 77
till rhn
37
nnnn 4i
41 ANL III AA n" 83
m.# iiII Ao 99 25
it jisp n, nnnn
w firm 376
X1.11 "
l-F
'ii on 111 635
FIGURE 3.1
Examples of additions. Left, hieratic; center, hieroglyphic; right, Hindu-
Arabic.
existed. The EMLR* is itself very good evidence for the existence of
such tables for addition and subtraction of fractions. Today most
nations write from left to right, and our numbers are so written also;
but the values of the digits in our "Hindu-Arabic" decimal system
increase in place value from right to left. So if we have to perform an
addition or a subtraction, we begin with the units column on the right,
and work toward the left through the tens, the hundreds, the thousands,
and so on. In these calculations, including multiplication, we reverse
our direction of writing.
Conversely, as we have seen, the Egyptians wrote both their words
and numbers from right to left. Of necessity, however, the Egyptian
arithmeticians, like ourselves, had to start adding in the opposite
direction to that in which they were accustomed to write, so the
place value of the Egyptians' digits increases from left to right, and the
Egyptian system therefore runs widdershins to ours.
Figure 3.1 gives some simple examples of addition comparing
Hindu-Arabic, hieroglyphics, and hieratic. In Hindu-Arabic addition,
the number combinations 3 + 4 = 7, 6 + 7 = 13 and 6 + 9 = 15,
are learned by heart, "look-and-say," so that the addition (4 + 3) is
not done by starting with 4, and then counting, 5, 6, 7, and then stop-
ping. This counting method offers itself naturally to one performing
additions in hieroglyphics. In hieratic, however, counting does not so
lend itself, and we ask ourselves:
(a) Did they have an additions table?
(b) Did they add by simple counting?
(c) Did they learn number combinations?
If tables such as that shown in Figure 3.2 were prepared, they would
be equally useful in subtraction, because I am sure the Egyptians did
not say to themselves, "From 12 take away 7, answer 5," but rather,
"Seven, how many more to make 12? It needs 5," that is, the table
would supply the answer.
It is easy to say that multiplication by 10 was simply performed by
changing each I to t,1, each U to 9, each 0 to 1, each I to ,46;p, and
1 *A
1012 1 2 8 01
q Yft N =oss 2 56 02
40:11 1 1 2 04
70691 itst 19 6 07
7 7
94 49
343 343
1042 2401
70861 16807
70691 T.tal 19607
FIGURE 3.3
Two additions from Problem 79 of RMP. Left, the hieratic; center, the
transliteration; right, in translation.
are displayed two additions from RMP* Problem 79, the controversial
problem thought by some to be the prototype of the Mother Goose
rhyme beginning, "As I was going to St. Ives, / I met a man with
seven wives...." In the first addition, by chance the units digits are
more or less in a vertical line, and (1 + 2 + 4) = 7 simply enough.
There are no tens digits. Then for the hundreds there are (800 + 600
+ 200), also more or less in line, which must be written as 6 hundreds
with one thousand to be carried. What the scribe's thought process for
this step was is the point we are doubtful about. Then for the thousands
he had (1,000 + 2,000 + 5,000 + 1,000) = 9,000 with nothing to
carry, and of course the one ten thousand was merely written down in
the total, the whole of which was pushed toward the left, because the
symbol for " total," _.a', being written first, required more space. His
multiplier 7, written by the scribe as (1 + 2 + 4), was not recorded in
the last line.
In the second addition, all digits are out of alignment, units, tens,
hundreds, etc., but the alternative symbol for "total," L, has not
pushed the answer out toward the left. In reading this addition greater
care is necessary. The scribe had (7 + 9 + 3 + 1 + 7), which, how-
ever he arrived at it, is 27, so he put down 7 and carried the 2 tens.
Notice the working is from left to right. For the tens he had, (20 +
40 + 40) = 100, so that there are no tens in the answer. The Egyp-
tians had no sign for zero, nor did they even leave a space to indicate
"no tens." For the hundreds, he had to add (100 + 300 + 400 +
800), which he finds is 1,000 and 600, (however he did it), so he put
down 600 and carried the 1,000. Then he had (1,000 + 2,000 +
6,000) = 9,000 with nothing to carry, which goes into the total with
the 10,000.
What we have not enough evidence to decide is whether in adding
(100 + 300 + 400 + 800) he counted (on his fingers so to speak), one
hundred; two, three, four hundreds; five, six, seven, eight hundreds;
then eight and eight hundreds makes sixteen hundreds: or whether he
thought of units, adding (1 + 3 + 4 + 8) as 16, and then calling
them hundreds. Or did he merely read off the answer from handy
prepared tables?
* Rhind Mathematical Papyrus. British Museum.
16 Chapter Three
MULTIPLICATION
It is not uncommon in histories of mathematics to read that Egyptian
multiplication was clumsy and awkward, and that this clumsiness and
awkwardness was due to the Egyptians' very poor arithmetical nota-
tion.
In Ahmes' treatment of multiplication, he seems to have relied on
repeated additions. Jourdain'
It is remarkable that the Egyptians, who attained so much skill in their
arithmetic manipulations, were unable to devise a fresh notation and
less cumbersome methods. Newmant
The limitations ofthis notation made necessary the use ofspecial tables.
With such a cumbrous system of fractional notation, calculation was a
lengthy process, frequently involving the use of very small fractions.
Sloley+
Such a calculus with fractions gave to Egyptian mathematics an
elaborate and ponderous character, and effectively impeded the
further growth of science. Struik§
MULTIPLY 8 BY 7
Take from the other digit, (not from his own), as the 8 2
lines of the cross warn me, and that that is left, must I 7 3
write under the digits. If I take 2 from 7, or 3 from 8, 5 6
(which I will, for all is lyke), and there remaineth 5,
and then there appeareth the multiplication of 8 times
7 to be 56. A chylde can do it.
Compare this technique of the sixteenth century A.D. with that of an
apprentice scribe of the iiyksos period of the Middle Kingdom, more
than 3,000 years earlier.
MULTIPLY 8 BY 7
\1 8
\2 16
\4 32
Totals 7 56
Here he would stop doubling, for he would note that a further step
would give him a multiplier of 8 which is bigger than 7. In this case he
would note that 1 + 2 + 4 = 7. So he put check marks alongside
these multipliers to indicate this.
\1 13
\2 26
\4 52
Totals 7 91
Totals 13 91
Since 2 is not checked, he took care not to add in the 14 of the right-
hand column, where he has 7 + 28 + 56 = 91. The scribe's mental
arithmetic had to be pretty accurate, especially for large multipliers,
but of course he could keep a check of his totals on a papyritic scribbling
pad. These additions were made easier for the scribe by virtue of a
special property of the series
1, 2, 4, 8, 16, 32, ... ;
for any integer can be uniquely expressed as the sum of some of its
terms. Thus, for example, 19 = 1 + 2 + 16; 31 = 1 + 2 + 4 +
8 + 16; and 52 = 4 + 16 + 32. We do not know whether or not the
scribes were explicitly aware of this but they certainly used it, just as
do the designers of a modern electronic computer, and this is surely a
somewhat sobering thought.
DIVISION
For the Egyptian scribe, the process of division was closely allied to
his method of multiplication. Suppose that he wished to divide 184 by
8. The scribe did not say to himself, "I will divide 8 into 184." He
said, "By what must I multiply 8 to get 184?" Thus he had,
20 Chapter Three
1 8
2 16
4 32
8 64
16 128
At this stage he stops multiplying by 2, for his next doubling would give
256, which is well past 184. Now he must do some mental arithmetic
or use his memo pad to locate which numbers of the right-hand
column will add up to 184. Finding that 8 + 16 + 32 + 128 = 184,
he would place a check mark beside each of these numbers:
1 8/
2 16/
4 32/
8 64
16 128/
Totals 23 184
FRACTIONS
When the Egyptian scribe needed to compute with fractions he was
confronted with many difficulties arising from the restrictions of his
notation. His method of writing numbers did not allow him to write
such simple fractions as 3/a or %, because all fractions had to have
unity for their numerators (with one exception*). This was because a
fraction was denoted by placing the hieroglyph o ("r," an open
mouth) over any integer to indicate its reciprocal. Thus the number
12, written in hieroglyphs as Ill, became the fraction 1/12 when written
as Il°(). In the hieratic or handwritten form, in which the scribe used a
* The fraction %. There is some evidence that a special hieroglyph for
3/4 existed.
The Four Arithmetic Operations 21
reed brush and ink, the open mouth became merely a dot, and 1/12
would look like ItA. The dot being so much smaller than the "mouth,"
it was placed over the first digit of the number (here it is 10), and so in
reading numbers in hieratic papyri care must be taken not to think
that, say, nA is (1/10 + 2) instead of 1/12. Such a mistake is even more
likely with hundreds or thousands.
Thus all hieroglyphic and hieratic fractions are unit fractions (stamm-
bruchen), and have unit numerators in translation. The fraction 3/4 was
written by the Egyptians as 1/2 + 1/4, 6/7 was written as, 1/2 + 1/4 +
1/14 + 1/28, etc., for all fractions of the form p/q. To a modern arith-
metician this seems unnecessarily complicated, but we shall see that
the Egyptian scribes devised means and rules to meet the difficulties
of the method as they arose. The exception to the unit-numerator
usage-the fraction %-was denoted by a special sign: 4? in hiero-
glyphics, and Y in hieratic. There is no doubt that the Egyptians knew
that % was the reciprocal of 11/2, as the hieroglyph suggests,* for there
are many instances, particularly in the RMP, where this relation is
specifically shown. Thus :
RMP 33
Since 3 of 42 = 28,
then 28 of 42 = 1 2.
RMP 20
of 24=12x24,
= 36.
* In earlier times, the two vertical strokes were often drawn the same
length, but this may have been merely lack of care.
22 Chapter Three
Do it thus
1. 1
1.2
1.3
1
\2
4
\ 5
$
3
15
10 30
1.4 \8 \1 $ 5 15
1.4 Totals 1 2 4 2 4$ 14 28 56
1.5 1
* The Recto of the RMP is the first portion, dealing with the division of 2
by the odd numbers 3 to 101 (see Chapter 6). The remainder of the RMP
is called the Verso.
t Only on one column by the scribe. They are on both columns here for
ease of reading.
$ See Chapter 8.
The Four Arithmetic Operations 23
would have been quite easy for a competent scribe, even though in
writing the details it appears rather long. In more difficult multipli-
cation involving fractions, as in 7 2 4 $ x 12 3 (RMP 70), which
the scribe showed to be equal to 99 2 4, he had to refer to his two-
thirds table for integers and fractions, to his rule given in RMP 61B,
to the Recto Table, and to his 2-term unit fraction tables, and he did
it accurately in six lines. It is instructive to calculate 77/s x 12%, as
we would do it today, and then compare the modern working with
that of the ancient scribe. It can be quite an enlightening comparison.
And for the second sum, it would also be easy to suppose that 4, 93,
106, and 212 were each multiplied by 3, but the same objections still
apply. We should have
26 Chapter Four
* See Chapters 5, 8.
The Two-Thirds Table for Fractions 27
if a x x = b, then b x x= a,
which was well known to the scribes, for there are at least 80 examples
of it in the RMP Recto alone.* Since the reciprocal of 1 2 was known
to be 3, he could have rewritten the table as:
of 1 2=1
3 2
4 2 3
6 4
7 2 5
9 6
10 2 7
12 8
13 2 9
15 10
TABLE 4.1
The two-thirds table.
of 2 = 3 (RMP 61) of 8 = 53 (RMP 43)
I (RMP 67) 82 5
12 1 9 6
2 13 92 63
22 1 10 6
3 2 (RMP 25) 3 10 2 7
32 23 (RMP 69) 11 73
4 2 11 2 7
4 2 3 12 8
5 33 (RMP 46) 12 2 83
52 3 13 8
6 4 (RMP 39) 13 2 9
62 43 14 93
7 4 142 9
72 5 (RMP 70) 15 10.
bers 2, 3, ... , 10; 20, 30,..., 100; 200, 300,.. ., 1,000; and 2,000,
3,000,..., 10,000.
A similar table, in Coptic and Greek, and ornamented in red, green,
and yellow, occurs in Crum's Catalogue (London, 1905); this table may
date from as late as 1,000 A.D.
TABLE 4.2
Lines taken from Problem 61 of the RMP.
line 1 of = 3 9
2 9 T8-
3 9 18
4 12 36
5 2 $
6 2 8
7 8 2 12
8 12 2 24
9 $ IS 34°
10 4 3 20
11 7 14 42°
12 2 7 14
13 11 22 66°
14 11 33-
15 2 11 12-
16 4 I1 44
17 5 10 30.
' The scribe could have checked from the Recto, 2 divided by the odd numbers, for
3 of I is the same as 2 = 9, which is there proved to be 6 18. See Chapter 6.
b Again in the Recto, 2 = 27 is given as 18 54. This line is repeated in the papyrus.
° As previously, the Recto gives 2 _ 21 = 14 421
e From the Recto, 2 = 33 = 22 66.
TABLE 4.3
Two-thirds of unit fractions.
3 of 2 = 4 12 = 3
$ 3 6 i8
4 $ 24 6
5 10 30
6 12 36 $
7 14 42
16 48 T2-
$ T8- 54
10 20 60 15
11 22 66
12 24 72 18.
TABLE 4.4
One-third of unit fractions.
3 of 2 = $ 24 = 6
3 3 12 36 $
3 4 16 48 T2-
To- 60 15
3 6 24 T2- T8-
3 7 28 84 21
3 $ 32 96 24
3 9 36 108 27
3 10 45 120 30
3 Ti 44 132 33
3 12 48 144 36.
TABLE 4.5
One-half of unit fractions.
2 of 2 = 4
2 3 6
2 4 $
2 10
2 6 12
2 7 T4-
T6-
2 ?l T-8
2 10 20
2 11 H
2 12 24.
32 Chapter Four
1.15 of 11 =22.
2
1.16 of 11 =44.
4
That each of the , $, and 2 tables could be extended as far as he
desired was clear to the scribe, and in fact he was aware that further
tables for 4, 5, 6,. . . could as easily be drawn up, because many of the
entries would already have been included in the tables that he already
had.
of T= 4 12
S $ 24
$ 3 12 36
S 4 16 48
20 60
$ fi 24 T2_
4 12 = 3
$ 24 = fi
12 36
16 48 = 12
20 60 = 15
24 72 = 18
This is the table of equalities developed from the generator (1, 3) that
we will meet again when we discuss the G rule in Chapter 5.
By applying the scribe's rule of RMP 61B to the smaller odd num-
bers, we have
34 Chapter Four
I of 3= 6 18
3 5 10 30
3 7 14 42-
3 9 18 54
3 11 22 66
2 21 = T4 42
2=27-18 54
2=33=22 66
These are exactly the entries to be found in the Recto of the RMP, and
there are just 16 of them, those where the divisors are multiples of 3.
It is thus possible that the scribe checked his answers to these particular
divisions by means of this extension of RMP 61B.
PROBLEM 67
3 of 1 = S.
1 1
The Two-Thirds Table for Fractions 35
PROBLEM 32
9of1 3 4 = 2 36.
1 1 5 4
9(618)6
(6 6) 18 (rearranging)
18
18
In Problem 32 the scribe does not show all the intermediate steps given
above; his work appears simply as follows:
1 154
1 18
2 36.
Without any explanatory steps, the scribe writes at once two-thirds of
numbers, both integral and fractional, on at least 38 occasions in the
RMP. Some of these appear quite difficult, as the following examples
will show.
PROBLEM 42
1 83618
3 5361827.
PROBLEM 33
1 16 56 679 77-6
3 10 3 84 1358 4074 1164.
PROBLEM 32
1 1 6 12 114 228
3 3 5 18 171 342.
TABLE 4.6
Examples from the RMP of multiplication and division by 10. As can be
seen from the hieratic, all answers were given with no working.
" 22 30+10 = 3 41
IN
29 10+10 = 1 A
" 30 135+10 = i S to x3o
35 3 3+10 : 3 114 1
320 LO = 32
35
39
41
4x10: 4.0
64 X 10 = 640
-
iU1.
U y1
-'
P 41 960 410 = 96 A.,,* "2 AL
» 46 25 X 10 - 250
49 10o0x LO - 10000
» 49 10000x 10 = too 000
M 49 10000+10 1000
. sa 5 + 10 sa 2
66 166+10 = 361
69 37 X1O 35 >uI "1.15
» 70 loo x 1o - 1000
70 1M 64X 10 = 2 432
7 0 5 X 10 = 2
« 70 2432x10 = 72416
« 72 35+10 = 31
M 73 15x10= 150
« 76 22x10: 25
M 32 14x10-122
38 Chapter Four
scribes could have found out this rule from simpler 2-term unit frac-
tions, thus,
since
= 2
then
or of n = 2n 6n.
As we have seen, this 3 rule applies to all n, whether odd or even; but
the scribes see no good reason for applying it to even numbers, because
3 of 2n is obviously equal to 3 of n, and this by simple multiplication is
3n.
5 THE G RULE IN EGYPTIAN ARITHMETIC
1.22 45 90 = 30
1.23 30 60 = 20
1.24 15 To- = 10
1.25 48 96 = 32
1. 26 96 192 = 64.
An intelligent scribe would certainly notice a certain simple relation
existing between the three terms of each of these equalities. The ex-
pression of this relation is the G rule. In modern mathematical terms
we may state it as follows:
G rule: If one unit fraction is double another then their sum is a
* Kahun Papyrus. British Museum, London.
40 Chapter Five
$ i8=6.
This could be written down immediately, because 18 is twice 9, and
then 18 - 3 gives 6, which is the unit fraction sum. The other nine
lines also obey the rule in the same way.
The G rule would have been of further usefulness to the scribes
because, if the larger fraction does not give an integer when divided
by 3, then a single-term unit-fraction sum is not possible. Take for
example the addition of the two unit fractions, 5 and 10:
3 10= ?
Although 10 is twice 5, 10 _ 3 = 3 3 which is not an integer, so that
however 3 + 10 may be otherwise expressed, it certainly cannot be
written as a single unit fraction.
The G rule could have been extended by the scribes who observed,
for instance, the equality in line 3 of the EMLR. This is
4 i2=3.
One notices in this case that one of the paired unit fractions is 3 times
the other (4 is 3 times 12, or, as the Egyptians would have phrased it,
12 is 3 times 4) ; adding 1 to this multiplier (by analogy with the G
rule) and dividing into 12, we obtain the sum 3. Indeed the scribes
were able to go further. Let us look at lines 1 and 2, the first two
entries in the EMLR. They are
10 40=$,
3 20=4.
The G Rule in Egyptian Arithmetic 41
It is a fair assumption that the scribe responsible for the EMLR put
them together because they are similar equalities. In each case, the
larger number is 4 times the other, and by adding I as before, one
obtains 5, which divided in turn into 40 and 20, respectively, gives the
sums 8 and 4. Thus the scribes could have arrived by induction at a
generalization that we can state in modem terms as :
Extension of the G Rule : If one of two unit fractions is K times the other,
then their sum is found by dividing (K + 1) into the larger number,
providing the answer is an integer.
Further, if the answer is not an integer, then a unit fraction sum is
impossible, and thus the rule becomes doubly useful.
I am sure that, over the many centuries in which the scribes added
and subtracted unit fractions, they often observed and made use of
this rule, perhaps not exactly in the form that we have expressed it.
But the principle must have been known, even though no explicit
statement of it is given in any of the extant Egyptian papyri. One thing
is certain. Anyone working today in Egyptian mathematics will find
the rule immeasurably useful in checking computations. All of the
2-term equalities shown in Table 5.1 appear to have been written
down mentally by the scribe of the RMP; of course, they may have
been checked from prepared tables.
TABLE 5.1
Instances of the scribe's probable use of the extended G rule in the RMP.
Location Equality
Recto, 2 + 17, 37, 43, 59, 73, 79, 83, 89, 95, 101. 3 6 = 2.
Verso, Problems 4, 5, 16, 38, 56, 66, 69.
Recto, 2 + 19, 23, 95. 6 12 = 4.
Recto, 2 + 59. Verso, Problems 17, 18, 67. 9 18 = 6.
Verso, Problems 30, 35. 15 30 = 10.
Recto, 2 + 59, 95. Verso, Problem 33. 4 12 = 3.
Recto, 2 + 29, 37, 41. $ 24 = 6.
Recto, 2 + 31, 67, 73, 83, 89. 5 20 = 4.
Recto, 2 + 61, 71. 10 40 = $.
Recto, 2 + 43. 7 42 = 6.
Verso, Problem 33. 14 84 = 12.
Recto, 2 + 47, 53, 79. Verso, Problems 4, 5, 56. 10 l5 = 6.
42 Chapter Five
1. 1 7 14 28
1. 2 multiply by 2 14 28 56
1.3 3 21 T2_ 9_4
1.4 4 28 56 112
1.5 5 35 70 140.
We choose the third line because it is the only one with numbers
divisible by 3. Then we have
21 42 84 = (21 42) 84
(14 84) [42 = 3 = 14.]
= 12. [84 = 7 = 12.]
Then, dividing both sides of 21 42 84 = 12 by 3 gives
7 1428=4.
The repeated multiplication illustrated here is an often-fruitful
technique for casting many-term fractions into a form amenable to
computation with the G rule. Here, although 7 divides 14, giving 2, yet
3 does not divide 14, and again, although 14 divides 28, giving 2, yet 3
does not divide 28; but multiplication by 3 gives the sum 21 42 84,
upon which the G rule may operate.
We see that each entry in this table is a G-rule equality. And now we
rewrite the table as follows :
GENERATOR (1, 3)
2- 6=3
4-12=6
6 18=9
Now we can see that, with one simple alteration, the G rule applies to
the subtraction of unit fractions. Thus, for the first equality, one says
2 into 6 is 3, (3 - 1) is 2, and 2 into 6 is 3, so that the difference of the
unit fractions 1/2 and 1/6 is 1/3. This reasoning holds for every equality
of the table.
That this extension applies to all the succeeding tables can be seen
from the following:
GENERATOR (1, 3)
4 + 12 = 3
8 + 24 = 6
12+36=9
. ..,
44 Chapter Five
GENERATOR (1, 4)
3-12= 4
6-24= 8
9 - 36 = 12
GENERATOR (1, 4)
5+20= 4
10+40= 8
15 + 60 = 12
GENERATOR (1, 5)
4-20= 5
8-40= 10
12 - 60 = 15
from up to as many as 2,000 years after it was first written. We find, for
example, unit fraction equalities for the numbers 2, 3,..., 101, each
divided by 2, 3,..., 101, as late as the sixth century A.D. However
more sophisticated and advanced the mathematics of the Greeks,
Romans, Arabs, and Byzantines may have been, not one of these
nations over this long period of time had been able to devise a more
efficient technique for dealing with the simple common fraction p f q.
Thus the ancient Egyptian scribe, being required to divide 9 loaves
equally among 10 men (RMP 6), worked it out that each man would
receive 9 5 30 of a loaf. Again, in RMP 66, 3,200 ro* of fat are issued
for a year, and it is calculated by the scribe that this is equivalent
to using 8 10 2190 ro per day. These unit fractions may appear
clumsy, yet 2,200 years later a Greek papyrust shows us-in a quite
comprehensive table-that one-seventeenth of a silver talent (equal
to 6,000 copper drachmas) is equal to 352 2 17 34 51 drachmas.
Thus we see that the Greeks in their own arithmetical notations
retained the ancient Egyptian unit fractions. Indeed, the papyrus
material upon which the Greek table was inscribed also came from
Egypt, as probably did the brush and ink as well.
And now in the twentieth century A.D., nearly 4,000 years after the
Egyptians first devised their system for fractions, modern mathe-
maticians have tried to determine what principles and processes the
ancient Egyptian scribes used in preparing the Recto table. How
was it possible for them, with only a knowledge of the twice-times
table and an ability to find two-thirds of any integral or fractional
number, to calculate unit fractional equivalents of %, %, %,. ..,
2/ioi without a single arithmetical error? And how did it come about
that, of all the many thousands of possible answers to these decom-
positions, those recorded by the scribe of the RMP were in almost
every case the simplest and best possible, by his own prescribed
standards ?
Some of the mathematicians of the late nineteenth and the twentieth
centuries who have discussed these Egyptian unit fractions are
* A unit of measure. See Chapter 20.
t Michigan Papyrus 146. University of Michigan, Ann Arbor.
s The Greeks used the letters of their alphabet: a = 1, P = 2, y = 3, ... .
48 Chapter Six
Of the discussions which I have seen, the clearest is that by Loria. But
no formula or rule has been discovered that will give all the results
of the table, and Loria expressly says that he does not attempt to
indicate how the old Egyptians obtained them. cHACE, 1927
The Recto is a monument to the lack of scientific attitude of mind.
PEET, 1931
TABLE 6.1
The RMP Recto Table: Two divided by 3, 5, 7, ... , 101. Note that all
unit fractions are here written without overbars.
Divisor Unit Fractions Divisor Unit Fractions
3 3 53 30 318 795
5 3 15 55 30 330
7 4 28 57 38 114
9 6 18 59 36 236 531
11 6 66 61 40 244 488 610
13 8 52 104 63 42 126
15 10 30 65 39 195
17 12 51 68 67 40 335 536
19 12 76 114 69 46 138
21 14 42 71 40 568 710
23 12 276 73 60 219 292 365
25 15 75 75 50 150
27 18 54 77 44 308
29 24 58 174 232 79 60 237 316 790
31 20 124 155 81 54 162
33 22 66 83 60 332 415 498
35 30 42 85 51 255
37 24 111 296 87 58 174
39 26 78 89 60 356 534 890
41 24 246 328 91 70 130
43 42 86 129 301 93 62 186
45 30 90 95 60 380 570
47 30 141 470 97 56 679 776
49 28 196 99 66 198
51 34 102 101 101 202 303 606
A 24 360
B 25 225
C 27 135
D 30 90
E 35 63
F 36 60
G 45 45.
2 = 4 5 = 30 90,
52 Chapter Six
2=15=10 30,
2= 9= fi 18
by 3 and 5, respectively.
There may have been perhaps a further reason for the scribe's
choice of D, which would apply to all divisors which are multiples of 3.
As we have seen (RMP 61B, p. 35), the scribe's rule for finding two-
thirds of any odd fraction can be briefly stated as " twice it, and six
times it." Then, since
2-45 3of15
= 30 90,
the scribe would enter this decomposition into the Recto Table. We
can conclude that, in this division as elsewhere, the computer did not
find a decomposition superior to that given by the ancient scribe.
CONCERNING PRIMES
Of the 50 divisors of 2 used in the RMP Recto Table, 25 are prime
numbers, and these are the divisors which must have given the scribe
most food for thought. An analysis of the computer output shows that
2-term decompositions are rare for primes, and that there are very
few 3-term values; so that the scribe's search for the simplest unit-
fraction equalities must have presented considerable difficulties. Thus
there are no 2-term or 3-term decompositions for the prime divisors 61,
79, 83, 89, and 101; and there are no 2-term decompositions for the
prime divisors 47, 53, 59, 67, 71, 73, and 97. There remain 13 prime
divisors for which, according to the computer, only one 2-term decom-
position is possible; all except four of these are unsuitable by the
precepts given on p. 49.
For 2 divided by 5, 7, 11, and 23, the scribe accepts the only 2-term
equalities available, but for 2 divided by 13, 17, 19, 29, 31, 37, 41, and
43 the solitary 2-term equalities are not acceptable, and he has to go
further afield. Table 6.2 shows this. The asterisks show the group to
The Recto of the RMP 53
TABLE 6.2
Prime divisors between 3 and 101. Asterisks show the
group out of which the scribe chose his "simplest"
decomposition for each divisor.
Number of Number of Number of
Prime 2-term 3-term 4-term
divisor values values values
3 1 4 48
5 1* 8 260
7 1* 13 306
11 1* 16 367
13 1 12* 423
17 1 11* 467
19 1 16* 256
23 1* 18 368
29 1 8 203*
31 1 8* 155
37 1 6* 90
41 1 7* 179
43 1 6 117*
47 0 2* 54
53 0 1* 23
59 0 1* 19
61 0 0 7*
67 0 2* 12
71 0 2* 23
73 0 1 9*
79 0 0 3*
83 0 0 3*
89 0 0 6*
97 0 1* 7
101 0 0 1
possible. Although both numbers are odd, they are so small that they
do not induce a preference for any 3-term equality which may con-
tain only even numbers. The eight 3-term decompositions recorded
by KDF-9 are
A 3 16 240
B 8 18 90
C 8 20 9-0-
D 8 24 40
E 4 7 140
F 4 8 40
G 4 10 20
H 4 12 15.
F and G are the only ones having all numbers even, but he preferred
3 15 because Precepts I and 2, taken together, outweigh Precept 5.
2 = 7 The scribe wrote 4 28; the computer shows that of the 320
possible decompositions this is the only one consisting of only two
terms, and they are both even numbers. The scribe has therefore
chosen the simplest and best-possible value by his standards.
on multiplying through by 3.
Indeed, all the subsequent divisors that are multiples of 3 are
derivable by the successive multiplication through by 3, 5, 7,..., 33,
so that they are all 2-term values that conform to the canon. However,
we note that KDF-9 found other 2-term decompositions for these
multiples of 3. We therefore list these other decompositions (Table
6.3), and compare them with those written down by the scribe. Even
The Recto of the RMP 55
if every equality in Table 6.3 had been known to the scribe, it would
still appear that nowhere has he made an obviously bad choice. In one
or two instances we might have some slight doubts, but even for these
Precept 4 vindicates the scribe's choice, the smaller first number
deciding for him. Thus,
A $ 36 936
B $ 40 260
C $ 52 104
D 10 20 260.
TABLE 6.3
Two-term decompositions of 2 divided by multiples of 3. Decompositions
that were chosen by the scribe are noted by an asterisk.
Total number of Number of Computer
Divisor computer values 2-term values values
15 1158 4 $ 120
tS 45
10 30*
12 20
21 1190 4 I1 231
12 84
14 42*
15 35
27 733 3 14 378
15 135
18 54*
33 1016 4 17 561
18 198
21 77
22 66*
39 894 4 20 780
21 273
24 104
26 78*
45 1967 6 24 360
25 225
27 1 55
30 90*
35 63
36 60
51 595 3 27 459
30 170
34 102
57 645 3 30 570
33 209
38 114*
63 1607 6 33 693
35 315
36 252
The Recto of the RMP 57
45 105
56 72
69 500 3 36 828
39 299
46 138'
75 884 6 39 975
40 600
42 350
45 225
50 150'
60 100
81 339 2 45 405
54 162'
87 102 2 48 464
58 174'
93 58 2 5I 527
62 186'
99 710 5 34 594
55 495
63 131
66 198'
90 110
B 9 254 442
C 10 65 442
D 10 68 340
E TO- T5- 1 00
F 10 90 153
G T2- T4- 204
H T2- T6- 153
I I2 51 T8
J 13 26 442
K 17 18 306.
58 Chapter Six
Of these, D and G are the only ones composed wholly of even numbers,
and if Precepts 4 and 5 are considered, one would expect the choice
to fall on G. But it does not! Precept 1 on smaller numbers must have
prevailed, for the scribe selected I, even though one of the numbers is
odd. We cannot know whether the scribe was aware of all these pos-
sibilities, but whether he was or not, he certainly found the only 3-term
decomposition consisting of two-digit numbers. Even if he had looked
among the 467 4-term decompositions, he would have found only 3
consisting of two-digit numbers, but all with numbers much greater
than 12 51 68; so that, however he did it, we can only compli-
ment him on an amazingly successful search.
2 = 19 The only 2-term decomposition here is 10 190, and the
scribe must have thought hard before he rejected it. Of the sixteen
3-term values available, only five consist wholly of even numbers.
These are
A 10 240 912
B 12 48 912
C 12 CO 1 00
D 12 76 114
E 16 24 912.
Precept I must have prevailed, for the scribe chose D, as having the
smallest numbers, for although 10 is less than 12, 114 is much less than
190 (see Precept 4).
2=21 See2-9.
2 _ 23 Another prime number divisor, and consequently only one
2-term decomposition is possible (12 276), which the scribe at once
accepted. All of the eighteen 3-term decompositions have last terms
much greater than 276, including the seven that contain only even
numbers, so that whether he looked further afield or not, he chose here
the simplest expression.
2 = 25 The computer records 619 values, of which
A 13 325
B 15 75,
The Recto of the RMP 59
are the only 2-term expressions, from which the scribe naturally chose
B, primarily no doubt because it is at once obtainable from 2 = 5 =
3 15, upon multiplication by 5. If the scribe had sought among the
28 possible 3-term decompositions for even numbers, he would have
found only 7, all with much greater numbers,
A 14 140 700
B 14 200 280
C 16 80 210
D 20 36 450
E 20 40 200
F 20 50 100
G 24 30 OR
However, if he had been aware of these 3-term expressions, the de-
composition F must certainly have tempted him, but 15 and 75 are
less than 20 and 100.
2-27 See 2=9.
2 = 29 Of the 212 decompositions given by the computer, we find
1 containing 2 terms, 8 containing 3 terms, and 203 containing 4 terms.
The solitary 2-term decomposition is 15 435, where both terms are
odd and 435 is fairly large, so the scribe looked further afield. The 3-
term values are
A 16 232 464
B 16 240 435
C 18 87 522
D 18 90 435
E 20 58 580
F 20 60 435
G 24 40 435
H 29 30 870.
But he would have none of these either. All have numbers as large as
435 or larger, and all except A and E contain odd numbers. Perhaps
he could do better among the 4-term equalities! Whether he knew of
all these possibilities we cannot of course tell, but we do know that by
60 Chapter Six
the standards of the canon he found the very best available. For of the
203 decompositions listed by KDF-9, only three contain numbers less
than 300. They are
A 24 58 1 44 232
B 29 42 1 44 203
C 29 58 87 174.
By all the precepts of the canon he must choose A, and this is indeed
the equality recorded in the Recto. We cannot but admire the skill
with which the scribe found the equality with the smallest even num-
bers from the 212 available, and wonder just how he did it.
2 _ 31 Again a prime divisor with only one 2-term value, 16 496,*
and although both terms are even numbers, 496 is much too large and
perhaps the scribe can do better. Of the 163 other possibilities, 8 only
have 3 terms, and from these he was able to locate 20 124 155,
which has easily the smallest numbers, although he had to accept the
odd number 155. Those decompositions with all even numbers are
A 18 144 496
B 20 80 496
C 24 48 496,
which we would expect him to have rejected, for he had already
rejected the simpler 16 496 because of the large 496.
2 = 35 This division by 35 is the only division in the whole of the
Recto in which the scribe gives us any inkling of his method.t For
2 = 35, the computer lists 1,458 possible unit-fraction decomposi-
tions, of which only four contain two terms. These are
A 18 630
B 20 140
C 21 1 55
D 30 42.
Both on the score of smaller numbers and of even numbers, his choice
should have fallen on D, and this is indeed the equality given in the
Recto. There would have been no need to look at any of the other 1,454
values, nor to have considered deriving B from (2 = 7) x 5 =
(4 28) x 5 = (20 140), or C from (2 = 5) x 7 = (3 15) x 7 =
(21 105), although, of course, he may have checked on these.
Clearly, of the 1,458 possibilities, the scribe chose the simplest.
to accept one odd number; but this is consistent with his usual pro-
cedure.
A 22 946
B 23 506 946
C 24 264 946
D T4- 4
344 516
E 26 143 946
F 30 86 645
G 33 66 946.
Now B, E, F, and G contain odd numbers, and so are not acceptable,
and although A, C, and D have only even numbers, they are far too
large for the scribe's purposes, even though A contains only two terms.
To seek smaller numbers, the scribe needed to search among the 117
4-term equalities, and he would have had to accept odd numbers.
Looking through this group, we find that 83 of them have their fourth
term greater than 900, three of them have their fourth term greater
than 800, one of them greater than 700, eighteen of them greater than
600, and eleven of them greater than 500. This is a total of 116, so that
one only remains. This sole remaining 4-term equality has its fourth
term 301, and although this is an odd number, we find that 42 86
129 301 has the smallest numbers of any of the possible values. The
smallest high number contained in any of the other 123 possible
answers is 516, whether they be 2-term, 3-term, or 4-term equalities,
and one can only remain lost in hopeless admiration of the ancient
Egyptian scribe, who could, with the meager arithmetical tools at his
disposal, so unerringly locate this value among the 124 available.
2 45 See 2 = 9 and pages 51-52.
2 = 47 Here no 2-term decompositions are possible, and only two
3-term equalities occur in the computer list, which totals 56 entries.
The 3-term decompositions are
A 28 188 658
B 30 141 470,
from which the scribe selected B because of the much smaller 470,
despite 141 being odd. However, he may have had some doubts here,
for there is little to choose between them. Precept 4 no doubt decided
for him.
The Recto of the RMP 63
Since in A both the first and last terms are less than in B, this is the
value chosen by the scribe. It is clearly the best available.
2=63 See 2=9.
2 _ 65 There are 865 decompositions listed by the computer, but
only 3 of these contain 2 terms. They are
A 35 455
B 39 1 55
C 45 117.
All numbers are odd, so none has preference on that score. But B is
obtainable directly from 2 _ 5 = 3 15 on multiplication by 13, and
this probably weighed with the scribe when comparing C, considering
Precept 4 of the canon. Had he looked for 3- or 4-term values he would
have fared no better; the best offering is 2 - 65 = 60 130 156.
2 = 67 No 2-term decomposition exists out of a total of twenty-one,
and there are only two 3-term expressions, which are
A 40 335 536
B 42 201 938.
Both contain one odd number; but in A both the first and last terms
The Recto of the RMP 65
are smaller, and so the scribe chooses A. Had he looked at the 4-term
expressions, he would have found only one without odd numbers,
42 268 804 938, of which the numbers are far too large to interest
him. He thus chose the best possible decomposition.
2-69 See 2=9.
2 - 71 Of 25 possible equalities, all except two have 4 terms, and
these are
A 40 568 710
B 42 426 497.
The scribe at once chose A, 40 being less than 42, and although 497
is less than 710, it is an odd number. Had the last term of B been even,
he would no doubt have selected it by virtue of Precepts 4 and 5.
2 = 73 The scribe had a poor selection to choose from here, for of
the 10 possible decompositions, all except 44 292 803 have 4 terms
with large numbers, 876 occurring twice, 803 five times, and 703 once.
In addition they all contain odd numbers. The scribe chose the one
remaining expression, 60 219 292 365, which is the one with the
smallest numbers. By his standards he certainly found the best
decomposition available.
2=75 See 2=9.
2 - 77 Of the 741 decompositions generated by the computer, only
3 have two terms :
A 42 462
B 44 308
C 63 99.
All contain odd numbers, and the only test applicable here is Precept 1
on the smallness of numbers, and unerringly the scribe found and
recorded choice B in the Recto Table.
2 = 85 Of 290 possible values, 255 have 4 terms, 32 have 3 terms,
and 3 have 2 terms. These last are
A 45 765
B 51 235
C 55 187.
All six numbers are odd, but A has a very large second term, so the
scribe's choice lay between B and C, and Precept 4 points at once to B.
Furthermore, B is easily derivable from 2 - 5 = 3 15 on multiplying
by 17, so that the scribe had the simplest value in the Recto Table.
2=87 See2-9.
2 = 89 The computer records only 6 possible values:
A 54 594 801 979
B 55 495 801 979
C 60 356 534 890
The Recto of the RMP 67
* We can show by algebra that 2 = ab (where a and b are both odd, and
a + b = 20) equals 10a + T. Then 2 - 19 is 10 190, 2 = 51 is 30 170,
2 = 75 is50 150,2 = 91 is 70 130,and2 -- 99is90 110.
68 Chapter Six
2=93 See2-. 9.
2 = 95 There are 148 values recorded by the computer, of which
116 have 4 terms, 29 have 3 terms, and 3 have 2 terms. These last are
A 50 950
B 57 285
C 60 OR
Now by the canon, C should have been his immediate choice here; for
950 in A is far too large a number, and 57 and 285 in B are both odd.
But this is not the value the scribe gives. So far, we have been unable
seriously to challenge the scribe's choice of values in the Recto Table;
but here, perhaps, he faltered. "Even Homer nodded" on occasions.
The equality the scribe records is
60 380 570,
a 3-term value which is in fact equivalent to
60 228,
for 380 570 = 228, which he should have known.* What he must
have done here was to note that 95 = 5 x 19, then looked for 2 = 5
multiplied by 19, and also 2 _ 19 multiplied by 5; the same technique
as we judge him to have adopted for 2 = 91. From 2 = 5 = (3 15)
he has, on multiplying by nineteen, (57 285), both odd numbers. From
2 = 19 = (12 76 114), he has, on multiplying by five, (60 380 570),
all even numbers, and as this plan worked for 35 and 55, why not for 95 ?
So that must have been what he did ! We cannot of course be sure that
he did not search among the 3-term decompositions having even
numbers; but if he had, he could have found, as KDF-9 shows us,
A 56 532 760
B 76 152 760
C 76 160 608
D 76 190 380
E 80 190 304,
From his tables. See the EMLR 1.18 or the G rule. Since 10 15 = 6,
20 30 = 12, and 380 570 = 228, multiplying by 2 and 19.
The Recto of the RMP 69
None is composed wholly of even numbers, and 776 is the least last
number in all cases. Then A is clearly his best choice, for 56 is the
smallest first term (Precept 4), and a 3-term decomposition is prefer-
able to a 4-term one (Precept 2). The scribe therefore wrote 56 679
776 in the Recto Table.
2=99 See2-9.
2 = 101 There is only one possible decomposition for 2 divided by
the prime number 101. It is 101 202 303 606, which KDF-9 and
the scribe both gave. It is derivable from the simple decomposition
2 9 fi = I that was very well known to the scribe. If this is rewritten
as I 2 3 6 = 2, it is possible to produce a whole new Recto Table,
consisting entirely of 4-term expressions,
2- 3= 5 fi 18
2= 5= 5 10 15 30
2= 7 = 7 14 21 42
2 = 9 = 9 18 27 Y4-
of which the scribe was well aware, but which he did not want; too
many terms, too many odd numbers!
70 Chapter Six
wherep is a prime and N, k, m, and n are integers. But in fact, the whole
25 are so expressible, with mp, np omitted. Indeed, the whole fifty
equalities follows this framework, if mp, np may be omitted, with
slight variations for 2 - 35 and 2= 91. 1 cannot agree that the
scribal values for 2 divided by 13, 61, 71, and 89 could have been
improved upon by the canon I have postulated.
* E. M. Bruins, "Ancient Egyptian Arithmetic," Ken. Nederland Akademie
van Wetenschappen, Ser. A, Vol. 55, No. 2 (Amsterdam, 1952), pp. 81-91.
7 THE RECTO CONTINUED
Totals 4 26 52 4.
2 = 29
2 = 61
24
40
58
244
-
-174
488
232 to 29
610 61
58
122
87
183
174
366
2 = 89 60 356 534 890 89 178 267 534
2 = 79 60 237 316 790 T9_ -15-8 237 474.
TABLE 7.1
Comparison of the frequency of appearance of even and odd unit fractions
in the Recto Table of the RMP.
Number of
equalities Number of Number of Number of
in the 2-term 3-term 4-term
Recto Table equalities equalities equalities
50 29 13 8
Number containing
only even numbers 33 25 5 3
Number containing
odd numbers 17 4 8 5
105 even, 50 even, 31 even, 24 even,
Total of numbers 24 odd, 8 odd, 8 odd, 8 odd,
used = 129 = 58 = 39 = 32
is in fact how the scribes would have done it. There can be no question
as to Griffith's erudition as an Egyptologist, but his familiarity with
classical Egyptian arithmetic must here be questioned. Any com-
petent scribe would have found a much simpler value for a/i3 in terms
of unit fractions. Furthermore, he would have found it much more
expeditiously than Griffith suggests, by the following simple division
of9 by 13:
1 13
8
\39
3
\39
$
Totals 5 39 9.
Then, a/13 = 39. Or again, the scribe may have divided a little
differently :
1 13
\2 \6 2
4 3
2 fi
\39
Totals 2 6 39 9.
Then, 9/13 = 2 6 39. These two simple reductions to two-term and
three-term equalities serve to show that, despite the restriction to unit
numerators imposed by their notation, the Egyptians developed a
powerful technique for such reductions, not wholly dependent upon
the table of the RMP Recto, as Griffith implies. Furthermore, they
have a greater range of answers according to their choice of multipliers,
so that they could obtain the 4-term equality 9/13 = 2 $ 16 208, and
even a 5-term decomposition 9/13 = 2 13 14 35 65, but with smaller
denominators than those found by Griffith. With the Egyptian's well-
known preference for the fraction 3 whenever possible, I suggest the
scribe's value for 9/13 would have been 3 39.
2-3=2 6.
Totals 34 102 2.
This same sequence for this particular group of 17 divisions is also
obtainable using the rule given in RMP 61B (page 29), and it is
quite possible that the scribe obtained his answers this way. Thus
2- 3=3of1=2x1+6x1= 2 6
2- 9=Nof3=2x3+6x3= fi 18
2=15= of 5 = 2 x 5 + 6 x 5 = 10 30
2=21 x 7 + 6 x 7 = 14 42
76 Chapter Seven
2-9= 9
(18 18)
_ (S 18) 18
F=mi 6 18;
2 _ 15 = 15 15
= 15 (30 30)
= (15 30) 30
10 30;
2 _ 57 = 57 57
= 57 (114 114)
= (7 7114) 114
38 114.
35 30 of 35 = 1 6 42 of 35 = 6
6 7 5.
30+42=2=35.
The red 6 placed underneath the divisor 35 is the number he has
chosen as the most convenient multiplier of 35, giving 210 which we
may regard as the Egyptian counterpart of our modern "common
multiple," which may or may not be at the same time the "least com-
mon multiple" so familiar to us. Then somewhere or other, perhaps
on a sort of memorandum papyrus pad, the scribe multiplied by 2 this
red 6, giving 12, which, in turn, he had to partition into two, three, or
perhaps more parts that will each divide 210 without remainder. In this
4I v'
yV . 0
IR T 4 I.
its
MA I0 $ 1 1 AAA
111
0
AM
FIGURE 7.1
The division 2 - 35 from the RMP. The red auxiliaries of the original
are shown here enclosed in boxes. The hieroglyphic transliteration is shown
below the hieratic version. Read from right to left.
The Recto Continued 79
case, he found that he could do this with two parts, i.e., he found 12 =
7 + 5, with 210 = 7 = 30 and 210 = 5 = 42, and these are the
numbers, expressed as unit fractions, that he wrote in red above the
7 and 5 in the papyrus. Then in his two lines of proof he shows that
30 of 35 is indeed 1 6, and that 42 of 35 is 3 6. Of course the number
12 could have been partitioned differently, as, for example, 12 =
10 + 2, and the resulting equality would have been 21 + 105 = 2 -=
35. No doubt the scribe tried this and rejected it, preferring the former
equality. No other partitioning of 12 will give two numbers which will
divide 210 without remainder, but there could be other partitionings
into three or four parts, such as 12 = 7 + 3 + 2, leading to 30 + 70
+ 105 = 2 - 35, which the scribe would certainly have rejected,
had it come to his attention.
It is tempting to conclude that the scribe's technique as shown in
RMP 2 _ 35 was his standard method in all fifty divisions of the
Recto. But this was not the case, as a close examination of the various
divisions discloses; it appears that wherever possible he used it,
yet as he progressed he treated each division on its merits, finding real
difficulties with the prime divisors 29, 43, 61, 73, 83, and 89. The
somewhat controversial division of 2 by 13 illustrates one of his differ-
ent attacks in the divisions of the Recto. This is the calculation of
2 - 13 as it occurs in the Recto Table.
12 26 52 78 = 2 = 13,
which the reader may care to deduce in detail for himself No doubt
he tried both, and preferred the first equality, while the equality,
7 91=2=13,
did not come to his attention; we can state this with some certainty,
because he could not take 7 of 13 unless he did the separate division of
6 = 7, and this results in a quite extensive calculation, which he would
not attempt.
8 PROBLEMS IN COMPLETION AND
THE RED AUXILIARIES
FIGURE 8.1
Two scribes' wooden palettes. Left, palette inscribed with the name of
King Tuthmosis IV (1425-1417 s.c.) of the Eighteenth Dynasty. The
inscriptions along the ,ides are funerary invocations for the high official
Meryre, followed by the scribe's name (T unen). Length 13 inches. Right,
two-depression palette with a number of writing instruments. The inscrip-
tion is the name of King Antosis (1570-1546) of the Eighteenth Dynasty.
Length 11'/, inches. Courtesy British Museum.
Problems in Completion and the Red Auxiliaries 83
FtouRE 8.2
A wooden panel from the tomb of Hesy-Ra, showing a scribe with the
insignia of his office over his shoulder and writing materials in his hand.
Courtesy Cairo Museum.
84 Chapter Eight
PROOF
3 5 15 15 makes 1
10 3 1 1 makes 15.
1= 5
_ 6 8 gen * (1, 1)
_ 9 (10 15) gen. (2, 3)
I 15 (fi 10)
therefore,
PROBLEM 22
Complete 9 30 to 1 [Answer: 3 10].
1 30
\10 3
5 \6
Totals 5 TO 9.
fi 10 30 = (fi 30) 10
= 5 10. gen. (1, 5)
PROBLEM 23
Complete 4 $ 10 30 45 to I [Answer: 9 30].
* The scribe does not show this division in Problem 23. In Problem 21 the
scribe forgot to change to red ink for the auxiliaries, and in Problem 22
he used no red ink at all. This is most unusual. RMP 79 is the only other
instance where the statement of the problem is not in red.
86 Chapter Eight
1 45
$ 15
5
10 4
30 2 4
\40 \1 $
Totals 9 40 6 $.
Therefore 9 40 is needed to complete 4 $ 10 30 45 to
PROOF
4 $ 9 40 30 40 45 and 3 make I
11 4 528 5 42 12 18 1 and 15 make 45.
Alternatively,
AN INTERESTING OSTRACON
The generally accepted meaning of the word "ostracon" is an in-
scribed fragment of pottery with Egyptian, Coptic, or Greek inscrip-
tions. Ostraca are most commonly found in Upper Egypt, and date
roughly from 600 B.C. to A.D. 400. The name comes from the Greek
oorpaicov, potsherd. Broken pieces of pottery had many uses in the
ancient world, one of which was as a substitute for expensive papyrus
if only brief notes needed to be made and if the clay had not previously
been decorated or inscribed.
In the tomb of Sen-mut, an architect for Queen Hatshepsut (1520-
1480 B.c.), several ostraca were found. Sen-mut designed the temple
at Deir el-Bahri, thought by many to be the finest in ancient Egypt,*
* E. K. Milliken, Cradles ofWesternCivilisation, Harrap, London, 1955, p. 92.
Problems in Completion and the Red Auxiliaries 87
for the Queen. Sen-mut's tomb is at Thebes, where the New York
Metropolitan Museum of Art conducted an expedition, obtaining an
arithmetic computation on an ostracon that was subsequently trans-
lated.* This computation consists of three double lines in red and
black, showing the answer to the divisions of 2 and 4 by 7, expressed
in unit fractions. Now 2 divided by 7 is one of the fifty divisions of the
RMP Recto, where the standard answer is recorded as
2-7=4 28.
and the author's technique in deriving it throws some light upon the
Egyptian method of using a reference number together with red
auxiliaries when adding fractions. The computation, with boldface
type indicating the red numbers, is
1.1 1 7
1.2 3
1.3 2 fi 14 11
1.4 32 12 1
1.5 4 2 14
1.6 101 1 2.
Whoever inscribed the ostracon was doing just what the scribe of the
RMP did in problems 28, 32, 36 and several others. The red 3 beneath
the 7 means "Take 3 as a multiplier of 7, to give the reference number
21." He then multiplied the 2 (of line 3) by his multiplier to give 6
which he then partitioned as 31/2, 11/2i and 1, each of which divides
the reference number 21 in integers, and wrote them in red (line 4).
These are the red auxiliaries.
The scribe of the ostracon then referred these auxiliaries to 21,
finding that 31/2 is 1/e of 21, 11/2 is 1/14 of 21, and 1 is 1/21 of 21, so that
* See W. C. Hayes, "Ostracon No. 153," Ostraca and Name Stones from the
Tomb of Sen-mut at Thebes, Publication 15, Metropolitan Museum of Art,
New York, 1942.
88 Chapter Eight
he wrote 6, 14, 21 in black in their proper places (line 3). In this terse
manner the scribe obtained his answer to the division,
2-7=fi 14 T.
Still with the same red multiplier 3 and the same reference number 21,
we note the 4 (of line 5) was multiplied by 3 giving 12 which was
partitioned as 101/2 and 11/2, each of which divides the reference
number 21 in integers 2 and 14, which he wrote as 2 and 14 in their
proper places (line 5) in black. It was thus he obtained his answer to
the division,
4-7=2 14.
which the reader is invited to verify as the scribe would have done it.
f k w_ JUL 1 fit 1 Mx
fn /A iL f= A
fn A -Ait f*I ff1r
fit (I ru _ =. fill 7 Pa 4 fm >
4 /lL tv . /b Afih1t fI Y
fµ =pMA-t' fm
ft A
/W =A A
J zn
1$
fitiii -.
FIGURE 9.1
Left, reconstruction of the EMLR; right, Glanville's translation. Courtesy
S. R. K. Glanville.
Egyptian Mathematical Leather Roll 93
1 10 40 s
2 s 20 4
3 4 12 3
4 10 to S
S 6 6 3
6 6 6 6 2
r 3 3
8 25 is 7s be s
9 60 30 is0 400 t6
10 as so lie 1s
It 9 is 6
u 7 14 2s 4
13 it 24
14 K 21 42 7
1s 1s 2T 54 9
16 22. 33 66 11
17 2S 49 196 a
is so 45 90 15
19 24 46 16
to is 36 12
21 21 42 14
22 45 90 30
23 30 60 20
24 i5 30 10
25 4$ 96 32
26 96 192 64
Egyptian Mathematical Leather Roll 95
for presuming the existence of standard fraction tables, the G rule, and
the two thirds table.
We first of all rewrite the table of the EMLR to restore the order of
difficulty of the equalities, and to systematize the groups into which
they most naturally fall.
1.23 30 60 = 20
1.22 45 90 = 30
1.25 48 96=32
1.26 96 192 = 64.
Now, even though these ten equalities are scrambled (so to speak) in
the EMLR, the scribe could not have failed to notice that the answer
is in every case one-third of the second term. Here is the beginning of
the G rule of Chapter 5. Of more importance to him, however, was
the recognition of the equality A
3 6=2.
We can note here a further extension of the second group, building
on lines 3 and 2 thus :
1.3 4 12=3
1.2 3 20 = 4
G 30=5
7 42 = fi
8 56=7
This extended table could have been discovered by the scribes, using
nothing more than the natural number series for the two outside
columns and the continuous addition of the even numbers 8, 10, 12,
... for the center column.
We shall come back to this table in Chapter 10. For the present,
I remark that we have here the faint beginnings of a theory of numbers,
which as far as we know remained unwritten for 2,000 years.
1.3 4 12=3
1.2 5 30=4
1.1 10 40=$.
Egyptian Mathematical Leather Roll 97
A little deeper thought was required to establish these. But the scribe
had more than one method.* First, he can put for line 3
6 fi =9 (from line 5)
6 (T2- 12-) = 9 (line 5 x 2)
(6 12) 12 = 9
4 12 = 3. (equation A x 2)
Second, he could have used the method of the red auxiliaries described
in the preceding chapter. Thus if he wished to add 4 + 12, he could
have chosen a reference number, say 12, and then reasoned as follows :
applied to 12, 4 is 3, and 12 is 1, so that added together, 4 and l2 is
3 and 1 or 4, which applied to 12 is 3; therefore,
4 i2=9.
Third, he could have referred to the previously established equality B,
and then, dividing through by 2, he would have I 12 = 9.
Of course we cannot know whether the scribe found line 3 by one
of these or some other method. But having established it, the successive
multiplication by the odd numbers produces the sequence of equalities
12 36 = 9
20 60 = 15
28 84 = 21
But these are exactly the expressions given in the RMP Recto Table
of 2 divided by the odd numbers. Then we are presented with the
possibility of deriving line 3 of the EMLR from (2 = 3) of the Recto,
or, vice versa, deriving (2 _ 3) of the Recto from line 3 of the EMLR,
which lends some credence, perhaps, to Glanville's thought that the
EMLR and the RMP were in some way related.
Line 2, and consequently line 1, can be established in much the
same way as line 3:
5 5 5 5 5= 1, (definition of
one-fifth)
20 20 20 20 20 = 4,
(20 20) (20 20) 20 = 4,
(10 10) 20 = 4, (line 4, x 2)
5 20=4,
which is line 2. Doubling each number of this produces line 1. Or, as
with the previous groups, the reference number method could be used
if the scribe chose.
28 49 196 = 13,
as on the EMLR, to
26 39 78 = 13.
7 14 28 = 4,
7 14 28 = 4
in cubits.
7of(1 2 4)=4,
whence 7 14 28 = 4.
2. Since from ordinary multiplication with integers,
1+2+4=7,
Egyptian Mathematical Leather Roll 101
rearranging, this is
(2 4) (728) = 1.
14
Noting that 2 4 4 = 1, subtract 2 4 from each side, whence
7 14 28 = 4.
3. Using a reference number (here obviously 28), the reasoning is
7 is 4,
14 is 2,
28 is 1,
\4 \1
Totals 7 1 2 4.
102 Chapter Nine
* This is one of the rare occasions where a set of fractions belonging to the
same group is not exactly arranged in descending order of magnitude: 15
should precede 25, and 30 should precede 50.
Egyptian Mathematical Leather Roll 103
Using the red auxiliaries, and (as is most usual) taking 200, the
greatest denominator for reference number from the left-hand side of
the equality of line 8, we would have
25 is 8,
15 is 13 9,
75 is 2 3,
200 is 1;
adding, 25 15 T5- 200 is 25, which is 8 of 200. Therefore line 8 follows.
Simple doubling gives line 9.
The above, however, is only a proof, by a standard scribal technique,
that the equality is true. It does not show how the four terms were
chosen in the first place, nor how the scribe knew their sum to be A.
Perhaps we shall never find out, but we can still hazard a plausible
guess as to how he arrived at it. One way, perhaps a most unlikely one,
would be for the scribe to have noted that
24 40 8 3=75,
in integers; then, on dividing through by 600, he would have had line
8. But we can establish it more plausibly by selecting fi 30 = 5 from
the extended second group (p. 96). Multiply this through by 5, so
that
25 = 30 150,
fractions concerned do in fact total 2 (see pp. 77-79), but they all
do, and nowhere has he made an error. A close examination of the
Recto leads one to the conclusion that the scribe must have referred
to some set of tables giving the sums of 2-term and 3-term unit frac-
tions. Either that, or he worked each one out separately on a papyritic
memo pad, or he was superbly competent at mental arithmetic. The
first conclusion is the most likely, for it is already well established that
the Egyptians made constant use of various types of tables. The set of
tables that the scribe who was calculating the divisions of the Recto
had for reference must have contained the equalities given in Tables
10.1 and 10.2. Whether the simple relations 2 2 = I and 4 4 = 2
were included or not is a matter of conjecture. They occur frequently
in the problems (17 times in the Recto and more than 40 times in the
Verso) ; they might very well have been considered to be too simple
to bother recording in a standard table. The same would apply to the
relation 3 3 = 1, which appears in at least 14 of the Verso problems.
In this list, each equality is easily located either in the Recto or the
Verso of the RMP as shown, but I am sure that Tables 10.1 and 10.2
are by no means complete. That these tables are not as complete as
the scribes' may have been can be illustrated by the last entry for the
gen. (4, 5, 20). It is possible that the scribe first noted that (10 40) = 8
from gen. (1, 4) and then put (8 8) = 4 from gen. (1, 1), but we are
unable to decide precisely which equality was used. Not only were all
the equalities in these tables used by the scribe as a commonplace
procedure not requiring any proof or justification : he sometimes went
much further; for example, in Problem 65, he wrote without
comment 100 = 13 = 7 3 39, as if he did the division mentally,
which may well have been the case. But to say the same of the two
following equalities, particularly the last, would be to strain our
credulity too far!
2 5 10 10 10 = 1, (Problem 35)
2 6 12 14 21 21 42 63 84 126 126 168 252
336 504 1008 = 1. (Problem 70)
If the case for the use of tables has not been completely established up
to this point, then surely this last equality would clinch it. The reader
108 Chapter Ten
TABLE 10.1
Two-term equalities appearing in the RMP.
Generator Equality Occurrence
(1, 1) 6 6=3 Recto, 2 i 11, 35, 41, 53, 55.
Verso, Problem 40.
8 8=4 Recto, 2 i 13, 67, 71, 97.
10 10 = 5 Recto, 2 i 89.
14 14 = 7 Verso, Problem 69.
(1,2) 3 6=2 Recto, 2 i 17, 37, 47, 73, 79, 83, 89, 95.
Verso, Problem 69.
6 12 = 4 Recto, 2 i 19, 23.
21 42 = 14 Verso, Problem 69.
81 162 = 54 Verso, Problem 42.
(1,3) 4 12 = 3 Recto, 2 i 95.
8 24 = 6 Recto, 2 i 29, 37, 41.
(1, 4) 5 20 = 4 Recto, 2 + 31, 67, 73,83, 89.
10 40 = 8 Recto, 2 i 71.
(1, 6) 7 42 = 6 Recto, 2 i 43. Verso, Problem 69.
(1, 7) 8 56 = 7 Verso, Problems 7, 7B, 11.
16 112 = 14 Verso, Problems 7, 7B, 11.
(2, 3) 10 15 = 6 Recto, 2 i 47, 53, 79.
20 30- 12 Verso, Problem 76.
TABLE 10.2
Three-term equalities appearing in the RMP.
Generator Equality Occurrence
(1, 1, 1) 6 6 6= 2 Recto, 2 i 29.
(1, 2, 4) 7 14 28 = 4 Recto, 2 i 97. Verso, Problems 38, 69.
14 28 56 = 8 Verso, Problem 24.
(1, 2, 6) 5 10 30 = 3 Recto, 2 -= 91. Verso, Problems 1,3,6,30.
(1, 3, 3) 5 15 15 = 3 Verso, Problems 2, 30.
(1, 3, 5) 23 69 115 = 15 Verso, Problem 30.
46 138 230 = 30 Verso, Problem 30.
(2,3, 6) 2 3 6= I Recto, 2 i 43,101. Verso, Problems 66, 69.
6 9 18 = 3 Verso, Problems 17, 42, 67.
18 27 54 = 9 Verso, Problem 42.
36 54 108 = 18 Verso, Problem 42.
(3,4,6) 9 12 18 = 4 Recto, 2 _ 59.
(3, 10, 15) 3 10 15 = 2 Verso, Problems 4, 5, 35, 56.
(4, 5, 20) 8 10 40 = 4 Recto, 2 i 61.
Unit-Fraction Tables 109
TABLE 10.3
The most elementary table, from the definition of a fraction. Overbars not
shown.
2 2=1
3 3 3= 1
4 4 4 4= 1
TABLE 10.4
The table produced b applying generators to the equalities of Table 10.3.
The equality 3 3 = f can be considered to be included in a. Overbars
omitted from this table.
Generator Generator Generators Generators
(1, 1) (1, 1, 1) (1, 1, 1, 1) (1, 1, 1, 1, 1)
2 2=1 3 3 3=1 4 4 4 4= 1 5 5 5 5 5= 1
4 4=2 6 66=2 8 8 8 8=2 10 10 10 10 10=2
6 6=3 9 99=3 12 12 12 12=3 15 15 15 15 15 = 3
3 6=6 6 6.
112 Chapter Ten
3 6=2.
This equality could have been derived otherwise by the scribes. For
example, from generator (1, 1) (Table 10.4a) they could have written
3 3 = 3 and 6 6 = 3; then by addition,
(3 6) (3 6) = 1,
The next table to look for is, naturally, that whose generator is
(1, 3), and then, if successful, (1, 4), (1, 5), and so on.
Adding 12 to each side of line 2 of the just-generated table gives
4 12 = 6 12 12
=6 6 (from gen. (1, 1))
3. (from gen. (1, 1) )
3 6 =2
(6 6) (12 12) = 2
6 6 12 12 = 3 6
6 12 12 = 3
4 12 = 3.
Unit-Fraction Tables 113
4 12=3
8 24=6
12 36 = 9
We proceed :
gen. (1, 1) 5 = 10 10
gen. (1, 1) = (20 20) (20 20)
Add 20 to each side 5 20 = (20 20 20 20 20)
gen. (1, 1, 1, 1, 1) gives 5 20 = 4.
5 20 = 4
10 40 = 8
15 60 = 12
Again,
gen. (1, 2) 15 30 = 10
gen. (1, 1) 15 (60 60) = 10
(15 60) 60 = 10
gen. (1, 4) 12 60 = 10
Divide both sides by 2 6 30 = 5.
6 30 = 5
12 60 = 10
18 90 = 15
The scribes no doubt also noted that, besides multiplying the pre-
ceding equalities to produce new equalities, they could also add or
114 Chapter Ten
TALE 10.5
Ordered table of generators derived solely from the simpler generators of
Table 10.4. The initial equality associated with each generator is given
opposite the generator itself
gen.(1,l) 2 2= 1
(1,2) 3 6=2
(1,3) 4 12 = 3
(1,4) 5 20 = 4
(1,5) 6 30 = 5
derived, sometimes very easily, from the 2-term equality tables already
established, and this we now examine. The first and most obvious
3-term equality to establish has the generator (2, 3, 6), because it
arises from the first of the 2-term equalities:
8 24 = 9 18.
In this array there are some duplications. For example, (2, 2) is the
same generator as (1, 1), (2, 4) is the same as (1, 2), and (3, 1) is the
same as (1, 3), and so on. To eliminate duplications, we may exclude
those pairs of generators having a common factor. Then the generators
to be examined are those in the amended array:
10 15 = 6. gen. (2, 3)
A proof such as this would have established the truth of this equality
for the scribe. He would next try other equalities. For example, he
might have taken the generator (3, 4). Following the same method-
ology as before, the relevant numbers are 3 + 4 = 7 and 3 x 4 = 12,
so that the resulting equality which had to be tested is 21 28 = 12
(gen. (3, 4)) :
From gen. (1, 7) 8 56 = 7
Add 42 to each side 8 42 56 = 7 42
From gen. (1, 6) = 6
From gen. (1, 3) =8 24
Then, 8 42 56 = 8 24
Subtract 8 from each side 42 56 = 24
Divide by 2 21 28 = 12.
These two equalities having been established, the scribe would have
treated a third in the same way, from the generator (4, 5), say; since
here 4 + 5 = 9 and 4 x 5 = 20, the equality to be tested is 36 45 =
20 (gen. (4, 5)) :
From gen. (1, 9) 10 90 = 9
Add 72 to each side 10 72 90 = 9 72
From gets. (1, 8) = 8
From gen. (1, 4) = 10 40
Then 10 72 90 = 10 40
Subtract 10 from each side 72 90 = 40
Divide by 2 36 45 = 20.
There is a sameness about each of the three preceding proofs, which
suggests that, given any two numbers at all as elements of a generator,
the same approach will establish the relevant 2-term equality. How-
ever, by choosing the numbers 5 and 7 for elements, the scribe would
have found that the method does not always work, in this case because
5 and 7 are both odd numbers. So he would have had to look for an-
Unit-Fraction Tables 119
other method, which he easily found. For example, the scribe could
have established 60 84 = 35 (gen. (5, 7)) :
From gen. (1, 6) 60 = 70 420
Add 84 to each side 60 84 = 70 (84 420)
From gen. (1, 5) = 70 70
From gen. (1, 1) 60 84 = 35.
Trying the same procedure with the generator (3, 5) gives
From gen. (1, 4) 24 = 30 120
Add 40 to each side 24 40 = 30 (40 120)
From gen. (1, 3) = 30 30
From gen. (1, 1) 24 40 = 15.
If the scribe had tried as generator (3, 7), his technique would have
had to be slightly different (he would have had to start with the larger
of the summed unit fractions). Thus, to establish 30 70 = 21 (gen.
(3, 7)) :
From gen. (1, 5) 70 = 84 420
Add 30 to each side 30 70 = 84 (30 420)
From gen. (1, 14) = 84 28
From gen. (1, 3) 30 70 = 21.
Again, the scribe interested in what we have called his "theory of
numbers" or, more properly, his "theory of fractions" would natu-
rally enough stop at about this stage and take stock, in an orderly
fashion, of what he had so far established. A collection of 2-term
equalities obtainable by means of the methods just discussed is shown
in Table All .1. The established 2-term equalities, together with
their generators, are in roman type; an overall view of such a collection
would have at once revealed to the scribe many ordered sequences,
what today we would call series. Indeed, such is the regularity of the
various columns that it would be a very unimaginative scribe indeed
who would not be tempted to extend his table upwards, as shown by
the italic entries (this is downward, so to speak, in the magnitudes of
the denominators). By so doing, the scribe would see that he has really
rewritten his table so that entries in corresponding positions above
and below the diagonal are the same; thus the table reads the same
either horizontally or vertically (see Appendix 11).
11 PROBLEMS OF EQUITABLE DISTRIBUTION
AND ACCURATE MEASUREMENT
TABLE 11.1
Quotients of 1, 2, ... , 9 divided by 10, as listed in the RMP.
Number Quotient
1 10
2 5
3 To
4 3 15
5 2
6 2 10
7 3 To
8 1 10 30
9 3 5 30
\10 \1 5 \2
10 1. 5 2.
Equitable Distribution and Accurate Measurement 121
1 10 1 10
\10 \1 \6
\5 \2 \30 \ 5
5 10 3. 3 30 7.
1 10 1 10
6 \6
\\15
1
\35 \10
\ \
1
\30 5
515 4. 3 1030 8.
1 10 1 10
\5 6
5.
\5 \2
\30
10
1
1 530 9.
2 \5
\10 \1
2 10 6.
But the table could have been otherwise constructed. The alternate
technique of the succeeding paragraphs may appear to be much
longer, but this is only because of the explanatory matter. Actually
it is a good deal shorter than the straightforward division just shown.
It was possible to write at once the division of 1, 2, and 5 by 10:
Number Quotient
1 10
2 5
5
2 x (3 = 10) _ (2 _ 5) + (2 - 10)
_ (3 15) 5,
where the 3 15 comes from the Recto Table (Table 6.1). Thus the
scribe would have obtained the useful equality 3 5 15 = 2 TO. The
fourth entry can come from 1 + 3 or from 2 x 2, but in each case the
scribe would have had 3 5, which was not acceptable, the two frac-
tions being the same (Precept 3, p. 49). But since two-fifths may be
expressed as 2 - 5, he had only to look in the Recto Table to find the
quotient 3 15. He now had
Number Quotient
1 T
2 5
3 5 10
4 3 15
5 2
6 2 10
7
8
9
The scribe had available several alternate ways of obtaining the
quotients for 7, 8, and 9. Thus, he could have found 7 - 10 by con-
sidering
(1 + 6) _ 10 = 10 (2 10) =2 5.
(2+5) = 10= 5 2 =2 5.
(3 + 4) = 10 = (5 1-0)(9 15) = 3 5 10 15.
But he would have none of these, because now he could include his
most important (and his largest) fraction 3, which was not possible
for the preceding dividends. In the same way for 8 - 10, he had
(1+7)=10=10 ? _ ?
(2+6)=10= 5 (2 10) =2 5 TO.
(3 + 5) = 10 = (3 10) 2 =2 5 TO.
(4 + 4) = 10 = (3 1-5)(9 15) = (3 3) (15 15)
_3 10 30.
* From 2 = 15 = 10 30, RMP Recto Table.
Equitable Distribution and Accurate Measurement 123
This last value is the one the scribe chose, most probably because of
the presence of the 3.
The table was now complete except for 7 and 9.
Number Quotient
1 10
2 5
3 5 10
4 15
5 2
6 2 To
7
8 3 10 30
9
These last two now could have been easily found from 9 - 10 =
(8 + 1) - 10 (adding 10 to 3 TO- 50- to give 3 5 30), and from 7
10 = (8 - 1) _ 10 (subtracting 10 from 3 10 30 to give 3 30).
CUTTING UP OF LOAVES
The scribe now had the complete list of divisors and quotients as
shown in Table 11.1. As I have stated, no working is shown in the
RMP for the nine equalities of Table 11.1. To show their uses the
scribe chose six practical problems: the division of 1, 2, 6, 7, 8, and 9
loaves among 10 men. The scribe read off the answers from the table;
he proved that his choices were correct by performing the appropriate
multiplication by 10, as in the following translation of Problem 3:
Divide 6 loaves among 10 men.
Make thou the multiplication 2 10 times 10.
The doing as it occurs.
1 2 10
\2 \1 5
4 2 3 15 [2 _ 5 = 3 15, Recto Table]
\8 \4 3 TO- TO [2 - 15 = 10 30, Recto Table]
Total 10 6 the same, this is. [5 10 30 = 3, Table 10.2]
124 Chapter Eleven
1 10 1 5
\2 5 \2 \ 3 15
4 15 4 3 To- TO
\8 \ I 10 30. \8 \1 5 5 15.
10 1 10 2
1 1 30 1 110 30
\2 \115 \2 \110
4 25 1030 4 35
\8 \5 2 10. \8 \6 9 15.
10 7 10 8
1 9 530
\2 \ 1 '9 10 30
4 3 2 10
\8 \7 5.
10 9
TABLE 11.2
Salary distributions of the personnel of the Temple of Illahun, based upon
Borchardt's translation (Z. Agypt. Spr., Vol. 40, pp. 113-117).
Number of Loaves of jugs of jugs of Corrected
Portions Bread S4' Beer Hpnw Beer Hpnw Beer
Personnel 42 11 16 2 3 TO- 224
The temple director 10 16 83 27 3 27 2
Head lay priest 3 5 22 8 5 10 84
Head reader 6 10 5 16 2 i0 16 2
Scribe of the temple 13 2 6 IS 13 3 3 45 33
Usual reader 4 63 33 11 15 11
Wtw priest 2 33 1 5 2 30 52
Imi ist c priest 2 33 1 5 230 52
Ibh priests (3) 6 10 5 16 2 TO- 16 2
Royal priests (2) 4 63 33 11 15 11
Md3w 1 13 3 23 10 224
Thur guardians (4) 13 2 6 18 1 3 3 45 33
Night watchmen (2) 19 2 18 1 2 3 90 1 16
Temple worker 3 2 18 436 3 4 180 34
Another worker* 3 2 18 4 36 3 4 180 34
Totals (clerk) 42§ 70§ 35§ 115 2#
Totals, without an-
other worker 41 69 3 9 34 3 18 115 6 S 114 3 4
Totals, including an-
other worker 42 70 35 115 2 115 2
Omitted by the clerk. Or perhaps there should have been two temple workers.
§ Clerical errors, but only if there was in fact only one temple worker.
# If there were two workers, as seems most likely, then this should be 116 3.Ob-
viously the clerk did not add up all the fractions. He knew what they ought to total,
and so he just wrote the numbers down without checking.
18 4.
* I have added the line, "Another worker," or temple worker, so that the
total of portions is 42 exactly, just as it should be.
Equitable Distribution and Accurate Measurement 127
ti
I 2 I 2 I
I 3 IJ
I
3
I
3
I 3
FIGURE 11.1
Cutting up five loaves.
12 PESU PROBLEMS
Since there are 320 ro in each hekat, the scribe first found the number
of ro in 3 2 hekats.
\1 320/
\2 640/
\2 160/
Totals 3 2 1120 ro.
He then divided 1120 ro by 80. He wrote,
Make thou the operation on 80, for the finding of 1120. The doing as
it occurs.
1 80
\10 \800
2 160
4 \320
Totals 14 1120.
\20
10 35
70 //
//
\2
\
\21
7
\7 /
Totals 22 ' 7 21 80.
The pesu is 22 3 7 T.
Problems 70 and 71 are like Problem 69, but the remaining seven
(Problems 72 to 78) deal with exchange of loaves and beer. Problem
73 is:
100 loaves of pesu 10 are to be exchanged for loaves of pesu 15. How
many of these will there be?
130 Chapter Twelve
The scribe wrote : "Reckon the amount of wedyet flour in these 100
loaves. It is 100 divided by 10, namely, 10 hekats. The number of
loaves of pesu 15 from 10 hekats is 15 times 10, namely, 150. This is the
number of loaves for the exchange."
The other six problems on the exchange of loaves and beer of
different pesus appear at first glance to be similar to Problem 73, but
a closer examination reveals some new scribal techniques and arith-
metical procedures. We look then at Problems 74 and 76.
PROBLEM 74
1,000 loaves of pesu 5 are to be exchanged, a half for loaves of pesu 10,
and a half for loaves of pesu 20. How many of each will there be?
PROBLEM 76
1,000 loaves of pesu 10 are to be exchanged for a number of loaves of
pesu 20 and the same number of loaves of pesu 30. How many of each
kind will there be?
The scribe's solution for Problem 74 reads as follows: "1,000 loaves
of pesu 5 require 200 hekats, and if these are halved, a half of 200
hekats is 100 hekats. Multiply 100 by 10; it makes 1,000, the number
of loaves of pesu 10. Multiply 100 by 20; it makes 2,000, the number
of loaves of pesu 20. The answer is 1,000 and 2,000 loaves."
The solution for Problem 76 is:
For loaves of pesu 20, the first kind, 20 hekat produces 1 loaf. For
loaves of pesu 30, the second kind, 30 hekat produces I loaf. Then
20 30 = 12 hekat produces 2 loaves, one of each kind. Then 1 hekat
will make 24, or 12 loaves of each kind. The quantity of wedyet flour
in the 1,000 loaves of pesu 10 is 100 hekats. Multiply 100 by 12; the
result is 1,200, which is the number of loaves of each kind for the
exchange.
In order to acquaint ourselves with the scribe's processes in this
problem, we set it down in modern terms using what is usually called
the unitary method.
First, 1,000 loaves of pesu 10 required 100 hekats of flour. Now 1
hekat of flour produces 20 loaves of pesu 20, and I hekat of flour
produces 30 loaves of pesu 30.
Pesu Problems 131
Then there will be a half of 2,400 or 1,200 loaves of each kind, pesu
20 and pesu 30, received in exchange for 1,000 loaves of pesu 10.
How similar Problems 74 and 76 appear on casual reading, the
first asking for half for loaves of one pesu and a half for loaves of
another, while the second problem asks for equal numbers of loaves
of the two pesus the scribe mentions. But it was a trap for the unwary.
It is interesting to note how well A`h-mose chose his two numbers 20
and 30 for the pesos. The choice is reminiscent of the modern problem
which asks: If a man drives from one town to another at an average
speed of 20 miles per hour, and returns at an average speed of 30 miles
per hour, what is his average speed for the double journey ? This is
like A`h-mos4Ps Problem 76, for the answer to both problems is the
harmonic mean of 20 and 30, which is 24 and not 25 (the arith-
metic mean). Problem 74 is one in arithmetic means.
The problems of the MMP* dealing with pesus are much the same
as those of the RMP, but the scribe was not as careful in his copying
* W. W. Struve. "Mathematischer Papyrus des Museums der Schonen
Kunste in Moskau," Quellen and Studien zur Geschichte der Mathematik, Part
A, Vol. 1 (Berlin, 1930), p. 98.
132 Chapter Twelve
RMP 73
100 loaves of pesu 10 are exchanged for loaves of pesu 15. How many
of these are there?
RMP 75
155 loaves of pesu 20 are exchanged for loaves of pesu 30. How many
of these are there?
Since the greater the pesu, the greater the number of loaves from
the same quantity of meal, these three problems are very easily solved
by simple proportion as follows :
RMP 72
No. of loaves = 100 x 45/10
= 10 x 45
= 450.
RMP 73
No. of loaves = 100 x 15/1,
= 10 x 15
= 150.
RMP 75
No. of loaves = 155 x 30/2o
=724x30
= 232 2.
This is exactly how the scribe did solve them, that is, all except Prob-
lem 72, which for some reason was done in an entirely different
manner. Chace remarks that "He arrives at the result in a round-
about way," which is very much of an understatement, and although
quite true, it adds nothing to our understanding of the scribe's thought
processes in arriving at the correct answer. What was the reasoning
behind this round-about solution? Was it perhaps a more advanced
technique? Was he attempting to introduce some new concept into
mathematical methods?
To attempt to answer these questions, we set down the steps in the
argument exactly as the scribe gave them (Chace's translation from
Vol. 2), line for line.
134 Chapter Twelve
RMP 72
1. 100 loaves of pesu 10 exchanged for loaves of pesu 45. How many
of these loaves are there?
2. Find the excess of 45 over 10. It is 35. Divide this 35 by 10. You
get 3 2.
3. Multiply this 3 2 by 100. Result 350. Add 100 to this 350. You
get 450.
4. Say then that the exchange is 100 loaves of pesu 10
5. for 450 loaves of pesu 45.
= (q - 1)x + x
Now how did the scribe come to think of all this? The only data
which he had a priori was the relation,
Pesu Problems 135
number of loaves
number of hekats of meal =
pecu
Following immediately from this, the scribe can write,
x y
p q
whence, y = x x q/p, which is just what he did for RMP 73 and 75.
But for RMP 72, with the same data, to achieve the same steps in
his argument as shown in our symbolic transcription of his solution,
we are forced to proceed as follows :
Given
x y
p q
then
y q
(T he modern concept of alternando)
x p
and (line 2)
Y
-x x = q p- p (The modern concept of dividendo) ;
hence (line 3)
y - x=(q pp x,
so that (line 3)
therefore,
exactly as before.
136 Chapter Twelve
FIGURE 13.1
D A,,
Rectangles from the RMP and the MMP. Left, the 1-khet by 10-khet
rectangle of Problem 49 of the RMP. Note that the scribe has made an
error in copying, showing the breadth as 2 khet. The working accompany-
ing the figure was done for a breadth of 1 khet. Right, a rectangle of area
12 and breadth 2 4 of the length, from Problem 6 of the MMP. The scribe
wrote his correct answers for breadth and width on the figure as shown.
* The scribe made a careless copying error, putting 2 khet for I khet, and
he repeated it in his figure. But there are no errors in his calculations with
1 khet.
138 Chapter Thirteen
Therefore
I = 4 for the length, (1. 5)
and
eld
FIGURE 13.2
Triangles accompanying Problem 51 of the RMP (left) and Problem 4
of the MMP (right).
* The word meret (or meryct) translated as side or height.
t The word Leper (or tepro) translated as base or mouth.
Areas and Volumes 139
regarding the precise meaning of meret and of Leper. If maet meant the
side rather than the height, the area would be in error unless the
triangle were right-angled. Scribal sketches of triangles in the papyri
suggest that a right-angle may have been intended, but some observers
have thought that isosceles triangles with acute vertical angles were
meant, and if matt was side the area would again be in error by a
small amount. However, these differences of opinion are academic;
and modern-day historians agree that perpendicular height is meant
by the scribe. Thus Peet writes* that he believes "that the Egyptians
had found the correct formula, half the base multiplied by the vertical
height for the scalene triangle."
D. J. Struik writes,t "The area of a triangle was found as half the
product of base and altitude," while Carl B. Boyer has,+ "Problem 51
(of Ahmes) shows that the area of an isosceles triangle was found by
taking half of what we would call the base and multiplying this by the
altitude."
FIGURE 13.3
Circles drawn by the scribe of the RMP. Left, from Problem 41; right, from
Problem 50.
* T. E. Peet, "Mathematics in Ancient Egypt," Bulletin of the John Rylands
Library, Vol. 15, No. 2 (Manchester, 1931), p. 430.
t D.J. Struik, A Concise History of Mathematics, Dover, New York, 1948, p. 22.
$ Carl B. Boyer, A History of Mathematics, Wiley, New York, 1968, p. 18.
140 Chapter Thirteen
The remainder is 8.
1 8
2 16
4 32
\8 \64
The area is 64 setat.
The scribe's method of finding the area of a circle can thus be restated :
Subtract from the diameter its one-ninth part, and square the remainder. This
is its area. We ask ourselves how close this is to the true value, and how
did the scribe arrive at his formula? If we use the modern value for ir,
a circle of diameter 9 khet would have an area of 63.6174 setat, so
that the Egyptian value is in error by less than 0.6 of one percent.
lit . +
FIGURE 13.4
Problem 48 of the RMP as the scribe wrote it, including his geometrical
illustration.
Areas and Volumes 141
and 43 which support us in the conclusion that the figure within the
square of Problem 48 is an octagon with straight sides drawn within
a previously drawn square of side 9 khet, and not a circle with a square
circumscribing it as Chace supposed. Let us look more closely at this
octagon of Figure 13.4 now that we agree that it really is one. Was
A`h-mose intending to inscribe a regular octagon by joining eight
points on the four sides of the square? The answer is no! We have no
evidence that the ancient Egyptians knew the geometrical construc-
tion for determining these points, such that by cutting off the four
corners of a square the resulting figure would be an eight-sided figure
with all the sides of equal length. And even if A`h-mose did know of
such a construction, he would also know that it would produce a
regular octagon of area most certainly greater than that of a circle of
diameter 9 units, for it would be an escribed octagon like the square
itself. Of course, it would be a much closer approximation to the area
of the circle than the square would be, but he would also surely see
how he could find a much closer approximation to the circled area,
and with a much simpler and more obvious construction. All he would
need to do would be to join the adjacent points of trisection of the sides.
That this is in fact what he did, or was aiming to do, is suggested by
his careful choice of a square of side 9 units to allow of easy trisection.
Such an octagon would have each pair of opposite sides equal, and
in the papyrus except for the top right-hand corner this certainly
appears to be the case.
Vogel (1958) came to the same conclusion when he compared our
modern formula for the area of a circle, F = Ir(d/2)2, with the equiv-
alent of the Egyptian formula, F = (8d/9)2,* from which one derives
an Egyptian value for jr of 25% , which is approximately 3.1605.
Vogel then remarks, "Just how this remarkably close approximation
was found, we do not know, but we can offer a suggestion on examining
the diagram of RMP 48." He then refers to the diagram of Figure
13.5, which he says ". . . seems to represent a figure whose area
approaches the area of a circle inscribed in the square." t
* K. Vogel, Vorgriechische Mathematik, Vol. 1.
t Ibid., "scheint einen Kreis in Annaherung darzustellen, der einem
Quadrat einbeschrieben 1st."
Areas and Volumes 143
FIGURE 13.5
Vogel's diagram of the inscribed octagon of Problem 48 of the RMP.
Then, he says, the area of the octagon is equal to the original square
less the two small squares made up by the four cut-off corners. "Then
the area of the octagon is (81 - 4 x 9/Z) = 63, which would corre-
spond to a square whose side is 163, which is approximately 64 = 8.
Thus probably the area of a circle formula (8d/9)2 might have
originated."*
m
LI
%.00IN
_ 00 w MEN
...
\R 0-0I/
I..I;
Areas and Volumes 145
1. 10 1 79 108 324
1.11 10 790 18 27 54 81
1.12 2 395 36 54 108 162
1.13 Total 1185 fi 54 [khar].
It is left to the reader to examine and explain how the scribe:
found $ of 10 to be 1 9;
subtracted 1 9 from 10 to give 8 3 9 18;
squared the number 8 3 6 18 to get 79 108 324;
multiplied this by 10 to get 790 18 27 54 F1_; and
multiplied this by 1 2 to find the contents, 1185 G 54 khar.
In Problem 43, the third problem on the contents of a cylindrical
granary in the RMP, the scribe proposed to show how the contents
may be found directly in khar without having first to calculate the
volume in cubic cubits. The scribe did this by means of a very neat
and interesting transformation that, correctly interpreted, throws
light on the mental processes of the Egyptian scribes. But the copyist
A`h-mose made two errors in his copying of the earlier work from
which the RMP was derived. Because of these errors, it was some years
before the problem was properly understood upon the work of Schack-
Schackenburg, who correctly interpreted a similar problem in the
KP.* In that problem, KP IV, 3, the scribe of the KP obtains the
contents of a cylindrical granary directly in khar without first finding
the volume in cubic cubits, by adding to the diameter its one-third
part, squaring this number, then multiplying by two-thirds of the
height. In copying a similar calculation in Problem 43 of the RMP,
A`h-mose gave the wrong dimensions for the silo; then he added an
extra line of directions, which almost certainly was a carry-over from
the two previous problems. The extra line, "take away S of the diam-
eter," should have been replaced by, "add to the diameter its i," and
not been an addition to it. With these corrections made, Problem 43
should read :
A cylindrical granary of diameter 8 and height 6. What is the amount
of grain that goes into it?
* F. Griffith, The Petrie Papyri : Hieratic Papyri from Kahun and Gurob. Univer-
sity College, London, 1897, pp. 15-18.
Areas and Volumes 149
1 10
\10 \106
\3 \7 $
Totals 10 113 3 $.
1 113 9
2 227 2 18
Totals \4 \455 $ khar, the answer.*
The scribe does not bother to show that 4 is two-thirds of 6 cubits.
The second and third lines of doubling show a neat piece of mental
reckoning:
1 113 9 $
2 226 1 5(6 18) (Recto 2 - 9)
or, 227 2 18 (G rule)
\4 \454 1 $
or, 455 9.
have been done, using only those operations that were available to the
scribes. The rules are as follows.
STANDARD RULE
into
(d + 3d) x (d + 3d) x 3 x h.
Now,
(d - 9d) x (d - 9d) x h x (1 2)
1.1 =('3+fi+18)dx('3+9+18)dxhx(1 2)
1.2 = ('3+6+ 18) x 1 2 x (3+6+ 18) x (1 2)
xdxdxh+(12)
1.3 =(1+4+12) x (1+4+ 12) x d x d x h x ( )
1.4 = (1 +3)d x (1 +3)d x 5h
1. 5 = (d + 3d) x (d + 3d) x 3h.
This is the sequence of operations that could have been made by
the scribe (but not, of course, in this form), although it is quite possible
that some other sequence might be found to be equally tenable. Line
I of the sequence, (1 - 9) = 3 fi 18, is shown in line 1 of Problem 42
of the RMP (p. 147). In line 2 of the sequence, multiplication by an
extra 1 2 is balanced by division by 1 2, which in line 3 becomes a
Areas and Volumes 151
\'
1
\
\1
2
\3
(9
fi
12
3) (fi
18
36
However the scribe may have devised the method of Problem 43,
whether it was along the lines I have described or any other, there
can be no doubt that, for his era, he was a mathematician of no mean
ability.
In Problems 41, 42, and 43 of the RMP, the answers given here in
khar are expressed in terms of hekats of grain (where 20 hekats equal
I khar) ; but as the numbers are likely to be large for a granary,
instead of multiplying by 20 the scribe divides by 20 and calls the
answer hundreds of quadruple hekats. This is not of importance re-
garding the volume of cylinders, but it will come up again when tables
of weights and measures are discussed.
Totals 1 3 16
\1 \ 16
\10 \160
\5 \80
Totals 16 256
152 Chapter Thirteen
\1 \ 256
2 512
\4 \1024
\3 \ 85 5
Totals 59 1365 9.
The scribe was here finding the contents of a cylindrical granary of
diameter 12 (cubits) and height 8 (cubits). Now if he had followed the
standard procedure illustrated by the scribe of the RMP in Problem
50, he would have taken away S of the diameter 12, squared this, and
then multiplied by the height 8. This would have given him the
volume 910 18 in cubic cubits. If he required the answer in khar,
he would add a half of 910 fi 18 to itself, giving 1365 9 khar, since
there are 11// khar in a cubic cubit. This is the answer the scribe has
written within his freehand-drawn circle to represent the cylindrical
granary.
But here the scribe of the KP has used a different technique for the
volume of a cylindrical granary, by means of which the contents is
determined directly in khar, and it gives evidence of considerable
ingenuity on the part of the ancient Egyptian who devised it. In
modern terms, it amounts to establishing the "new rule" given on
p. 150. The interpretation of the scribe's method puzzled the original
translator, F. L. Griffith, who wrote,
It would seem as though the problem had been to find the contents
of a circular granary, of which the height and the diameter were 12
and 8 cubits respectively; but if so the method adopted and the result
are quite wrong, whether we look for the answer in cubits cubed, in
khar, (= 2/3 cubits cubed), or in quadruple heqat.*
12
FtoURE 13.7
The circle drawn in KP IV, 3, with a translation of the accompanying
hieratic.
* The Petrie Papyri.
Areas and Volumes 153
PROBLEM 24
Assume the false answer 7. Then 1 7 of 7 is 8. Then as many times as
8 must be multiplied to give 19, just so many times must 7 be multiplied
to give the correct number. Thus, divide 8 into 19.
Equations of the First and Second Degree 155
1 8
\2 \16
2 4
\4 \2
\$ \1
Totals 2 4 $ 19.
Now multiply 2 4 $ by 7.
\1 \2 4 $
\2 \4 2 4
\4 \9 2.
Totals 7 15 (2 2) (4 4)$
7 16 2 $.
The answer, then, is 16 2 $.
PROBLEM 25
Assume the false answer 2. Then 1 2 of 2 is 3. Then as many times as
3 must be multiplied to give 16, just so many times must 2 be multiplied
to give the correct number. Then divide 3 into 16.
\1 3
2 6
\4 \12
2
\$ \1
Totals 5 5 16.
Now multiply 5 $ by 2.
1 5 $
\2 \10
The answer is 10
PROBLEM 26
Assume the false answer 4. Then 1 4 of 4 is 5. Then as many times as
5 must be multiplied to give 1 5, j ust so many times must 4 be multiplied
to give the correct number. Then divide 5 into 15.
* Note the method for finding one-third of a number. The scribe first found
two-thirds of it, and then halved it, even for the simple case of 1/3 of 31
156 Chapter Fourteen
\1 \5
\2 \10
Totals 3 15.
Now multiply 3 by 4.
1 3
2 6
\4 \12
Totals 4 12.
PROBLEM 27
Assume the false answer 5. Then 1 5 of 5 is 6. Then as many times as
6 must be multiplied to give 21, just so many times must 5 be multiplied
to give the correct number. Then divide 6 into 21.
\1 \6
\2 \12
\2 \3
Totals 3 2 21.
Now multiply 3 2 by 5.
\1 \3 2
2 7
\4 \14
Totals 5 17 2.
The answer is 17 2.
* W. W. Struve, the translator, has "Du hast richtig gefunden," the MMP
scribe's equivalent of the RMP, "Do it thus" or "The doing as it occurs,"
or even perhaps Euclid's "Quod Brat faciendum," Q.E.F.
158 Chapter Fourteen
PROBLEM 28
A quantity and its I are added together, and from the sum a third of
the sum is subtracted, and 10 remains. What is the quantity?
PROBLEM 29
A quantity and its 3 are added together, 9 of this is added, then 3 of
this sum is taken, and the result is 10. What is the quantity?
Both of these problems are discussed in Chapter 16, along with
other "think of a number" problems. These problems are not "aha"
(quantity) problems.
THIRD GROUP
The third group consists of Problems 30-34:
PROBLEM 30
If the scribe says, "What is the quantity of which (S 10) will make
10," let him hear!
Equations of the First and Second Degree 159
PROBLEM 31
A quantity, its 5, its 2, and its 7 added becomes 33. What is the
quantity?
PROBLEM 32
A quantity, its 3, and its 4 added becomes 2. What is the quantity?
PROBLEM 33
A quantity, its 3, its 2, and its 7 added becomes 37. What is the
quantity?
PROBLEM 34
A quantity, its 2, and its 4 added becomes 10. What is the quantity?
The scribe solved these problems by a different method, that of
division. Again, we could suppose that these problems might appear
in a modern algebra book, were it not for the choice of the numbers
33, 2, and 37, which lead to enormous unit fractions. So awkward is
the mechanical work involved that one is likely to lose sight of the
method adopted.
The solutions given by the scribe are:
apparently done in his head. In this same problem, the scribe needed
to find 3 of the unit fraction 679, which he wrote at once as 1358 4074.
This is a remarkable example of the rule given later in the RMP
(Problem 61B) referred to in Chapter 4. In Problems 30 to 34 of the
RMP the scribe was floundering in a maze of huge fractions. He had
chosen his numbers badly, but having started, he continued manfully,
and let us remember, successfully, to correct solutions. If the author
of one of the earliest mathematical textbooks ever written faltered
anywhere, then it was here that he did so. Had he chosen the numbers
97, 19, 194, and 14, in that order, his purpose would have been equally
well served, and the mechanical work much simplified. To show how
the scribe solved these four problems, we select Problem 34 as the
least complicated of them.
PROBLEM 34
A quantity, its 2 and its 4 added becomes 10. What is the quantity?
Multiply 1 2 4 so as to get 10 (or, divide 10 by 1 2 4).
\ 1 \1 2 4
2 3 2
\
4
7 \ 7
4 28 2 (2x7=2-7
\2 14 \ 1. = 4 28)
Totals 5 2 7 14 9 2 (4 4)
9 (2 2)
5 2 7 14 10.
The answer is 5 2 7 T. The proof follows:
Find 1 2 4 of 5 2 7 14.
\1 \5 2 7 14
\2 \2 2 4 14 28
\4 \1 4 $ 28 56.
Totals 1 2 4 9 (2 8) 7 14 14 28 28 56.
The scribe refers the last 6 fractions to 56, using red auxiliaries, here
rendered in boldface:
Equations of the First and Second Degree 161
7 14 14 28 28 56
8 4 4 2 2 1 total 21;
4
14 7 total 21; therefore they are equal.
Then 9 (2 $) 4 $ = 10.
EQUATIONS OF THE SECOND DEGREE
Two problems in the Berlin Papyrus (Figure 14.1), restored and
translated by Schack-Schackenburg,' appear to deal clearly with the
solution of simultaneous equations, one being of the second degree.
The papyrus is mutilated, so that the restorations, although quite
reasonable and plausible, perhaps still remain open to some slight
reinterpretation. In essence, Schack-Schackenburg concludes that
the scribe proposed to solve the following two sets of equations,
expressed in modern algebraic notation:
xs + ys = 100
(1)
4x - 3y = 0
x2 + y2 = 400
(2)
4x - 3y = 0.
FiouRE 14.1
Berlin Papyrus 6619.
FIGURE 14.2
Rectangular granary of KP LV, 4.
1. 33 Make thou 30 to find 90 "of the hinu." The result is 3.
1.34 Make thou that 40, 3 times.
1.35 The result is 120. Make thou,
1.36 TO- of 120. The result is 12.
1.37 Divide 1 by 2 4.
1. 38 The result is 1 9.
1. 39 Multiply 12 by 1 S. The result is 16.
1. 40 Find the square root of 16. It is 4, the front.
1.41 2 4 of 4 is 3, the side.
1.42 The result thereof is (hayt(?) 10 of) 4 cubits: 3 cubits.
In modem notation we can write:
The volume of grain is f x s x d = 90 x 40 hinu, (1. 31)
or f x s x 1= 90 x 40
30 x 10 cubic cubits
(f,a.1.32,
33)
=3x 10 (1.33)
120
(1 . 34 , 35)
10
Then, fxs=12....... (i), (1.36)
and s = 4 f,...... (ii). (1.31)
or f2 = 12 x 4 (1.38)
=4x4; (1.41)
or, s = 3 cubits. (1.41)
Then the front of the granary is 4 cubits, and the side 3 cubits (1. 42).
As a check we note that
90 x 40 = 3600 hinu
3600
= cubic cubits
= 12 cubic cubits
=4x3x1,
and since volume = f x s x d, the depth of grain in the granary is
I cubit (Figure 14.2).
The approximate modern equivalents of Egyptian dry measure are:
1 hinu = 4/g pint.
1 hekat = 1 gallon = 1/8 bushel.
1 khar = 21/, bushels.
I cubic cubit = 3% bushels.
According to Gardiner's dictionary, the hayt was the principal mul-
tiple of the cubit and was equal to 100 cubits. A partial explanation
for "hayt 10 of" (line 42) that I can suggest is that, in the restored line
32, the depth of the grain might have been expressed as 100 of a
hayt, which would have been 1 cubit. But this still would not wholly
explain the " 10 of." There is no suggestion of a hayt in any other part
of the problem; and just why the scribe introduced it (if indeed he
did) in line 32, 1 am unable to say.
15 GEOMETRIC AND ARITHMETIC PROGRESSIONS
TABLE 15.1
Multipliers written as sums of entries of the geometrical progression 1, 2, 4,
8,16,....
Resulting
Series Terms to be Added Multiplier
l
2
1 2 3
4
1 4 5
2 4 6
1 2 4 7
8
1 8 9
2 8 10
1 2 8 11
4 8 12
1 4 8 13
2 4 8 14
1 2 4 8 15
16
16 17
2 16 18
1 2 16 19
4 16 20
Geometric and Arithmetic Progressions 167
Thus he would find that the property holds for 3 as well as for 2, and
very likely this would have been sufficient grounds for an Egyptian
mathematician to conclude that it was true for 4, 5, and all other
integers, perhaps even fractions.
Let us assume, however, that he wished to further test it for a G.P.
whose first term is 7 and whose common ratio is 7. The number 7 often
presents itself in Egyptian multiplication because, by regular doub-
ling, the first three multipliers are always 1, 2, 4, which add to 7.
Then we will suppose that he tried the G.P. 7, 49, 343, 2,401,
16,807, ... :
Thus the procedure holds also for the number 7. Now we refer to
Problem 79 of the RMP, which deals with exactly this situation. The
scribe, as was usual, gave very little explanation of what he planned
to do, and even the few words that he did give are not exactly clear
even to the most competent translators of hieratic and hieroglyphic
scripts. Nevertheless, whatever the words do signify, the meaning of
the sequence of numbers is perfectly clear to us. Problem 79 is quite
TABLE 15.2
Sums of terms of various G.P.'s; such a table may have been known to
the scribes.
G.P. whose first term
and common ratio is 2 3 4 5 6 7
Sum of 2 terms is 6 12 20 30 42 56
3 14 39 84 155 258 399
to 4 30 120 340 780 1,554 2,800
91 5 62 363 1,364 3,905 9,330 19,607
Geometric and Arithmetic Progressions 169
Total 19,607.
COL. 2
Houses 7
Cats 49
Mice 343
Spelt 2,401
Hekat 16,807
Total 19,607.
Clearly column 1 is equivalent to the last step in the preceding argu-
ment, 7 x 2,801, but one would have expected to see some reference
to where the number 2,801 originated. Either that or a similar multi-
plication of 400 by 7 ought to be shown, giving 2,800, especially if the
scribe was meaning to explain and introduce this shorter method of
obtaining his answer. But I suggest this was not the scribe's intention.
There seems little doubt that all this detail was earlier known to the
Egyptian scribes, and that in Problem 79 use was being made of past
experience. It is quite possible that 2,801 had merely to be read off
from a table (such as Table 15.2) prepared long before, as (2,800 + 1).
There is a minor scribal error in column 2 of the RMP problem, where
the scribe wrote 2,301 for spelt, instead of 2,401, yet there is no mistake
in the total. This suggests the scribe of the RMP either repeated a
previous error or made one himself. Whichever it was, we conclude
that the detail of Problem 79 had already been completed before it
was set down in the form in which we read it in the RMP.
There have been some fanciful ideas suggested about this problem.
One is that here we have the origin of the Mother Goose rhyme,
As I was going to St. Ives,
I met a man with seven wives,
Each wife had seven cats, .. .
All the available evidence for this is here before us, and one is entitled
170 Chapter Fifteen
\1 60
\9 40
[Total 100]. (because there
are 100, not 60 loaves)
Make thou the multiplication, I
23 38 3
17 2 29
12 20
6 2 10 fi
1 1 3
Totals 60 100.
The scribe has found each man's share, and not stated the new com-
* This is not the share difference being sought, but the common difference
of the A.P. the scribe suggested that one start with.
172 Chapter Fifteen
exactly fulfills the conditions of the problem, except for the 100 loaves.
So then he added up the 5 terms giving 60, which, he noted, will be-
come 100 if multiplied by 1 1. Therefore he said, "multiply each of
the five terms by 1 s," giving
38 5, 29 6, 20, 10 1
in how the 100 loaves were divided among the five men, and clearly
this is what he really meant to ask in the problem. For otherwise, if it
were only the common difference he sought, then he could have found
this at once by multiplying the original 5 2 by 1 3, giving 9 $, without
bothering to multiply out the five terms of the series by 1 .
Now subtract the common difference 8 nine times, until you reach the
lowest term.
Then the series is
12 6, 1 4$ 16, 1 4 16, 1$ 16, 1 16, 2 48 16,
2 4 16, 2$ 16, 2 16, 4$ 16.
The total is 10 hekats or, as we have it, simply 10.
Alternatively and equally simply, the scribe could have directed
us to find the lowest term first and then to add the common difference,
8, nine times until we found the highest term; thus,
Subtract thisfrom the average value of the terms, = 4 $ 16.
This is the lowest term.
Now add the common difference, $, nine times until you reach the
highest term.
Then the series is
4$ 16, 2 16, 2$ 16, 2416, 24816, 1 16,
1 8 6, 1 4 16, 1 4$ 16, 1 2 16.
KAHUN rv, 3
Tucked away in odd corners of the Kahun Papyri are six relatively
small items of mathematical import, which were reproduced, trans-
lated, and discussed by Griffith. They were judged to be written about
1800 B.c., and thus would be contemporary with both the RMP and
the MMP.
Only three of these so-called mathematical fragments have been
clearly explained. KP IV, 2 is a portion of the Recto of the RMP: the
odd numbers 3 to 21 divided into 2. KP IV, 3 (columns 13 and 14)
deals with the volume of a cylindrical granary, and was first satis-
factorily explained by Schack-Schackenburg in 1899. KP LV, 3 solves
the equation 2x - 4x = 5. The remaining three items, KP IV, 3
(columns 11, 12), KP XLV, 1, and KP LV, 4 have not yet been pene-
trated. Of the first-mentioned, Griffith says, "I must confess I do not
see the connexion between the two operations," meaning the columns
11, 12 of KP IV, 3, the second of which appears to be some kind of a
series. KP XLV, 1 is a column of seven quite large numbers in de-
creasing order of magnitude, "not," writes Griffith, "in any fixed
proportion, yet it seems probable that they formed part of a consider-
able mathematical calculation." KP LV, 4 is a vague problem, which
Griffith could not complete, and which Schack-Schackenburg in 1900
thought dealt with a quadratic equation. A new word for square root
occurred in this problem.
It is KP IV, 3 (columns 11 and 12) that I wish to discuss here and
to offer an explanation of its mathematical meaning. My rendering
and translation of this problem is shown in Figure 15.1.
At first, in 1966,* I thought the numbers were a solution of, or
partly a solution of, a problem that we could express in modern
nomenclature as:
In a series of 17 numbers in A.P., whose common difference is double
the lowest term, the sum of the 12 largest terms is 110. What is this
series ?
This indeed does explain both columns of KP IV, 3, though perhaps
a little laboriously.
* R. J. Gillings, "Mathematical Fragment from the Kahun Papyrus,"
Australian Journal of Science, Vol. 29, No. 5 (November 1966), p. 126.
Geometric and Arithmetic Progressions 177
Col. it
Ce1. 1 COLa
\1 3 t2 `11o
i
2. 3 6 13 s It
4 t3 `iz3
'8 3a ` lit u
Total 3!1 ` it 6 12
`1012
`9Y6t2
\8 ii
\7 16 U
\712
`6712
FIGURE 15.1
Top, KP IV, 3; bottom, the translation.
Totals 6 4.
This finds the tenth term 6 4, which would have fitted so beautifully
with the interpretation we are considering that we would be almost
180 Chapter Fifteen
certain that we had here the true answer. But then, how would we
explain the 110 at the head of column 12?
We conclude, therefore, that KP IV, 3 is a scribal solution to a
problem which we would express in modern terms as
The sum of 12 terms of an arithmetical progression of common
difference (9 fi) is 110. What is this series?
I now apply the directions of Problem 64 of the RMP to KP IV, 3:
Find the average value of the terms, 110 = 12 = 9 .
One less than the number of terms, 12 - 1 = 11.
Find half the common difference, 16 = 3 T.
Make up to 11 times (i.e., multiply by 11), there becomes 4 2 12.
Add this to the average value of the terms, 9 9 4 2 12 = 13 3 T.
This is the highest term.
Subtract the common difference, 11 times until you reach the
lowest term.
The doing as it occurs.
13 12, 121(;12, 1212, 11fi12, 10312, 996 12,
8 1 12, 7 3 fi 12, 7 12, 6 fi 12, total 100.
However, the scribe of KP IV, 3 made only 9 of the 11 subtractions.
Why did he not complete the subtractions? How can we ever know?
But we may surmise that he was checking the progression totals, and
when he reached 100, he thought he had finished at 110. Or he may
just have got tired of the interminable subtractions. But note that his
check multiplication (column 11 in Figure 15.1) totals to the thir-
teenth term. Including a check mark at 2, a further addition gives
3 3 12 + 3 fi = 4 2 12, the twelfth term; and a further check mark
at 4 gives 8 + 4 + 1= 3 9 1 3 9 12 = 5 9 12, the eleventh term.
These were the two terms he omitted. Had he added all four lines, he
would have had 8 + 4 + 2 + 1 = 6 fi 12 (the tenth term), which he
already had included. All these additions the scribe could quite easily
have checked mentally, and no doubt he did this.
I am sure we have found here the true explanation of KP IV, 3,
columns 11 and 12, and we find it closely allied to Problem 64 of the
RMP, where we have already found hidden the formulas for the sum
of n terms of an arithmetic progression (p. 175).
16 "THINK OF A NUMBER" PROBLEMS
Problems 24-27 of the RMP have been discussed in Chapter 14. The
two following problems, 28 and 29, were included by Chace, with
other aha or "quantity" problems. However, I consider these two to be
the very earliest examples of think of a number problems on record. As
long ago as the third century A.D., Diophantus of Alexandria in his
Arithmetica proposed a class of problems called "find a number" prob-
lems, which, however, were mostly concerned with indeterminate
equations. In Charles Hutton's* translation of Montucla's (1725-1799)
edition of Ozanam (1640-1717), we find the first problem of Chapter
10 to be:
To Tell the Number Thought of by a Person. Desire the person, who
has thought of a number, to triple it, and to take the exact half of that
triple, if it be even, or the greater half if it be odd. Then desire him
to triple that half, and ask him how many times it contains 9; for the
number thought of will contain the double of that number of nines,
and one more if it be odd.
Vera Sanfordt records that Kobel (1514) directed a person to think
of a number, add a half of it, add half the sum, divide by nine and tell
the result. The result is one fourth of the original number.
For proofs, Hutton and Kbbel chose some particular number and
then show by arithmetic, not algebra, that the number thought of has
been found, and this is exactly what the scribe of the RMP did in his
problems 28 and 29.;
.A VAX
`/!7i1 ti3
Q
f
*46
:
rL1-
Or
- >n 1s
Think of a number, and add to it its 3. To this sum add its 3. Find 3
of this result, and say what your answer is. Suppose the answer was 10.
Then add 4 and 10 to this 10, giving 13 2. Then this was the number
first thought of.
Proof. If the number were 13 2, its 3 is 9, which added makes 22 2.
Then 3 of 22 2 is 7 2, which added makes 30. Then 3 of this 30 is 10.
That is how you do it!
In the papyrus the scribe started with his student's answer which he
said was 10, adding to it its 4 and 10.
1 \10
4 \2 2
\10 \1
Total, 13 2. (This is the number thought of.)
Next he proved that he correctly divined it.
\13 2
\9
Total, \22
\7
Total, 30
9 20
\9 \10. (This is the answer he was given.)
The scribe did not put any check marks in either of his calculations for
these two problems. We note again* his formality in finding one-third
of a number. For 3 of 22 2, he writes at once, 7 2, yet for 3 of 30, he
first finds 9 of 30 to be 20, then halves the 20 for 10, which is 3 of 30.
This then is the second of the " think of a number" problems of the
RMP. No other problems of this type occur in any other mathematical
papyrus known to me.
i ioui 17.1
The scribe's drawing of a pyramid accompanying Problem 56 of the RMP.
This means that the slope of the triangular faces of this pyramid is
5 25 palms horizontally for every rise of one cubit in height.
The workers building a pyramid needed to preserve their directions
very carefully in order to obtain the same seked for each subsequent
block of stone, and this may be one reason why the orientation of the
pyramids was so accurately north-south and east-west.
We note that the scribe did not show the division of 180 by 250,
which is simple enough. We note also that in 7 x (2 5 50) no check
marks were made to show which fractions are to be added,* but again
this is no serious omission. What is not so obvious is how he found 50
of 7 to be 10 25 by finding TO of 1 5 15. No doubt on a papyritic
memo pad, or perhaps even mentally, he had
5 1 9 15
50 10 30 150
10 25. (G rulet)
RMP and MMP to be the cotangents of the angle of slope of the faces
of pyramids. Then we may compute these angles and compare them
with those actually employed in the Giza pyramids. We obtain :
RMP 56 54° 14'
RMP 57 53° 8'
RMP 58 53° 8'
RMP 59 53° 8'
RMP 60 750 58'
MMP 14 80° 34'
Cheops 51 ° 52'
Chephren 52° 20'
Mycerinus 50° 47'.
achievement, except for MMP 10, which some think with justifica-
tion establishes a formula for finding the area of the curved surface of
a hemisphere. The following translation of Problem 14 of the MMP is
due primarily to Struve,* though the responsibility for its further
translation from German into English is mine (see the scribe's ac-
companying illustration in Figure 17.2).
Add together this 16, with this 8, and with this 4. Result 28.
Calculate thou 9 of 6. Result 2.
Calculate thou with 28 twice. Result 56.
FIouRz 17.2
Left, the scribe's illustration for Problem 14 of the MMP; right, a truncated
pyramid with symbols replacing particular values.
= 3 (a2 + ab + b2).
This is the standard formula for the frustum of a pyramid (see Figure
17.2). But how did the scribes arrive at this?
It has been generally accepted that the Egyptians knew of a method
for the volume of a square pyramid, and that it was probably the
correct one, V = 1/3ha2 ; but this is nowhere specifically attested, to my
knowledge. Problem 14 of the MMP is strong evidence that the
Egyptians knew this formula or some equivalent; but it still has not
been easy to establish how, even with this powerful tool, they were
able to deduce (in a most compact and far from obvious way) the
formula for the frustum, which, in the words of Gunn and Peet, "has
not been improved on in 4,000 years." This is the question to which we now
address ourselves.
It would of course have been a simple operation to construct a
hollow pyramid and a hollow rectangular box of the same base and
height, to determine that the pyramid had a capacity exactly one-
third of the box by simply pouring sand or water. That the Egyptians
understood the volume of a rectangular solid to be I x b x d is well
attested,' so that the volume of an equivalent pyramid would be
expressed as one-third of the area of the base times the height, or one-
third of the height times the base. In like manner, the two figures
could have been made solid of sun-dried Nile River clay and then
weighed in the usual Egyptian way. Not so simple is the method of
dissection, in which a pyramid is cut up and the parts reformed into a
0 See, e.g., the Reisner Papyri, and Problems 44, 45, and 46 of the RMP.
190 Chapter Seventeen
riovxx 17.3
Dissection of a pyramid whose height is half its base.
FIGURE 17.4
Six fuel pyramids fitted together to form a cube.
% k
b
b
bs b bz b
FIGURE 17.5
Volume of a truncated pyramid by dissection. The top edge is half the base.
CL
ab b
ab b
ti
bs
MW b bV b
FIGURE 17.6
Second example of the volume of a truncated pyramid by dissection. Here
the top edge of the frustum is one-third the base, i.e., the height of the
frustum is two-thirds that of the complete pyramid.
To evaluate 2(a2 - b2), which is half the difference of the top and
bottom squares of the truncated pyramid, the scribe would have
needed to cut from the square of side a a square of side b, where a =
3b. There remain the two rectangles, each ab in area, and the two
squares, b2 in area. Thus we have a2 - bs = 2ab + 2b2, and, as before,
volume of frustum = Sh[as + ab + ba].
In like manner, the scribe could have continued this cutting of
smaller pyramids from the top of the larger pyramid to give a = 3b,
a = 4b, a = 5b, as far as he wished, or even introduced fractions, so
that, for example, a = 1 2b, or b = 3a, and thus concluded that his
method held in all cases.*
* See Appendix 1.
18 THE AREA OF A SEMICYLINDER AND THE
AREA OF A HEMISPHERE
feel in spite of all this that your general interpretation must be along
the right lines.
Struve's translation (1930) of Problem 10 of the MMP was published
in German;* the following translation into English is mine.
1 Method of calculating a basket.
2 If it is said to thee, a basket with an opening (mundung),
3 of 4 2 in its containing, oh!
4 Let me know its surface.
5 Calculate thou 9 of 9, because the basket
6 is the half of an egg. There results 1.
7 Calculate thou the remainder as 8.
8 Calculate thou 9 of 8.
9 There results 1 18.
10 Calculate thou the remainder of these 8 left,
11 after taking away these 1 ti 18. There results 7
12 Reckon thou with 7 5, 4 2 times.
13 There results 32. Lo! This is its area.
14 You have done it correctly.
In 1931, Peet reviewed very carefully and in great detail the whole of
Struve's translation and commentary of the Moscow Papyrus.t There
he wrote :
If I could believe with Struve that No. 10 involved an approximate
determination of the curved area of a hemisphere, this judgment+
would have to be revised. But I do not! It would be very flattering to
the Egyptians, and very important for the history of mathematics, if
we could place this brilliant piece of work to their credit.
He then follows in his review with his own rendering of Struve's
translation, which is substantially the same as the one I have given,
except that his third line reads "of 4 2 in preservation," instead of
"of 4 2 in its containing." Any real significance in this difference is
* W. W. Struve, "The Moscow (Golenishchev) Mathematical Papyrus,"
Quellen and Studien zur Geschichte der Mathcmatik, Ser. A, Vol. 1 (Berlin, 1930).
t T. E. Peet, A Problem in Egyptian Geometry, Journal of Egyptian Archae-
ology, No. 17 (1931), pp. 100-106.
+ In 1923, eight years earlier, Peet had examined photographs of the MMP,
and he then wrote "It contained nothing, apart from the problem on the
truncated pyramid (No. 14), which would greatly modify our conception
of Egyptian mathematics."
196 Chapter Eighteen
FIGURE 18.1
The cylindrical container whose surface area is calculated in Problem 10
of the MMP, according to Peet.
true, would antedate the Greek Dinostratus by more than 1,400 years.
To my knowledge, intimation of this formula is nowhere else attested
in the Egyptian mathematical papyri. It is therefore surprising that
Peet should write,
\18
$
\ 1
In the next three lines (10, 11, 12), the scribe subtracts this answer
from 8, giving him 7 9, which is his way of finding % of 8 to be 7 S,
because he cannot write the fraction % in his notation; but he does
know that it is the same as I - J. The subtraction 8 - (16 18) =
7 9 is not shown by the scribe, but this he may well have done mentally
or with a few brief jottings, thus:
8=7
=7 (fi fi)
=7 (9 18) ti
=7 9 (3 18). The remainder is 7
Fioua 18.2
The area of a hemisphere for the second interpretation of Problem 10 of the
MMP.
FIGURE 18.3
Conventional forms of ancient Egyptian baskets, taken from murals, etc.
Area of Semicylinder and Hemisphere 201
I have gone three times into the hekat-measure, my 9 has been added
to me, (and I return), having filled the hekat measure. What is it,
that says this?
Totals 5 Ti 1.
PROOF
\1 \5 To
\2 \2
\
10
\3 10
Totals 3 3 1.
1 320
\ 10 32
5 64
Total 96.
Fractions of a Hekat 203
\1 \3 3
\2 \6
Totals 3 10.
(If axx=b
Then \10
\3
\ 3 then, b x x = a)
(3=2 x 10.)
Totals 5 10 1.
\1 3 10
2 (3 15) (10 TO) (Recto 2 = 5)
3 (10 15) 10
_ (3 ) 10 (Tables)
\2 = 2 10. (Tables)
again, 3 TO' No- 15 (Rule 61B, RMP)
= 10 (15 30)
= To- TO (Tables)
3
\3 = TO.
Totals 3 3 5 10 2 10 10
5 (To' To) 10
3) 10
2 (3 15) 10 ( R ecto 2 = 5)
2 (3 fi ) ( -
To
3 3 1.
Many of the detailed steps shown here may well have been done
mentally by the scribe or checked on his memo pad.
Problem 36 of the RMP is the same as Problem 35, except that the
container-scoop goes 3 3 5 times into the hekat-measure. A newer
204 Chapter Nineteen
1 22
14
7
\fi \3 1
\11 \2
\22 1
\66
Totals Ti 22 66 7. Answer 6 11 22 66 hekat.
But again he did not use this elegant technique, which clearly he was
aware of. But he did something which is closely akin to it, in dividing
1 by 3 7. He wrote
1 3 7
22 7
\\ 1
22 \3 7
\\
7
Ti 4 28
66 2 14
Totals 11 22 66 1.
206 Chapter Nineteen
Here the third line comes from doubling the second, so that 2 x 22 =
11, and 2 x 7 = 4 28, from the Recto 2 _ 7. Again the fourth comes
from doubling the third, so that 2 x 11 = 6 66, from the Recto
2 _ 11, and 2 x 4 28 = 2 14. The addition of the right-hand side
column to give 1 is
2 7 4 14 28 = 4 (7 14 28)
= 1.
The value 7 14 28 = 4 is known from tables or from Problem 10
of the RMP and was an equality very well known to the scribes. The
proof that follows is also not simple, and when the whole is repeated in
Horus-eye fractions and ro, the solution to Problem 38 appears as a
rather long and involved calculation, when in fact it could have been
a simple one if the scribe had taken care to use his more efficient
methods.
20 EGYPTIAN WEIGHTS AND MEASURES
CUBrr :
A cubit was originally the length of a forearm, from the elbow to the
tip of the middle finger. Of course, individuals' limbs varied in length;
and two standard cubits came into common use early, the Royal Cubit
and the Short Cubit. The former was the cubit usually meant in measur-
ing in everyday life and was 20.6 inches (more accurately 20.59),*
while the short cubit is reckoned to be 17.72 inches, hence the "cubit
and an hand breadth" :
Behold... there was a man ... with a line of flax in his hand, and a
measuring reed ... of six cubits long by the cubit and an hand
breadth; so he measured the breadth of the building, one reed, and
the height, one reed.
Then measured he the porch of the gate, eight cubits; and the posts
thereof, two cubits.
The foundations of the side chambers were a full reed of six great
cubits.... And these are the measures of the altar after the cubits:
the cubit is a cubit and an hand breadth. And the altar shall be twelve
cubits long, twelve broad, square in the four squares thereof. EZEKIEL
40:3, 5, 9; 41:8; 43:13, 16.
In later times the term "cubit" was still used, the Greek cubit being
18.22 inches and the Roman 17.47 inches.t Ezekiel is contemporary
with the Babylonian King Nebuchadnezzar and the Egyptian Phar-
aoh Apries (Hophra of the Bible), who reigned from 589 to 570 B.c.+
PALM:
The palm, or handbreadth, was one-seventh of a cubit, and thus 2.94
* Sir Alan Gardiner, Egyptian Grammar, Oxford University Press, London,
3rd edition, 1957, p. 199, has royal cubit = 0.523 meter. See also I. E. S.
Edwards, The Pyramids of Egypt, Pelican, London, 1952, p. 208; R. W. Sloley
in The Legacy of Egypt, S. R. K. Glanville, editor, Oxford University Press,
London, 1942, p. 176. Both give 1 cubit = 20.62 inches. I adopt Gardin-
er's value of 20.59 inches.
t Webster's New International Dictionary, 2nd edition, 1934.
+ Gardiner, Egypt of the Pharaohs, Oxford University Press, London, 1961,
p. 360; S. R. K. Glanville, editor, The Legacy of Egypt, p. 233.
208 Chapter Twenty
inches if taken from a royal cubit and 2.53 inches from a short cubit.
To the nearest tenth of an inch, the royal cubit was 2.9 inches longer
than the short cubit. Some authorities state that for the short cubit six
instead of seven palms was the equality used. This is plausible, for then
the short-cubit palm would be 2.95 inches, very close to the royal-
cubit palm of 2.94 inches.
FINGER:
A finger, sometimes called afingerbreadth or a digit, was one-quarter of
a palm or handbreadth. Thus 28 fingers equaled a cubit. It was nearly
3/4 inch, or 0.735 inch from the royal cubit and slightly less from the
short cubit.
HAYT:
The chief multiple of the cubit was the hayt (rod or cord) of 100 cubits.
REMEN:
A double-rerun was the length of the diagonal of a square whose side
was one cubit. Using the royal cubit, which was most commonly the
case, a double-remen was therefore 29.1325 inches( x 20.6), and
consequently the remen was 14.566 inches. It is thought that the double-
remen was used in measuring land, because it enabled areas to be
halved or doubled without altering their shapes.
Doubling of numbers was standard technique in Egyptian arith-
metic; so in measuring land areas the relations between the double-
remen, the cubit, and the remen enabled areas (whether squares,
rectangles, triangles, or other shapes) to be doubled and halved merely
3taeu ! it"
FIGURE 20.1
The double-remen, the cubit, and the remen.
Weights and Measures 209
TABLE 20.1
Table of length and fractions of a cubit.
4 fingers = I palm
7 palms = 1 cubit
Fractions of a Cubit
Palms Cubits
1 7
2 4 18-
3 4 7 28
4 2 T4-
5 2 7 14
6 2 4 14 28
32 j
o ro i
Q
11
2 ro Si
3 ro °i
FIGURE 20.2
o 4 ro
Horus-eye fractions.
212 Chapter Twenty
DEBEN,SHATY:
In Problem 62 of the RMP, the value in shaty of one deben (weight) of
gold is given as 12. Then one deben of silver is 6 shaty and one deben
of lead is 3 shaty. According to Chace, the shaty was a seal (sic), the
word representing a unit of value. It was not a coin. The deben was
a weight of about 91 grams and consequently about 3.2 ounces
avoirdupois. However Sloley* gives a deben as "the weight (1,470
grains) of the anklet of the same name, of which the tenth part was
the quedet, the weight of the finger ring." Then at 7,000 grains per
1 lb. avoirdupois this would give a deben of 3.36 ounces avoirdupois.
SEKED :
The seked of a right pyramid is the inclination of any one of the four
triangular faces to the horizontal plane of its base, and is measured
as so many horizontal units per one vertical unit rise. It is thus a mea-
sure equivalent to our modern cotangent of the angle of slope. In
general, the seked of a pyramid is a kind of fraction, given as so many
palms horizontally for each cubit vertically, where 7 palms equal one
cubit. The Egyptian word "seked" is thus related to our modern
word "gradient."
PESU :
A pesu is a unit measuring the strength of beer, bread, or cakes,
according to the amount of grain used. If one hekat of grain were used
to make 10 loaves of bread, then their pesu was said to be 10; if one
hekat made 15 loaves, then their pesu was 15. In the same way, if I
hekat of grain was used to make 5 des-jugs of beer, then the beer was
said to have a pesu of 5; if it made only 3 des-jugs, their pesu was 3.
Thus the less the pesu, the stronger the beer (or bread), and the higher
the pesu, the weaker the beer (or bread). The formula
The squares of numbers, both integral and fractional, are quite often
stated and calculated in the mathematical papyri, but square roots
are far less common, and although stated, they are not calculated.
There would have been no need for the Egyptians to devise a means of
finding the square roots of perfect squares. These could have been
read off from a table of the squares of integers. Such a table would
have been very easy to construct, and indeed very probably was drawn
up by the scribes. Similar tables involving the simpler fractions could
equally well have been made by them, using ordinary Egyptian
multiplication; and although no such tables have been preserved, if
they were in fact made, they would have looked like Table 21.1.
These can be read forwards and backwards equally well, and they
would have been sufficient for all ordinary requirements. These tables
could also be used to obtain good approximations to numbers not
specifically listed. Let us suppose for instance that the square root of
40 is required. From the tables we read that the square root of 39 16
is 6 4, while the square root of 40 $ is 6 3. Then the square root of 40
lies somewhere between 6 4 and 6 3, and closer probably to 6 3, so
that this may be a sufficiently close approximation for the purpose at
hand. But if it is not, we can proceed as follows with standard multi-
plication, but starting with the lesser value, 39 16 being below 40, so
that we can add smaller fractions to 6 4, rather than subtract them
from 6 3. The value 6 4 is less than the exact answer by 0.0746 to four
decimal places in our notation. For the square of 6 4 the working
would be:
1 6 4
\2 12
\4 25
3 $
1 T6'
Totals 6 4 39 16.
Now the table tells us that 6 3 x 6 3 is too great for the square root
of 40, and therefore, since 4 12 = 3 (by application of the G rule or
Squares and Square Roots 215
TABLE 21.1
Perfect squares as they might have been tabulated by the scribes.
No. Square No. Square No. Square No. Square
1 1 2 4 3 9 4 T6-
2 4 12 24 13 19 14 1216
3 9 27 64 23 539 24 516
4 16 32 124 33 11 34 io716
5 25 42 204 43 189 44 1816
6 36 52 304 53 2839 54 27216
7 49 62 424 63 409 64 3916
8 64 72 564 73 5339 74 52216
9 81 82 724 83 6939 84 6816
10 100 9 2 90 4 9 3 87 9 9 4 85 2 16
24 216 3 30 5 25 6 36
1 24 316 13 233 15 1 3 1525 16 1 336
224 7216 23 79 25 43102530 26 4336
324 1416 33 1339 35 10325 36 1036
424 22216 43 2130 45 17351525 46 17336
524 3316 53 329 55 2725 56 26336
624 45216 63 4439 65 3831525 66 3836
724 6016 73 5833 75 513103025 76 51336
824 76216 83 753 85 67525 86 66336
924 9516 93 9339 95 84351525 96 8436
* Earlier Dr. Alan H. Gardiner and Paul C. Smither (d. 1943 at age 29)
made some translations.
t Papyrus Reisner I (1963), II (1965), III (1969), W. K. Simpson, Boston
Museum of Fine Arts.
$ Simpson.
The Reisner Papyri 219
TABLE 22.1
W. K. Simpson's seventeen divisions of the Reisner Papyri.
Sections A, B. Rosters of enlistees.
Section C. List of foremen and laborers.
Section D. List of enlistees going upstream.
Section E. Names of foremen and their crews.
Section F. Lists of foremen, clerks, and crews.
Section G. Calculations of temple excavations and enlistees needed.
Section H. Calculations of volumes of stone blocks from the storehouse.
Section I. Calculations, floor plans, walls, trenches, corridors.
Section J. Totals of enlistees from the above sections.
Section K. Divisions by 10 for enlistees from the above sections.
Section L. Account of cargo, hides, cattle, fish, oil, pigeons, fowls.
Section M. Various totals.
Section N. List of officials, mostly women.
Section 0. Like a balance sheet, 6 long columns of numbers.
Section P. A second roster of names, men.
Section Q. Contains many large numbers, such as 40,566, 39,548.
certainly they must have been done on some sort of papyritic writing
pad, from which the answers were transferred to the RP lists. What
would we not give to see that piece of papyrus ! I would hazard the
guess that as each block of stone was brought to the site, an official
measurer would call out the dimensions for the clerk to write down.
While waiting for the next to arrive, he would do the multiplication,
which would be entered on the appropriate line. Multiplications and
divisions would also have been done for the heading "units," where
there was more than one unit of the same size, and the heading "en-
listees," for the results of the divisions by 10.
The measuring reed used, whatever its overall length, must have
been marked in cubits, palms, and fingers, as well as in halves, thirds,
and quarters of cubits. It was probably 6 cubits long and may have
looked like the one shown in Figure 22.1.
Table 22.4 is one that could have been constructed by the scribe in
order to ease the work of dividing by 10. This table may be constructed
by ordinary division, or from the table preceding Problems 1-6 of the
RMP. The entries of Table 22.4 should be compared with the scribal
work collected in Tables 22.2 (correct calculations) and 22.3 (scribal
N
O
Am, TT
-fL : v J
Q n fc a 4; 3c OP- *
,(Lr A-
-ft d7 .I'Li. . .. .°n He Io a I1MpNM ° °.. ,°. .Y. °. 4. a
_r. _.... _V .-1. .r ..6... .L V- N6.- _ I°n ,
I I
lawsy-NOWO
pr01) 1.
n.r i - o yln.
M
IIn
viouRE 22.1
A possible division of an Egyptian measuring-rod. Courtesy M. J. Puttock B.Sc., National Standards Laboratory,
C.S.I.R.O., Sydney, Australia.
The Reisner Papyri 221
errors and approximations). Thus, in line G10 (Table 22.3B) and line
17 (Table 22.2), the clerk has written the approximation 39 = 10 = 4
in his calculations for the Eastern Chapel. But he need not have made
this approximation, for a glance at Table 22.4 gives immediately
39-10=(30+9)=10
=3 2 5 i5.
TABLE 22.2
Calculations by the scribe of the Reisner Papyri which are quite correct.
Line 1. b. d. Units Volume Enlistees Detail
G5 3 2 2 1 12 15
G 6, H 32 8 5 4 1 10 1 Eastern Chapel.
G 14 8 3 5 1 8 2 4 20
G15 6 4 2 1 48 42420
G 16 4 2 2 1 16 1 2 10
G 17, H 33 4 4 2 2 64 6 4 10 20 Footings.
G 18, H 34 3 3 2 2 36 3 2 10 Footings.
H 31 15 5 4 1 18 2 4 Great Chamber.
H7 34 12 2 2 424$
H8 22 12 2 1 124$
H9 42 12 1 2 13 2
H II 3c Ip 1 1 1 3c lp
H 17 4 lc 3p 1 4 22c 6p
H25 12 24 1 2 24
H26 22 24 1 2 324
H27 32 12 12 2 !524
H 30 12 5 4 1 15 Great Chamber.
I2 12 5 2 1 30 Great Chamber.
I3 15 5 2 1 37 2 August Chamber.
I4 8 5 2 1 20 Eastern Chapel.
15 18 11 1 132
16 32 4 4 1 32 Western.
I 7, G 10 52 3 4 1 39 Eastern.
18 24 5p 2 1 8c 4p
I9 26 2 5p 1 11 Ic 3p Carrying srft.
I 10 20 5 5p I 71c 3p Carrying srft.
1 12 27 7 2 1 378 Loosening brick clay.
I 13 8 7 2 1 112 Water from a field.
1 14 12 12 2 2 9 For tower.
115 22 12 122 11 4 For tower.
120 8 6 1 1 48
222 Chapter Twenty-Two
TABLE 22.3
(A, B, C, D, E) Calculations which appear to be errors, major and minor,
with restorations.
A. Calculations by the Clerk Correct Except for Simple or Obvious
Scribal Errors.
Line 1. b. d. Units Volume Enlistees Detail
G8 35 11 2 1 1922 192for194
H35 8 5for9 4 1 18
116 32 22 12 2 25 4 for 26 4 For the tower.
117 4 22 12 2 36 for 30 For the tower.
I 18 10 52 4 for I I 55 Brick clay.
C. Minor Errors.
Line 1. b. d. Units Volume
H10 4c lp 1 2 2 1 (3c 2f) for (3c 3f).
H 13 2c 3p 2c 3p 3 1 (3c 6p 1 3f) for (3c 6p 2f)(14 42f).
H 14 2c 2f 1 2 Ic lp If 1 (3c 4p 12f) for (3c 4p 2f)(2 28f).
H 15 Ic 5p 1 2 5p 2 (3c 5p) for (3c 4p 2f)(2 4 14 28f).
H 18 3c 2p lc 2p 6p I (3c 3p 2 3f) for (3c 4p I Sf)(15f).
H 22 1 lc 3p I I (2c 2p 2f) for (2c 2p 2 3f).
H 24 3c 5p is 2p 6p 1 (4c 2f) for (4c 2 3f) (5 15) approx.
H 28 4c 4p lc 5p lc 2p 2 (20c lp 1 2f) for (20c lp 4f) approx.
D. Major Errors.
Line 1. b. d. Units Volume
H 16 2c 3p Ic 4p 5p 2f I (2c 5p 2 2f) for (2c 6p 3 2f) approx.
H 19 3c 5p 2f Ic 3p I I (4c 2p 3f) for (5c 2p 3 4f) (7 28).
H 21 is 5p Ic 3p 1 1 (2c 4p I ... f) for (2c 3p 2 14f).
H 23 4 1 c 6p 6p 1 (4c If) for (6c 2p 2 4f)28.
The Reisner Papyri 223
E. Possible Restorations.
Line 1. b. d. Units Volume Restoration
H2 2c 5p 6p [ ] 2 4c 1 3f d = 6p if (probably too great).
H3 24 6p [] 1 1c2p2...f d=5p(givesv=1c2p2214f).
H424 6p [ ] [ ] 1 ... 2p 2 ... f d = 5p (units = 1, as above).
H5 24 6p [ ] 1 lc 3p 1 2f d = 5p 2f (probably too great)
H6 44 [] [] 2 624 b=6p
TABLE 22.4
Table for dividing by 10 for enlistees.
The Number Divided by 10 Alternatively
2 20
30
4 40
To
2 5
3 3 10
4 3 15 (4 10 20)
5 2
6 2 10 ( fi 10)
7 23 (' 30)
8 2 3 10 (2 4 20)
9 23 15 (3615)
10 1
20 2
30 3
\1 c 5 ccc
\2 c 2 2 $ ccc
Totals 1 2c 7 2 4 8 ccc.
1 7 2 4 $ ccc
Totals \2 15 2 4 ccc volume.
The Reisner Papyri 225
TABLE 22.5
Table of fingers, palms, and cubits.
4 fingers = 1 palm
7 palms = 1 cubit
lp = 7 c
2p = 4 28 c
3p = 4 7 28 c
4p = 2 14 c
5p = 2 7 14 c
6p = 2 4 14 28 c
There are 11 entries that include measures in cubits and palms but
no fractions. Now here the clerk began to find a little difficulty, because
the palms must be expressed as fractions of a cubit, and so a table of
fractions of a cubit would need to be prepared and handy for reference.
The table would have been something like Table 22.5. See also Table
20.1.
Then let us look at line H 24, Table 22.3C, which falls in this cate-
gory:
length breadth depth units volume
3c 5p lc 2p 6p 1 4c 2f
The first multiplication here is (3 2 7 14) x (1 4 28), and we set
it down as it must have been done by the clerk.
3 2 7 14
1 2 4 14 28
4 $ 28 56-
\F8 14 28 56 1 66 392
\1 26
2 52
4 104
\8 208
Totals 9 234.
1 234
\2 468
\4 936
Totals 6 1404 cubic palms.
343
686
1372
171 2
85 2 4
42 2 4 $
21 4 $ T6-
10 2 8 16 32
3 5
\ 2 6 10
Totals 1 2 4 5 3.
4 5 3
\ 6 24 30 18
Totals 6 4 0 4 4.
Chapter 11 for the temple of Illahun, then what must have been the
colossal mass of arithmetical calculation demanded by the building
of the Great Pyramid or any of the other immense structures and
monuments of ancient Egypt?
APPENDIX 1
that the arguments adduced by the scribes are already rigorous; the
concluding proofs are really not necessary, only confirmatory. The
rigor is implicit in the method.
We have to accept the circumstance that the Egyptians did not
think and reason as the Greeks did. If they found some exact method
(however they may have discovered it), they did not ask themselves
why it worked. They did not seek to establish its universal truth by an
a priori symbolic argument that would show clearly and logically
their thought processes. What they did was to explain and define in
an ordered sequence the steps necessary in the proper procedure, and
at the conclusion they added a verification or proof that the steps
outlined did indeed lead to a correct solution of the problem. This was
science as they knew it, and it is not proper or fitting that we of the
twentieth century should compare too critically their methods with
those of the Greeks or any other nation of later emergence, who, as it
were, stood on their shoulders. We tend to forget that they were a
people who had no plus, minus, multiplication, or division signs, no
equals or square-root signs, no zero and no decimal point, no coinage,
no indices, and no means of writing even the common fraction p/g;
in fact, nothing even approaching a mathematical notation, nothing
beyond a very complete knowledge of a twice-times table, and the
ability to find two-thirds of any number, whether integral or frac-
tional. With these restrictions they reached a relatively high level of
mathematical sophistication.
APPENDIX 2
THE EGYPTIAN CALENDAR
the heliacal rising of stars gave rise to the system of decans, in which
each chosen star would serve its duty of noting the last hour of night
for 10 days (or nights), so that there would be 36 decans distributed
through the mornings of the year. Of course, not all decans would be
visible through any given night. At the time of the inundation, when
Sirius rises heliacally, 12 decans rise during the night, and thus the
"hours" of the summer night were determined. In winter there would
be more decans visible; thus the length of hours varied slightly, both
for the seasons and for nighttime and daytime. We see here the origin
of the division of the day into 24 hours that is now universally adop-
ted. These two calendars (of 365 and 3651/! days) existing side by side
from, it is thought, the time of the first pharaoh of Upper and Lower
Egypt, was " the most scientific organisation of calendars which has
yet been used by man."*
* J. W. S. Sewell, "The Calendars and Chronology," in The Legacy of
Egypt, S. R. K. Glanville, editor, Oxford University Press, London, 1963,
p. 7.
APPENDIX 3
GREAT PYRAMID MYSTICISM
Perhaps the most famous and best known of all the architectural
constructions of the ancient Egyptians are the pyramids, the Great
Sphinx, and the Temple of Karnak. And of the 80 or so pyramids,
there is no doubt that the Great Pyramid of Khufu (in Greek, Cheops),
which was built during the Fourth Dynasty (c. 2644 B.c.), is the one
which has most stirred the thoughts and fired the imaginations of
all interested in ancient Egypt. Authors, novelists, journalists, and
writers of fiction found during the nineteenth century a new topic, a
new idea to develop, and the less that was known and clearly under-
stood about the subject, the more freely could they give rein to im-
agination and invention. These writers were forerunners of the
American, Edgar Rice Burroughs, who created the fictional character
Tarzan of the Apes, and set him up in central Africa, a country Bur-
roughs had never visited and knew nothing about. Burroughs let his
imagination run riot, and his novels (translated into fifty-six langu-
ages) achieved sales that were exceeded only by the Bible and
Euclid's Elements.
Many writers have propounded theories on the origins, the mathe-
matical properties, and the pseudo-astronomical marvels of Cheops,
and further, made extravagant prophecies about the Great Pyramid.
A resurgence of this cult occurred when Carter discovered the tomb
of Tutankhamen in 1923, so that these fictions were presented all over
again to the general reading public. Some of them still live on!
It may therefore come as a surprise to those readers with whom any
memories remain of those "wonderful disclosures" that most of the
miraculous stories written by these writers have no foundation in
scientific fact at all; that the remarkable mathematical properties
attributed to the Great Pyramid measurements are nowhere attested
by scholarly Egyptological studies. It is only because they then were,
and perhaps still are, so widely distributed and accepted that any
reference to them at all is made in this book. And if some long-cher-
ished illusions are thus destroyed, it is simply because they truly de-
serve to be destroyed, as being entirely contrary to fact, to history,
and to truth.
Among the extraordinary things claimed by these writers, one can
read that Piazzi Smyth asserted that half the distance round the square
base of the Great Pyramid divided by its height was exactly equal
238 Appendix Three
M. Eyth
Der Kampf um die Cheopspyramide, Heidelberg, 1902.
0. Nairtz
"Die Cheopspyramide, ein viertausendjahriges Rathsel," Prometheus, Vol.
17 (1906).
H. Neikes
Der golden Schnitt and die Geheimnisse der Cheops-Pyramids, Cologne, 1907.
J. and M. Edgar
The Great Pyramid Passages and Chambers, Glasgow, 1910.
K. Kleppisch
Die Cheopspyramide, ein Denkmal mathematischer Erkenninis, Munich and Berlin,
1921.
F. Noetling
Die kosmischen Zahlen da Cheopspyramide der mathematische Schlfissel zu den
Einheits-Gesetzen im Aufbau des Weltalls, Stuttgart, 1921.
D. Davidson and H. Aldersmith
T e Great Pyramid, its Divine Message, London, 1924.
The Exact Sciences in Antiquity alone would have directed his atten-
tio;. to the Rhind Mathematical Papyrus of Chace et al. in two large
volumes, published conveniently in Ohio more than a quarter of a
century earlier; the Egyptian mathematics discussed therein most
certainly would not have come under the heading of "the scrawlings
of a child just learning how to write." If then Professor Kline were not
familiar with, or was unaware of, the writings of Eisenlohr, Peet,
Chace, Struve, Griffith, Schack-Schackenburg, Van der Waerden,
Vogel, and others on Egyptian mathematics, then he would have been
wiser to omit any reference to this ancient civilization in his "cultural
approach," and to have devoted his opening chapters to the early
Greeks, about whose work he was certainly very well informed.
APPENDIX 5
THE PYTHAGOREAN THEOREM
IN ANCIENT EGYPT
The Recto contains the result of the division of 2 by the 50 odd num-
bers from 3 to 101. This is followed by a table of the division of the
numbers 1 to 9 by 10, expressed in unit fractions.
PROBLEMSI-6
The division of 1, 2, 6, 7, 8, 9, loaves among 10 men.
PROBLEMS 7-20
The multiplication of (1 4) and (1 3 3) by various multipliers
containing unit fractions.
PROBLEMS21-23
Examples in subtraction. I (I 30), 1 - (4 $ 10 30
45).
PROBLEMS 24-27
Solution of equations in one unknown of the first degree, resolved by
the method of false assumption.
PROBLEMS 28-29
"Think of a Number" problems.
PROBLEMS 30-34
More difficult equations of one unknown of the first degree, resolved
by the method of division.
PROBLEMS 35-38
Even more difficult equations in one unknown of the first degree,
resolved by the method of false assumption but set in terms of hekats
of grain, containers, and hekat measures.
PROBLEMS 39-40
Arithmetic progressions.
PROBLEMS 41-46
Volumes or contents of rectangular and cylindrical granaries.
PROBLEM 47
A table of the fractions of a hekat in Horus-eye fractions.
PROBLEMS 48-55
Areas of triangles, rectangles, trapezia, and circles.
244 Appendix Six
PROBLEMS56-60
Sekeds, altitudes, and bases of pyramids.
PROBLEMS 61-61B
Tables of and rule for finding two-thirds of odd and even unit
fractions.
PROBLEM 62
A rather vague problem in proportion, concerning precious metals
by weight.
PROBLEM 63
The proportional division of loaves among men.
PROBLEM 64
An arithmetic progression, and S,, = (n/2)[21 - (n - 1)d].
PROBLEM 65
The proportional division of loaves among men.
PROBLEM 66
Division of fat. The amount issued per day.
PROBLEM 67
The proportion of cattle due as tribute.
PROBLEM 68
The proportional division of grain between gangs of men.
PROBLEMS 69-78
The pesus of bread and beer. Exchanges. Inverse proportion. The
concept of a harmonic mean.
PROBLEM 79
A geometric progression whose common ratio is 7.
PROBLEMS 80--81
Tables of Horus-eye fractions of grain in terms of hinu.
PROBLEMS 82-84
Unclear problems, dealing with the amounts of food for various
domestic animals, as geese, other birds, and oxen.
Contents of the RMP 245
PROBLEM 85
Enigmatic writing. Upside down on the papyrus.
PROBLEMS 86-87
Memoranda of certain accounts and incidents, not altogether clear,
parts of which are missing.
APPENDIX 7
THE CONTENTS OF THE MOSCOW
MATHEMATICAL PAPYRUS
Or,
I of (5 10) _ 3 of (1 2 of 5) [TO = 2 of 5.]
_ (I of 1 2) of 3 [Rearranging.]
1 of 5 [1 = reciprocal of 1 2.]
3.
Or,
3 of (5 10) = I of (10 10) 10 [gen. (1, 1).]
= 3 of 10 10 10 [Removing brackets.]
= 10 10 [ 2 parts out of 3.]
= 5. [gen. (1, 1).]
Or,
3 of (3 10) = 1 9 of (10 20) [Mutt. and divide by 2.]
= 4 x (30 60) [Mutt. and divide by 3.]
=4x 20 [EMLR 23, or G rule.]
= 5.
APPENDIX 9
HORUS-EYE FRACTIONS IN TERMS OF HINU:
PROBLEMS 80,81 OF THE RHIND
MATHEMATICAL PAPYRUS
PROBLEM 80
This is not really a problem but a reference table, which the scribe
states is for the use of the "functionaries" of the granary, in conjunc-
tion with their vessels for measuring out the grain. The table is based
on the equivalence 10 hinu = 1 hekat:
Hekat Hinu
T 10
5
4 2 Q
$ 1 4
16 $
32 4 16
64 $ 32
PROBLEM 81
This is a more extensive table, the first portion of which is an exact
repetition of Problem 80. Then follow 28 entries, giving various frac-
tions of a hekat of grain, expressed in terms of hinu and in Horus-eyc
fractions and ro (see Table A9. 1). There are some duplications, as the
first column of line numbers (following Chace) in Table A9.1 shows.
I have, of course, altered the scribe's sequence in this table.
250 Appendix Nine
TABLE A9.1
Horus-eye fractions in terms of hinu.
Line Equivalent in Horus-eye Fractions Equivalent
(Chace) Fraction of a Hekat 2 48 16 32 64 ro. in Hinu
d5. $ $ 14
W. 10 16 32 2 1
b5. 15 16 13
d6. 16 T6-
b3. 30 T21 64 1 2
cl. 30 32 3 3
el. 32 32 4 16
M. 40 64 3 4
c2. 60 64 3 6
e2. 94- 64 $ 32
c5. 24 2 4 72
a4,dl. 2$ 2 $ 64
2 16 2 16- 52$
2 32 2 32 5416
264 2 64 5$§2-
a5, d2. 4$ 4$ 324
4 16 4 T6' 3$
4 32 4 32 2 2 4 16
464 4 64 22$32
24$ 2 4$ 824
2416 2 4 16 8$
2432 2 4 32 72416
2 464 2 4 64 7 2$32
APPENDIX 10
THE EGYPTIAN EQUIVALENT OF THE
LEAST COMMON DENOMINATOR
TABLE A10.1
Least common denominators in the Rhind Mathematical Papyrus.
RMP No. Fractions to be Added Reference No. The Sum
21. r3 5 15 15 15 1
22. 3 5 10 To- 30 1
23. 4 8 9 10 30 40 45 45
32. 12 18 24 36 48 114 228
912 4
342 456 684 9121
33. 56 84 112 392 679 776 1164
5432 21
1358 4074 4753 1358 1552 5432}
34. 7 14 14 28 28 56 56 4 8
36. 12 20 30 53 53 106 166 159
1060 4
212 265 318 318 530 626 795 10601
37. 16 32 84 T2- 5T7-6 576 8
37. 12 T6- T2- 36 36 96 288 288 288 4
38. 11 11 22 22 33 86 66 66 9
1060 = 159:
1 159
\2 \318
\4 \636
\9 \106
Totals 6 1 1060.
1060 = 12:
1 12
2 24
4 48
\8 \ 96
\16 \192
32 384
\64 \768
8
\3 \ 4
Totals 88 3 1060.
the point of view of difficulty. In this last group of problems the scribe
was dealing more particularly with the divisions of the hekat for
grain, in which Horus-eye fractions were used. I mean by "unneces-
sary " that in Problem 34, the addition of the fractions
7 14 14 28 28 Y6_ = 4 $
was purely mental for the scribe, because he had just established that
7 14 28 = 4 (Problem 11)
and 14 28 56 = $, (Problem 12)
so that the sum followed at once by inspection. But he was teaching a
certain technique, so he used his reference number method for the
benefit of his readers.
TABLE A11.1
Two-term equalities for Egyptian unit fractions.
(1, 1) 2 2=1 (2, 1) 6 3=2 (3,1) 12 4=3 (4,1) 20 5=4 (5,1) 30 6=5
(1,2) 3 6=2 (2,2) 8 8=4 (3,2) 15 10 = 6 (4,2) 24 12 = 8 (5,2) 35 14=10
(1, 3) 4 12 = 3 (2, 3) 10 15 = 6 (3, 3) 18 18 = 9 (4, 3) 28 21 = 12 (5, 3) 40 24 = 15 tz+
TABLE A12.1
Integers as written in various papyri.
Reisner MMP KP EMLR RMP Berlin
I t, 1 41 1
II 2 L) 9 it Ll "u 11
Ifl 6 :i 00 we
III
n
9-
to
IL A
A
nn 20
A A A
nn
n nn
30
40
50
-
`7
-
2I l
nnn 60
nnn TO
n nn $0 -%:
nnnn
nnn 90
256 Appendix Twelve
9 I00
-09 200
909 300
900
400
99 500
999 600
9999
9 09 700
9909
9999 800
99 9 900
f 1000
ff 2000
Ire 3000
f : :: 4000 A
Hieratic Integers and Fractions 257
TABLE A12.2
Hieratic integers, showing variations.
I I%A 6i pa 91 1
9 69 S 99
10 1 1440 . 70
u t4)11141 W 200 ) 9
12 L4 'l 111 42 1+. 11 300 .
13 WA 43 *I 400
14 -A " .... -'1404,500 y
p1=
15 pIA 45 a 600
s6
17
is
V 46
2A+7
A 48 78
a
zq o
=
700 5, J
goo
19 WA 49 79 W-1 401000
20 i1 A 'A So 511 so .. y1 z4 2ooo
`1
1
258 Appendix Twelve
81 VA 51 1-1 91 JAIL SM
TABLE A 12.3
Hieratic fractions, showing variations.
if 4111
TABLE A13.1 Chronology.
o w
o u
V t0 py %v
C U C A
OpO O v U U O OC. A CC
.
c ?i ; u 0. r-
0. 0. m0 0 a, £ U'y
< 0. < 0 is 0 U to a. at <v -eR15 ta03u
Archaic
4241 Calendar.
6 6 ? ? Metal cast.
Early Dynastic
1 8 14 3110 3100 3188 3100 3188 3200 3400 250 250 Mcncs-Upper & Lower Egypt.
D.C. +150
II 9 23 2883 2847 2780 150 400 Capital-Memphis.
Zoser-Step pyramid-Sakkara.
Old Kingdom
III 9 32 2664 2700 2815 2670 2815 2778 2980 80 480 Copper tools.
Hieroglyphic-Hieratic writing.
IV 8 40 2614 2620 2600 2690 2680 2900 140 620 Cheops-Great Pyramid--Giza.
Cephrcn Pyramid-Sphinx-Giza.
Mycerinus Pyramid-Giza.
V 8 48 2501 2480 2560 2565 2750 140 760 Neferikara Pyramid-Abu Sir.
VI 11 59 2341 2340 2420 2420 2423 2625 160 920 Ncrenra Pyramid-Sakkara.
Pepi II Pyramid-Sakkara.
World's longest reigning king.
90+ yrs.
First Intermediate Period
VII ? ? ? ? 2294 2270 2294 2263 2475
VIII 18 77 2174 65 985
IX 14 91 2154 2445 73 1058
Inkrrtgnum
X 18 109 2100 2239 68 1126
2233
Middle Kingdom
XI 8 117 2134 2134 2133 2134 2160 143 1269 Capital-Thebes.
Reisner Papyri-Hieratic-Boston.
XII 8 125 1991 1991 2132 2000 1990 1891 2000 205 1474 Akhmim tablets-Hieratic-Cairo.
Senusret I Pyramid-Lisht.
Second Intermediate Period
XIII 1785 1786 1777 1788 Rhind Mathematical Papyrus-
Hieratic-British Museum.
Moscow Mathematical Papyrus-
Hieratic-Moscow.
Hyksos (Shepherd Kings) Period
XIV 1785 1700 1700 Kahun Papyri-Hieratic-London.
Hyksos
XV 1678 Domination.
XVI Rhind Mathematical Papyrus
132 257 1680 211 1685
1647 copied-A°h-most.
Egyptian Mathematical Leather
Roll-British Museum.
XV i I 1. 1600 1600 1570 Hyksos expelled.
TABLE A13.1 (continued)
1.
X .O V 'V x2 K ro
X'C
rs 2-
a a o
Q <a < 2 za 0 W (5 to C1 dvo d
New Kingdom
XVIII 16 273 1570 1575 1573 1567 1573 1580 1580 267 1952 0. Hatshepsut. Bronze appears.
Tutmosis.
A khenaten-Neferti ti.
Tutankhamen.
Ramscs If.
The Exodus.
XIX 9 282 1304 1308 1320 1314 1320 1350 124 2076 Berlin Papyri-Hieratic-Berlin.
Anastasy Papyrus-Hieratic-
Leyden.
XX 10 292 1192 1184 1200 1194 1250 1200 100 2176 Temple of Karnak-Abu Simbel.
Late Dynastic Period
XXI 7 299 1075 1087 1090 1085 1085 1090 142 2318 Tanites.
Religious writing still Hieroglyphic.
Other, Hieratic.
XXII 8 307 940 945 950 945 128 2446 Libyans.
XXIII 4 311 761 817 745 745 87 2535
XXIV 52 313 725 730 718 718 5 25381 Overlapping period.
XXV 16 319 736 725 712 712 751 712 61 25995 Ethiopian conquest. Demotic
writing.
XXV1 9 328 664 664 663 664 656 663 140 2739 Saite period.
Assyrian domination.
Persian Conquest
XXVII 8 336 525 525 525 525 525 525 120 2859 Persian conquest.
Cambyses-Xerxes-Darius.
Thales-Pythagoras.
Late Dynastic Period
XXVIII 1 337 404 404 404 404 5 2864 Herodotus visits Egypt (450).
XXIX 5 342 398 399 398 398 399 20 2884
XXX 3 345 378 380 378 380 38 2922
XXXI 3 348 341 343 332 332 332 10 2932 Aristotle.
Three Persian Kings.
Greek Period
332 332 332 332 332 332 9 2941 Capital Alexandria-Coptic
Alexander
writing.
the
Archimedes.
Ptolemies
4 62 23 23 23 93 234 Cleopatra-Last of the Ptolemies
(30).
Roman Perio d
30 30 30 30 30 30 30 30 3264 Julius Caesar-Mark Antony.
Brass appears.
Province 0 0- 0- 0- 0- 0- 0- 3294 Birth of Christ.
Revillout Papyrus-Demotic-
Roman
of London (140).
Period
24 64 64 64 64 64 .D. 658 Thompson Tablet-Greek-
Rome A.D. 400 3694 London (350).
Michigan Mathematical Papyrus
500 3794 -Greek-Ann Arbor (350).
TABLE A 13. 1. (continued)
o L
o T
y C
y OO
Y V
V.4 E
E cud
a as 0. .
a. tS V u M CO d'o <s k 03u
A <c a d °
Byzantine Empire
Justinian (538).
Byzantine 600 3894 Crum Ostracon-Coptic--London
Control (550).
690 Hegira (622)-Mohammed-
Flight from Mecca.
700 3994 Alexandria captured by the Arabs
(642).
800 4094 Baillet-Akhmim Papyrus-Greek
--Cairo (750).
Islam 900 4194 Crum.-Parchmcnt-Palimpsest.
Demotic & Greek-
1000 4294 London (circa 950--1000).
1100 4394
1200 4494 Saladin-Sultan of Egypt (1137-
1193).
1300 4594 Mamclukes conquer Egypt 1250.
1400 4694 End of Byzantine Empire (1453).
Mamc- Constantinople captured by
lukes Ottoman Turks.
1500 4794 Mamclukes defeated (1517).
I
1600 4894 Robert Recordc-Arithmetic.
Galileo.
Napier-Logarithms. Descartes---
I ndices.
Turkish Pepys (1662) learns multiplication
Domina- tables (Age 30).
tion 1700 4994 Newton-Principia (1687).
Calculus. Leibnitz.
Napoleon's Egyptian expedition
(1789).
1800 5094 Ro setta stone found-Nile delta
(Mahomet (1799).
Ali) Young (1814).--Bankcs -Philae
Obelisk (1819).
C:hampollion-",)c ticns I'affaire."
(1822).
1900 5194 R M P found -Thebes (1859).-
Suez Canal (1869).
World Flinders Petrie.
War I Tutankhamen's tomb-Carter
(1922).
World Chace- RMP (1927).
War 11 2000 5294 K. Fuad (1936). K. Farouk. Col.
Nasser.
0-
362 62
Pharaohs English Kings 0
0)
is
APPENDIX 14
A MAP OF EGYPT
APPENDIX 15
1 + 1 = 1
Line 3.
4 12 3
However, the ancient Egyptians did not use unity as the numerator of
any fraction. They merely placed a mark or a short line above the
number, so that 'A was written as 4 , and thus line 3 appeared as
4 12 3
Just how they discovered such equalities we do not know for certain. It
is possible that they may have used what I will refer to as the "G-
Rule," illustrated by the following example: 4 divided into 12 equals
3, so that, increasing this quotienty unity gives 4, which divided into
12 gives 3, hence the equality T 12 = 3 results.
Scribes never used signs to denote plus, minus, or equals; indeed,
they often omitted the bar mark above a number to indicate it was a
fraction, whenever there was no doubt, as was the case in the EMLR.
Line 1 10 40 8
Line 2 5 20 4
Line 3 4 12 3
Line 4 10 10 5
Lines 5, 6 3 6 2
25 15 75 200 8
50 30 150 400 16
EMLR
lines
1 10 40 =8
24,2 15 30 50 200 =8
23 15 30 75 150 200 =8
- 15 30 150 75 200 =8
G
Rule 15 25 75 200 =8
1 10 40 =8
4, 2 20 20 50 200 =8
2 25 100 20 50 200 =8
- 25 20 50 100 200 =8
24 25 20 75 150 100 200 =8
- 25 20 100 150 75 200 =8
G
Rule 25 20 60 75 200 =8
3 25 15 75 200 =8
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Review of Struve's Translation of the Moscow Mathematical Papyrus,
Journal of Egyptian Archaeology, Vol. 17 (London, 1931).
Peet, T. Eric
The Rhind Mathematical Papyrus, British Museum 10057 and 10058, London,
1923.
Petrie, W. M. F.
Illahun, Kahun and Gurob, London, 1891.
Petrie, W. M. F.
The Pyramids and Temples of Gizeh, London, 1883.
Recorde, Robert
The Grounde of Artes. Teachyng the Worke and Practice of Arithmetike, 1542. See
the Mathematical Gazette, Vol. 14, No. 195 (G. Bell and Sons, London, July,
1928), p. 196.
Reisner Papyri (RP)
The Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, Mass. Museum No. 38.2062.
Sanford, Vera
A Short History of Mathematics, Harrap, London, 1930.
Sarton, George
The Study of the History of Mathematics, Dover, New York, 1957. First pub-
lished 1936.
Schack-Schackenburg, H.
"Das Kleinere Fragment des Berliner Papyrus 6619," Zeitschrift fur Agyp-
tische Sprache, Vol. 40 (1902), p. 65.
Schack-Schackenburg, H.
"Der Berliner Papyrus 6619," Zeitschrift fur Agyptische Sprache, Vol. 38
(1900), p. 135.
Scott, A. and Hall, H. R.
"Laboratory Notes: Egyptian Leather Roll of the Seventeenth Century
B.C.," British Museum Quarterly, Vol. 2 (1927), p. 56.
Sethe, Kurt H.
"Von Zahlen and Zahlworten bei den Alten Agyptern," Schriften der wis-
senschaftlichen Gesellschaft in Strassburg, Part 25 (Trubner, Strassburg, 1916).
Sewell, J. W. S.
"The Calendars and Chronology," in The Legacy of Egypt, S. R. K. Glan-
ville, editor, Oxford University Press, London, 1963.
Simpson, W. K.
The Papyrus Reisner I (1963), II (1965), III (1969). The Museum of Fine
Arts, Boston, Mass.
Sloley, R. W.
" Science," in The Legacy of Egypt, S. R. K. Glanville, editor, Oxford Univer-
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276 Bibliography
Smyth, Piazzi
Our Inheritance in the Great Pyramid, Daldy, Isbister, London, 1877. First ed.
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Struik, Dirk J.
A Concise History of Mathematics, Dover, New York, 1948.
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"Mathematischer Papyrus des Staatlichen Museums der Schdnen Kunste
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On Growth and Form, Vol. 1 (1951), Vol. 2 (1952), Cambridge University
Press, London.
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"A Byzantine table of fractions," Ancient Egypt (London, 1914), p. 52.
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"Geometry in Ancient Egypt," Bulletin de l'Acadlmie des Sciences de l'Union
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"The volume of the truncated pyramid in Egyptian mathematics,"
Ancient Egypt (London, 1917), p. 100.
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The Great Mathematicians, Methuen, London, 1951. First published 1929.
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"Die Entstehungsgeschichte der agyptischen Bruchrechnung," Quellen and
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Groningen, 1954.
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"Eweitert die Lederrolle unsere Kenntniss agyptischer Mathematik?" in
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"The Truncated Pyramid in Egyptian Mathematics," Journal of Egyptian
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Vorgriechische Mathematik, Vol. 1, Vorgeschichte and Agypten, Schroedel,
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"Pyramids and their Purpose," Antiquity, 9 (Gloucester, England, 1935).
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The Teaching of Arithmetic Through 400 Years, Harrap, London, 1936.
INDEX
Abacus. II Assyriologists, 2
Abd-el-Rasoul, 246
Abundant numbers, 178n Babylon, 2 240
Abu Simbel, 90 Babylonian
Addition clay tablet (Plimpton 322), 1
examples of in hieratic. 10, 12, 14, 15 cuneiform script, 7
hieroglyph for, 6 direction of writing, 5 6
how the scribe did it, 13, 15 Babylonians. 91, 240
possible tables for. See Tables Baskets
scribes' ability in, 11 conventional shapes for Egyptian,
Aha (quantity) problems, 158,181 20
A'h-most (Ahmes), the scribe, 45 76 half-an-egg, 195
131-132,139,141-142.145,148 hieratic word nbt for, 194
falters with some fractions, 160 of grain, 90-hinu. 163
Akhenaton, Pharaoh, 90 Becker, 0., 48
Akhmim Papyrus (AP or AMP), 28, 91 Beer
Akkadian cuneiform script, 7 des-jugs of. 212
Akkadians, 91 division of. See Fractions
Aldersmith, H., 239 strength of. See Pesu
Alternando, 135-136 two types distinguished, 124, 125
Amenhotep t. King, 220 Bergamini, David, 6n
Amosis, King, 82 Berlin Papyrus 6619 (BP), 91, 161n,
Anklet, weight of, 212 216
Apries, Pharaoh, 207 hieroglyphic sign for square root,
Arabic, direction of writing, 5 216
Arabs, 2 ,47 Besha, 128
Archibald, R. C., 3n, 6n, 153, 217, 239 Bible. 237
Archimedes, 200 Birds, and direction in which hiero-
Areas glyphs face, 6
of circles, 139-140, 243 Bobynin, V. V., 48
of triangles and rectangles, 137, 243, Borchardt, L., 124-125
246-247 Boyer, Carl B., 139
of hemispheres. See Hemisphere Bruins, E. M., 48,.7-0-
Arithmetic progressions Bull, L. 3n, fin
examples in RMP, 243-244 Burroughs. Edgar Rice, 237
properties of, 170 Bushel, 147, 210
terms in descending order of Byzantine
magnitude, 170, 174 tables of fractions, 91
with common difference 5%.171 times, 16,47
Arura
areas of fields in, 217 Calendar, Egyptian
definition of, 209 only intelligent one in human
280 Index
Volume
of a cylindrical granary, methods for,
146
of a rectangular prism, 189
rule for finding directly in khar, 148,
150
standard Egyptian rule for finding,
150
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(continued from front flap)
In this remarkably erudite work, the first book-length study of ancient Egyptian
mathematics, Prof. Gillings examines the development of Egyptian mathematics-
from its origins in commercial and practical computations to such accomplishments
as the solution of problems in direct and inverse proportion; the solution of linear
equations of the first degree; determining the sum of arithmetical and geometrical
progressions, and the use of rudimentary trigonometric functions in describing the
slopes of pyramids.
Drawing on all the extant sources-the Egyptian Mathematical Leather Roll, the
Reisner Papyri, the Moscow Mathematical Papyrus, and, most extensively, the
Rhind Mathematical Papyrus, a training manual for scribes-the author shows that
although the mathematical operations of the ancient Egyptians were limited in
number, they were adaptable to a great many applications. Professor Gillings is
also at pains to debunk such myths as the numerical mysticism that arose in con-
nection with the construction of the great Pyramids, and the oft-repeated assertion
that the Egyptians were conversant with the Pythagorean Theorem.
Enhanced with photographs of age-old papyri and other artifacts, as well as the
author's own calligraphic renderings of hieroglyphic and hieratic words and
numerals, this carefully researched and well-presented study will fascinate Egyp-
tologists, mathematicians, engineers, archaeologists- any student or admirer of the
remarkable civilization that flourished on the shores of the Nile so many centuries
ago.
ISBN 0-486-24315-X