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Political Arithmetick,
OR
A DISCOURSE
Concerning,
The Extent and Value of Lands, People, Buildings: Husbandry, Manufacture,
Commerce, Fishery, Artizans, Seamen, Soldiers; Publick Revenues, Interest, Taxes,
Superlucration, Registries, Banks; Valuation of Men, Increasing of Seamen, of
Militia's, Harbours, Situation, Shipping, Power at Sea, &c. As the same relates to
every Country in general, but more particularly to the Territories of His Majesty of
Great Britain, and his Neighbours of Holland, Zealand, and France1 .

By Sir WILLIAM PETTY, Late Fellow of the Royal Society.

London, Printed for Robert Clavel at the Peacock, and Hen. Mortlock at the Pha'nix in
St. Paul's Church-yard. 1690.

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NOTE ON THE “POLITICAL ARITHMETICK.”

The Political Arithmetick, like the Political Anatomy, belongs to the third period of
Petty's literary activity and was written during his second prolonged residence in
Ireland. The precise date of its composition cannot now be determined. The
Rawlinson MS. is dated 1671, and in Petty's “Collection of [his] several Works” it is
likewise entered under 16711 . Lord Edmond Fitzmaurice accordingly says that it was
written in that year2 , and his opinion is confirmed by Sir Peter Pett, who calls the
Political Arithmetick a “manuscript discourse in the year 1671–23 .” But Petty's list is
not infallible. It enters under 1654 the Discourse against the Transplantation into
Connaught published in 1655, and under 1671 the Anatomia Politica Hiberniae,
which was not finished before the close of 16724 . The date 1671 is, perhaps, that at
which Petty began the Political Arithmetick. He was still working upon it at the end of
16725 , and internal evidence points to its completion not earlier than 1676. This
internal evidence is drawn from three passages whose indications pretty closely
coincide: 1st, the expenditure of the King of France “in any of these last seven years”
is compared with his revenue “as the same appears by the book entitled The State of
France… printed anno 16696 “; 2nd, “since the year 1636, the taxes and public
levies… have been prodigiously greater,… yet the kingdoms have increased in their
wealth and strength for these last forty years7 ” ; 3rd, “his Majesty's navy is now
triple or quadruple what it was forty years since, and before the Sovereign was Built1
.” The “Sovereign of the Seas” was launched 14 October, 16372 . These three
passages, which all point to 1676 or 1677, occur in the Rawlinson MS. as well as in
the undated Southwell MS., and the 1690 edition. The opinion that the Political
Arithmetick was completed at a date later than the Political Anatomy is also
confirmed by the larger estimate of the population of Ireland which the Arithmetick3
makes.

Of the numerous MSS. of the Political Arithmetick, by far the most important is that
bound in the same volume with the MS. Treatise of Ireland, and called by Lord
Edmond Fitzmaurice the Neligan MS4 The history of this MS. is similar to that of the
Southwell MS of the Political Anatomy already traced5 . It was given to Sir Robert
Southwell by Petty and remained in Southwell's family until purchased by Thorpe6 at
the De Clifford sale in 1834. It passed into Dr Neligan's possession, and after his
death it was bought for the British Museum7 , becoming Additional MS. 21,128. In
view of its history, I call it the Southwell MS., and refer to it in the footnotes as S.
This MS. is not so neatly written as the Southwell Political Anatomy; the ink is
similar but the paper is of a different size, and it has one similar and one different
water-mark8 . The corrections are far more numerous, and are unmistakably in Petty's
hand9 . It may be the very same MS. which Petty corrected for Southwell in March,
1681 and wished to have compared with “what goeth abroad10 .” If it be the same,
Petty's wish is at length fulfilled: the readings of the Southwell MS. are now
compared with the text that went forth in 1690 wherever the differences between them
are significant. But mere variations in spelling and minor grammatical differences
(like “hath” for “has”) are disregarded, and the punctuation of the MS. is noted only

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where it gives the passage a meaning different from that of the printed version. All
Petty's corrections are noted.

Among the remaining MSS. perhaps the most interesting is one endorsed “Pettys Pl.
Arithmetic I take to be Corrected by Sr Wm himself having formerly seen a good deal
of his Hand Writing,” now among the Rawlinson MSS. in the Bodleian Library1 . The
MS. is in two hands, that of the second copyist beginning with chapter five. Petty's
corrections are few compared with those in the Southwell MS., and most of them are
merely formal, such as changing “300,000” to “300 Thousand.” The more important
variations marked R, are given in the foot notes. A transcript of the Political
Arithmetick, presented by Willoughby, is in the Library of Trinity College, Dublin2 .
It contains no corrections by Petty. A transcript in quarto, made for Essex, is, or was,
at Ashburnham Place3 , and the British Museum has, in addition to the Southwell
MS., a comparatively worthless copy, unintelligently abridged4 . Besides these, a MS.
of the Political Arithmetick was presented by Petty to the King5 and both Sir Joseph
Williamson6 and Sir Peter Pett7 had MSS. of it.

Manuscript copies of the Political Arithmetick being thus circulated among Petty's
friends, soon after its composition, they seem to have urged him to publish it at once.
A letter to Southwell8 in reply to some such request was once in the possession of
Thomas Thorpe, who described it as discussing the printing [reprinting] of the
Treatise of Taxes, the Political Arithmetick, and the translation of the 104th psalm,
“which Petty here expresses his reluctance to be printed9 .” The unauthorized
reprinting of the Treatise of Taxes in 167910 apparently convinced Petty that it was
safer to have his books printed under supervision, for he subsequently wrote to
Aubrey, 12 July, 1681, that he was not forward to print the Political Arithmetick but
did wish that what went abroad might be compared with the copy in Southwell's
possession, which he had corrected in March1 . In this letter there is no hint of the
reason for non-publication which Lord Shelburne advances2 , and Petty's care to
secure a good text indicates that he expected the book to be published soon. Nearly a
year after the letter to Aubrey, Petty came to London, where he remained until the
summer of 1683, being occupied about the reform of the Irish revenues3 . It was
probably about this time that he wrote the dedication of the Political Arithmetick to
the King4 , and presented his Majesty with a copy of the book in MS. He appears,
however, presently to have abandoned the project of publication, and there can be
little doubt that the ill-printed edition of the Political Arithmetick which was soon
anonymously issued under the title of England's Guide to Industry5 , appeared
without his consent.

After Petty's death the demand for an authentic edition of the Political Arithmetick
was renewed, and Lady Petty, who was executrix of her husband's will, asked
Southwell's advice in the matter. Sir William himself, so she wrote6 , would not suffer
the book to be printed, wherefore she was very loath to do it upon any account
whatsoever, unless it were to prevent a greater evil. She was told, however, that five
hundred false copies were in circulation and that the book would be published to
disadvantage unless she authorized the printing of it. Southwell's reply is not
preserved, but inasmuch as the Political Arithmetick was issued in 1690 with a

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dedication written by Lady Petty's son, it may be inferred that her scruples were at
length overcome.

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TO THE
KING'S
Most Excellent
MAJESTY1 .

SIR,
WHilest every one meditates some fit Offering for Your Majesty, such as may best
agree with your happy Exaltation to this Throne; I presume to offer, what my Father
long since writ, to shew the weight and importance of the English Crown.

It was by him stiled Political Arithmetick2 , in as much as things of Government, and

of no less concern and extent, than the Glory of the Prince, and the happiness and
greatness of the People, are by the Ordinary Rules of Arithmetick, brought into a sort
of Demonstration. He was allowed1by all, to be the Inventor of this Method of
Instruction; where ? the perplexed and intricate ways of the World, are explain'd by a
very mean peice of Science; and had not the Doctrins of this Essay offended France,
they had long since seen the light, and had found Followers, as well as improvements
before this time, to the advantage perhaps of Mankind.

But this has been reserved to the felicity of Your Majesty's Reign, and to the
expectation which the Learned have therein; and if while in this, I do some honor to
the Memory of a good Father, I ? can also pay Service, and some Testimony of my
Zeal and Reverence to so great a King, it will be the utmost Ambition of

SIR,
Your Majesty's Most Dutiful and Most Obedient Subject,

Shelborne2 .

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PREFACE1 .
FOrasmuch as Men, who are in a decaying condition, or who have but an ill opinion
of their own Concernments, instead of being (as some think) the more industrious to
resist the Evils they apprehend, do contrariwise become the more languid and
ineffectual in all their Endeavours, neither caring to attempt or prosecute even the
probable means of their relief. Upon this Consideration, as a Member of the
Common-Wealth, next to knowing the precise Truth in what condition the common
Interest stands, I would in all doubtful Cases think ?The fears of many concerning the
Welfare of England? the best, and consequently not despair, without strong and
manifest Reasons, carefully examining whatever tends to lessen my hopes of the
publick Welfare.

I have therefore thought fit to examin the following Perswasions, which I find too
currant in the World2 , and too much to have affected the Minds of some, to the
prejudice of all, viz.

That the Rents of Lands are generally fall'n; that

therefore, and for many other Reasons, the whole Kingdom The fears of many
grows every day poorer and poorer1 ; that formerly it abounded concerning the
with Gold, but now2 there is a great scarcity both of Gold and Welfare of England.
Silver; that there is no Trade nor Employment for the People, and
yet that the Land is under-peopled; that Taxes have been many and great; that Ireland
and the Plantations in America; and other Additions to the Crown, are a Burthen to
England; that Scotland is of no Advantage; that Trade in general doth lamentably
decay; that the Hollanders are at our heels, in the race of Naval Power; the French3
grow too fast upon both, and appear so rich and potent, that it is but their Clemency
that they do not devour their Neighbors; and finally, that the Church and State of
England, are in the same danger with the Trade of England; with many other dismal
Suggestions, which I had rather stifle than repeat4 .

'Tis true, the Expence of foreign Commodities hath of

late been too great; much of our Plate, had it remain'd Money, The real Prejudices of
would have better ? served Trade; too many Matters have been England.
regulated by Laws, which Nature, long Custom, and general
Consent, ought only to have governed; the Slaughter and Destruction of Men by the
late Civil Wars and Plague have been great; the Fire at London, and Disaster at
Chatham1 , have begotten Opinions in the Vulgus of the World to our Prejudice; the
Nonconformists increase2 ; the People of Ireland think long of their Settlement; the
English there apprehend themselves to be Aliens, and are forced to seek a Trade with
Foreigners, which they might as well maintain with their own Relations in England.
But notwithstanding all this (the like whereof was always in all Places), the Buildings
of London grow great and glorious;
the American Plantations ? employ four Hundred Sail of Ships; The Improvements of
Actions in the East-India company are near double the principle England.
Money; those who can give good Security, may have Money

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under the Statute-Interest; Materials for building (even Oaken-Timber) are little the
dearer, some cheaper for3 ; the rebuilding of London4 ; the Exchange seems as full of
Merchants as formerly; no more Beggars in the Streets, nor executed for Thieves, than
heretofore; the Number of Coaches, and Splendor of Equipage exceeding former
times; the publique Theatres very magnificent; the King has a greater Navy, and
stronger Guards than before our Calamities; the Clergy rich, and the Cathedrals in
repair; much Land has been improved, and the Price of Food so reasonable, as that
Men refuse ? to have it cheaper, by admitting of Irish Cattle1 ; And in brief, no Man
needs to want that will take moderate pains. That some are poorer than others, ever
was and ever will be: And that many are naturally querulous and envious, is an Evil as
old as the World.

These general Observations, and that Men eat, and drink, and laugh as they use to do,
have encouraged me to try if I could also comfort others, being satisfied my self, that
the Interest and Affairs of England are in no deplorable Condition.

The Method I take to do this, is not yet very usual; for instead of The Author's Method
using only comparative and superlative Words, and intellectual and Manner of
Arguments, I have taken the course (as a Specimen of the Arguing.
Political Arithmetick ? I have long aimed at) to express my self
in Terms of Number, Weight, or Measure; to use only Arguments of Sense, and to
consider only such Causes, as have visible Foundations in Nature; leaving those that
depend upon the mutable Minds, Opinions, Appetites, and Passions of particular Men,
to the Consideration of others: Really professing my self as unable to speak
satisfactorily upon those Grounds (if they may be call'd Grounds), as to foretel the
cast of a Dye; to play well at Tennis, Billiards, or Bowles, (without long practice,) by
virtue of the most elaborate Conceptions that ever have been written De Projectilibus
& Missilibus, or of the Angles of Incidence and Reflection. ?

Now the Observations or Positions expressed by Number, The Nature of his

Weight, and Measure, upon which I bottom the ensuing Positions and
Discourses, are either true, or not apparently false, and which if Suppositions.
they are not already true, certain, and evident, yet may be made
so by the Sovereign Power, Nam id certum est quodcertnm reddi potest1 and if they
are false, not so false as to destroy the Argument they are brought for; but at worst are
sufficient as Suppositions to shew the way to that2 Knowledge I aim at. And I have
withal for the present confined my self to the Ten principal Conclusions hereafter
particularly handled, which if they shall be judged material, and worthy of a better
Discussion, I hope all ingenious and candid Persons will rectifie the Errors, Defects,
and Imperfections, which probably may be found in any of the Positions, upon which
these Ratiocinations were grounded. Nor would it misbecome Authority it self, to
clear the Truth of those Matters which private Endeavours cannot reach to.

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THE
Principal Conclusions1
OF THIS
TREATISE
ARE,
CHAP. I. That a small Country, and few People, may by their Situation,
Trade, and Policy, be equivalent in Wealth and Strength, to a far greater
People, and Territory. And particularly, How conveniences for Shipping, and
Water Carriage, do most Eminently, and Fundamentally, conduce thereunto.
Pag. 1 [249]
Chap. II. That some kind of Taxes, and Publick Levies, may rather increase
than diminish the Common-Wealth. pag. 35 [268]
Chap. III. That France cannot, by reason of Natural and Perpetual
Impediments, be more powerful at Sea, than the English, or Hollanders. 51
[278]
Chap. IV. That the People, and Territories of the King of England, are
Naturally near2as considerable, for Wealth, and Strength, as those of France.
pag. 64 [284]
Chap. V. That the Impediments of Englands Greatness, are but contingent
and removeable. pag. 87 [298]
Chap. VI. That the Power and Wealth of England, hath increased above this
forty years. pag. 96 [302]
Chap. VII. That one tenth part, of the whole Expence, of the King of
England's Subjects; is sufficient to maintain one hundred thousand Foot,
thirty thousand Horse, and forty thousand Men at Sea, and to defray all other
Charges, of the Government: both Ordinary and Extraordinary, if the same
were regularly Taxed, and Raised. pag. 101 [305]
Chap. VIII. That there are spare Hands enough among the King of England's
Subjects, to earn two Millions per annum, more than they now do, and there
are Employments, ready, proper, and sufficient, for that purpose. pag. 104
[307]
Chap. IX. That there is Mony sufficient to drive the Trade of the Nation. pag.
110 [310]
Chap. X. That the King of England's Subjects, have Stock, competent, and
convenient to drive the Trade of the whole Commercial World. pag. 112 [311]

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ERRATA.
PAge 7. line 25. read the Rent. p. 8. l. 21. r. a part. p. 20. l. 3. r. for cheap. p. 21. l. 14.
r. cold, moist. p. 26. l. 7. r. that Church. p. 32. l. 7. r. yearly profit. l. 18. r. to be the
value. p. 47. l. 4 r. fifty thousand. l. 28. r. sixteen thousand. p. 49. l. 13. r. the said half
together. p. 52. l. 6. r. should bring. p. 59. l. 24. r. they coast. p. 72. l. 8. r. or above. p.
91. l. 9. r. Exotics. p. 95. l. 13. r. paying for.

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CHAP. I.

That A Small Country And Few People, By Its Situation,

Trade, And Policy, May Be Equivalent In Wealth And
Strength, To A Far Greater People And Territory: And
Particularly That Conveniencies For Shipping And Water-
Carriage, Do Most Eminently And Fundamentally Conduce
Thereunto.
THis first principal Conclusion by reason of its length, I consider in three Parts;
whereof the first is, That a small Country and few People, may be equivalent in
Wealth and Strength to a far greater People and Territory
1 How one Man by
This part of the first principal Conclusion needs little proof; art and one Acre of
forasmuch as one Acre of Land, may bear as much Corn, and Land by improvement
feed as many Cattle as twenty, by the difference of the Soil; may be equivalent to
many.
some parcel of Ground is naturally so defensible, as that an
Hundred Men being possessed ? thereof, can resist the Invasion
of Five Hundred; and bad Land may be improved and made good; Bog may by
draining be made Meadow; Heath-land may (as in Flanders) be made to bear Flax and
Clover-grass, so as to advance in value from one to an Hundred2 ; The same Land
being built upon, may centuple the Rent which it yielded as Pasture; one Man is more
nimble, or strong, and more patient of labor than another; one Man by Art may do as
much work, as many without it; viz. one Man with a Mill can grind as much Corn, as
twenty can pound in a Mortar; one Printer can make as many Copies, as an Hundred
Men can write by hand; one Horse can carry upon Wheels, as much as Five upon their
Backs; and in a Boat, or upon Ice, as Twenty1 : So that I say again, this first point of
this general Position, needs little or no proof. But the second and more material part
of this Conclusion is, that this difference in Land and People, arises principally from
their Situation, Trade, and Policy. ?

To clear this, I shall compare Holland and Zealand, with

the Kingdom of France, viz. Holland and Zealand do not contain A comparison of
above one Million of English Acres, whereas the Kingdom of Holland and Zealand
France contains above 80. with France.

Now the Original and Primitive difference holds proportion as Land to Land, for it is
hard to say, that when these places were first planted, whether an Acre in France was
better than the like quantity in Holland and Zealand; nor is there any reason to
suppose, but that therefore upon the first Plantation, the number of Planters was in
Proportion to the quantity of Land; wherefore, if the People2 are not in the same
proportion as the Land, the same must be attributed to the Scituation of the Land, and
to the Trade and Policy of the People superstructed thereupon.

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The next thing to be shewn is, that Holland and Zealand at this day, is not only an
eightieth part as rich and strong as France, but that it hath advanced to one third or
thereabouts, which I think will appear upon the Ballance of the following particulars,
viz. ?

As to the Wealth of France, a certain Map of that

Kingdom, set forth Anno 1647. represents it to be fifteen That the Lands of
Millions, whereof six did belong to the Church, the Author France, are to the
thereof (as I suppose) meaning the Rents of the Lands only: And Lands of Holland and
the Author of a most Judicious discourse of Husbandry Zealand, as 8 to 1 in
value.
(supposed to be Sir Richard Weston3 ,) doth from reason and
experience shew, that Lands in the Netherlands, by bearing Flax,
Turneps, Clover-grass, Madder, &c. will easily yield 10l. per Acre; so as the
Territories of Holland and Zealand, should by his account yield at least Ten Millions
per annum, yet I do not believe the same to be so much, nor France so little as
abovesaid, but rather, that one bears to the other as about 7, or 8 to 1.

The People of Amsterdam, are one third of those in Paris

or London, which two Cities differ not in People a twentieth part The Buildings of
from each other, as hath appeared by the Bills of Burials and Amsterdam are about
Christnings for each1 . But the value of the Buildings in half in value to those
Amsterdam, may well be half that of Paris, by reason of the at Paris.
Foundations, Grafts, and Bridges, which ? in Amsterdam are
more numerous and chargeable than at Paris. Moreover the
Habitations of the poorest People in Holland and Zealand are The Housing in
twice or thrice as good as those of France; but the People of the France above five
one to the People of the other, being but as thirteen to one, the times the value of
value of the housing must be as about five to one. those in Holland and
Zealand.
The value of the Shipping of Europe, being about two
Millions of Tuns, I suppose the English have Five Hundred The Shipping of
Thousand, the Dutch Nine Hundred Thousand, the French an Holland 9 times that
Hundred Thousand, the Hamburgers, and the Subjects of France.
Denmark, Sweden, and the Town of Dansick two Hundred and
Fifty Thousand, and Spain, Portugal, Italy, &c. two Hundred and Fifty Thousand; so
as the Shipping in our case of France to that of Holland and Zealand, is about one to
nine, which reckoned as great and small, new and old, one with another at 82l. per
Tun, makes the worth to be as Eight Hundred Thousand Pounds, to Seven Millions,
and Two Hundred Thousand Pounds.
The Hollanders Capital in the East-India Company, is worth The Comparison of
above Three ? Millions; where the French as yet have little or Holl. and France in
nothing. the India's.

The value of the Goods exported out of France into all Parts, are The exportations of
supposed Quadruple to what is sent to England alone; and France and Holland
consequently in all about Five Millions1 , but what is exported is as 5 to 21.
out of Holland into England is worth Three Millions; and what is
exported thence into all the World besides, is sextuple to the same.

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The Monies Yearly raised by the King of France, as the same The Revenues of
appears by the Book intituled (The State of France) Dedicated to France.
the King, Printed Anno 1669. and set forth several times by
Authority2 , is 82000000 of French Livers, which is about 6½ Millions of Pounds
Sterling, of which summ the Author says, that one fifth part was abated for non-
valuers or Insolvencies, so (as I suppose) not above Five Millions were effectually
raised: But whereas some say, that the King of France raised Eleven Millions as the ?
of the effects of France; I humbly affirm, that all the Land and Sea Forces, all the
Buildings and Entertainments, which we have heard by common Fame, to have been ?
set forth and made in any of these seven last Years, needed not to have cost six
Millions Sterling; wherefore, I suppose he hath not raised more, especially since there
were one fifth Insolvencies, when the Tax was at that pitch. But Holland and Zealand,
paying 67 of the 100, paid by all the United Provinces, and the The Taxes paid by
City of Amsterdam paying 27 of the said 67; It follows that if Holl. and Zealand.
Amsterdam hath paid 4000 l. Flemish per diem, or about1
1400000 l. per annum, or 800000 l. Sterling; that all Holland and Zealand, have paid
2100000 l. per annum: Now the reasons why I think they pay so much, are these, viz.

1. The Author of the State of the Netherlands saith so2 .

2. Excise of Victual at Amsterdam, seems above half the Original value of the same,
viz.

Ground Corn pays 20 Stivers the Bushel, or 63 Gilders the Last; Beer 113 Stivers the
Barrel, Housing ? of Rent3 , Fruit ⅛ of what it cost; other Commodities , ⅛, , ; Salt
ad libitum, all weighed Goods pay besides the Premisses a vast summ; now if the
expence of the People of Amsterdam at a medium, ? and without Excise were 8 l. per
annum, whereas in England 'tis 7 l. then if all the several Imposts above named, raise
it Five Pound more, there being 160000 Souls in Amsterdam, the summ of 800000 l.
Sterling per annum will thereby be raised.

3. Though the expence of each head, should be 13 l. per annum; 'tis well known that
there be few in Amsterdam, who do not earn much more than the said expence.

4. If Holland and Zealand pay p. an. 2100000 l. then all the Provinces together, must
pay about 3000000 l. less than which summ per annum, perhaps is not sufficient to
have maintained the Naval War with England, 72000 Land Forces, besides all other
the ordinary Charges of their Government, whereof the Church is there apart1 : To
conclude, it seems from the Premisses, that all France doth not raise above thrice as
much from the publick charge, as
Holland and Zealand alone do. The Difference of
interest between Hol.
5. Interest of Money in France, is 7 l. per cent. but in Holland & France.
scarce half so much. ?

6. The Countries of Holland and Zealand; consisting as it were of Islands guarded

with the Sea, Shipping, and Marshes, is defensible at one fourth of the charge, that a

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plain open Country is, and where the feat of War may be both Winter and Summer;
whereas in the others, little2 can be done but in the Summer only.

7.
But above all the particulars hitherto considered, that of The super-lucration
superlucration ought chiefly to be taken in; for if a Prince have between France and
never so many Subjects, and his Country be never so good, yet if Holl.
either through sloth, or extravagant expences, or Oppression and
Injustice, whatever is gained shall be spent as fast as gotten, that State must be
accounted poor; wherefore let it be considered, how much or how many times rather,
Holland and Zealand are now above what they were 100 years ago, which we must
also do of France: Now if France hath scarce doubled its Wealth and Power, and that
the other have decupled theirs; I shall give the preference to the latter, even although
the increased by the one, should not exceed the one half gained by the other, ?
because one has a store for Nine Years, the other but for one.

To conclude, upon the whole it seems, that though France be in People to Holland
and Zealand as 13 to 1, and in quantity of good Land, as 80 to one, yet it is not 13
times richer and stronger, much less 80 times, nor much above thrice, which was to be
proved.

Having thus dispatched the two first Branches of the

first Principal conclusion; it follows, to shew that this difference The causes of the
of Improvement in Wealth and Strength, arises from the difference between
Situation, Trade, and Policy of the places respectively; and in France and Holl
particular from Conveniencies for Shipping and Water Carriage.

Many Writing on this Subject do so magnifie the Hollanders1 as if they were more,
and all other Nations less than Men (as to the matters of Trade and Policy) making
them Angels, and others Fools, Brutes, and Sots, as to those particulars; whereas I
take the Foundation of their atchievements to lie originally in the Situation of the
Country, whereby they do things inimitable by others, and have advantages whereof
others are incapable. ?

First, The Soil of Holland and Zealand is low Land, Rich and Fertile; whereby it is
able to feed many Men, and
so as that Men may live near each other, for their mutual The reasons why rich
assistance in Trade. I say, that a Thousand Acres, that can feed Land is better than
1000 Souls, is better than 10000 Acres of no more effect, for the course Land tho of the
following reasons, viz. same Rent, and
consequently why
Holl. is better than
1. Suppose some great Fabrick were in Building by a Thousand Fran.
Men, shall not much more time be spared if they lived all upon a
Thousand Acres, then if they were forced to live upon ten times as large a Scope of
Land.

2. The charge of the cure of their Souls, and the Ministry would be far greater in one
case than in the other; as also of mutual defence in case of Invasion, and even of

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Thieves and Robbers: Moreover the charge of the administration of Justice would be
much easier, where Witnesses and Parties may be easily Summoned, Attendance less
expensive, when Mens Actions would be better known, when wrongs and injuries
could not be covered, as in thin peopled places they are. ?

Lastly, those who live in Solitary places, must be their own Soldiers, Divines,
Physicians, and Lawyers; and must have their Houses stored with necessary
Provisions (like a Ship going upon a long Voyage,) to the great wast, and needless
expence of such Provisions. The value of this first convenience to the Dutch, I reckon
or estimate1 to be about 100000 l. per annum.

2ly. Holland is a Level Country, so as in any part thereof, a The advantages from
Windmill may be set up, and by its being moist and vaporous, the level and
there is always wind stirring over it, by which advantage the windmills of Holl.
labor of many thousand Hands is saved, forasmuch as a Mill
made by one Man in half a year, will do as much Labor, as four Men for Five Years
together. This advantage is greater or less, where employment or ease of Labour is so;
but in Holland 'tis eminently great, and the worth of this conveniency is near an
Hundred and Fifty Thousand Pounds.

3ly.
There is much more to be gained by Manufacture than The advantages from
Husbandry, and by Merchandize than Manufacture; but Hollan Holl. of Manufacture
and Zealand, being seated at the mouths of three long great & Commerce. The
Rivers, ? and passing through Rich Countries, do keep all the Situation of Holl
&Zeal. upon the
Inhabitants upon the sides of those Rivers but as Husbandmen, Mouths of three great
whilst themselves are the Manufactors of their Commodities, and Rivers.
do dispence them into all Parts of the World, making returns for
the same, at what prices almost they please themselves; and in short, they keep the
Keys of Trade of those Countries, through which the said Rivers pass; the value of
this third conveniency, I suppose to be2 200000l.

4ly.
In Holland and Zealand, there is scarce any place of work, or Nearness to navigable
business one Mile distant from a Navigable Water, and the Waters.
charge of Water carriage is generally but or part of Land
carriage; Wherefore if there be as much Trade there as in France, then, the
Hollanders can out-sell the French of all the expence, of all Travelling Postage and
carriage whatsoever, which even in England I take to be 300000 l. p.an. where the
very Postage of Letters, costs the People perhaps 50000 l. per annum, though Farmed
at much less, and all other Labour of Horses, and Porters, at least six times as much;
The value of ? this conveniency I estimate to be above Three Hundred Thousand
pounds per annum.

5. The defensibleness of the Country, by reason of its

Situation in the Sea upon Islands1 , and in the Marshes, The defensibleness of
Impassible ground Diked and Trenched, especially considering Holland.
how that place is aimed at for its Wealth; I say the charge of

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defending that Country, is easier than if it were a plain Champion, at least 200000 l.
per annum.

6. Holland is so considerable for keeping Ships in

Harbour with small expence of Men, and ground Tackle, that it Harbouring of
saves per annum 200000 l. of what must be spent in France. Shipping at small
Now if all these natural advantages do amount to above one expence
Million per annum Profits, and that the Trade of all Europe, nay
of the whole World, with which our Europeans do Trade, is not above 45 Millions p.
an. and if of the value be of the Profit, it is plain that the Hollander may Command
and Govern the whole Trade.

7. Those who have their Situation thus towards the Sea,

and abound with Fish at home, and having also the command ? Advantages from
of Shipping, have by consequence the Fishing Trade, whereof Fishing.
that of Herring alone, brings more yearly Profit to the Hollanders
than the Trade of the West-Indies to Spain, or of the East to themselves, as many have
affirmed, being as the same say2viis & modis of above three Millions per annum
Profit.

8. It is not to be doubted, but those who have the

Trade of Shipping and Fishing3 , will secure themselves of the Advantages by Naval
Trade of Timber for Ships, Boats, Masts, and Cask; of Hemp for Provisions.
Cordage, Sails, and Nets; of Salt, of Iron; as also of Pitch, Tar,
Rosin, Brimstone, Oil, and Tallow, as necessary Appurtenances to Shipping and
Fishing.

9
Those who predominate in Shipping, and Fishing, have more Fitness for Universal
occasions than others to frequent all parts of the World, and to Trade.
observe what is wanting or redundant every where, and what
each People can do, and what they desire, and consequently to be the Factors, and
Carriers for the whole World of Trade. Upon which ground they bring all Native
Commodities to be Manufactured at home, and carry the same back, even to that
Country in ? which they grew, all which we see.

For, do they not work the Sugars of the West-Indies? The Timber and Iron of the
Baltick? The Hemp of Russia? The Lead, Tin, and Wooll of England? The Quick-
silver and Silk of Italy? The Yarns, and Dying Stuffs of Turkey, &c. To be short, in
all the ancient States, and Empires, those who had the Shipping, had the Wealth, and
if 2 per Cent. in the price of Commodities, be perhaps 20 per Cent. in the gain: it is
manifest that they who can in forty five Millions, undersel others by one Million,
(upon accompt of natural1 , and intrinsick advantages only) may easily have the Trade
of the World without such Angelical Wits and Judgments, as some attribute to the
Hollanders.

Having thus done with their Situation, I come now to their Trade.

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It is commonly seen, that each Country flourisheth in the Artificial advantages

Manufacture of its own Native Commodities, viz. England for of Trade.
woollen Manufacture, France for Paper, Luic-land2 for Iron
Ware, Portugal for Confectures, Italy for Silks; upon which Principle it follows, that
Holland and Zealand must flourish most ? in the Trade of Shipping, and so become
Carriers and Factors of the whole World of Trade. Now the advantages of the
Shipping Trade are as followeth, viz.

Husbandmen, Seamen, Soldiers, Artizans1 and Merchants,

are the very Pillars of any Common-Wealth2 ; all the other great Husbandmen,
Professions, do rise out of the infirmities, and miscarriages of Seamen, Soldiers,
these; now the Seaman is three of these four. For every Seaman Artizans, and
of industry and ingenuity, is not only a Navigator, but a Merchants, are the
very Pillars of a
Merchant, and also a Soldier; not because he hath often occasion Common-Wealth, and
to fight, and handle Arms; but because he is familiarized with a Seaman is three of
hardship and hazards, extending to Life and Limbs; for Training them.
and Drilling is a small part of Soldiery, in respect of this last
mentioned Qualification; the one being quickly and presently learned, the other not
without many years most painful experience: wherefore to have the occasion of
abounding in Seamen, is a vast conveniency.

2. The Husbandman of England earns but about 4 s. per Week, but the Seamen have
as good as 12 s. in Wages, ? Victuals (and as it were housing) with other
accommodations, so as a Seaman is in effect three Husbandmen; wherefore
there is little Ploughing, and Sowing of Corn in Holland and A Seaman equivalent
Zealand, or breeding of young Cattle: but their Land is improved to three Husbandmen.
by building Houses, Ships, Engines, Dikes, Wharfs, Gardens of
pleasure, extraordinary Flowers and Fruits; for Dairy and feeding of Cattle, for Rape,
Flax, Madder, &c. The Foundations of several advantageous Manufactures.

3. Whereas the Employment of other Men is confined to their own Country, that of
Seamen is free to the whole World; so as where Trade may (as they call it) be dead
here or there3 , now and then, it is certain that some where or other in the World.
Trade is always quick enough, and Provisions are always plentiful, the benefit
whereof, those who command the Shipping enjoy, and they only.

4. The great and ultimate effect of Trade is not Wealth

at large, but particularly abundance of Silver, Gold, and Jewels, Silver, Gold, and
which are not perishable, nor so mutable as other Commodities1 Jewels, are Universal
, ? but are Wealth at all times, and all places: Whereas abundance Wealth.
of Wine, Corn, Fowls, Flesh, &c. are Riches but hic & nunc, so
as the raising of such Commodities, and the following of such Trade, which does store
the Country with Gold, Silver, Jewels, &c. is profitable before others. But the Labour
of Seamen, and Freight of Ships, is always of the nature of an Exported Commodity,
the overplus whereof, above what is Imported, brings home mony, &c.

5.

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Those who have the command of the Sea Trade, may Work at Reasons why the
easier Freight with more profit, than others at greater: for as Hollanders Sail for
Cloth must be cheaper made, when one Cards, another Spins, less Freight.
another Weaves, another Draws, another Dresses, another
Presses and Packs; than when all the Operations above-mentioned, were clumsily
performed by the same hand; so those who command the Trade of Shipping, can build
long slight Ships for carrying Masts, Fir-Timber, Boards, Balks, &c.And short ones
for Lead, Iron, Stones &c. One sort of Vessels to Trade at Ports where they need
never lie a ground, others where they must jump upon the Sand ? twice every twelve
hours; One sort of Vessels, and way of manning in time of Peace, and2 cheap gross
Goods, another for War and precious Commodities; One sort of Vessels for the
turbulent Sea, another for Inland Waters and Rivers; One sort of Vessels, and
Rigging, where haste is requisite for the Maidenhead of a Market, another where ? or
¼ part of the time makes no matter. One sort of Masting and Rigging for long
Voyages, another for Coasting. One sort of Vessels for Fishing, another for Trade.
One sort for War for this or that Country, another for Burthen only. Some for Oars,
some for Poles, some for Sails, and some for draught by Men or Horses, some for the
Northern Navigations amongst Ice, and some for the South against Worms, &c.3 And
this I take to be the chief of several Reasons, why the Hollanders can go at less
Freight than their Neighbours, viz. because they can afford a particular sort of Vessels
for each particular Trade.

I have shewn how Situation hath given them Shipping, and how Shipping hath given
them in effect all other ? Trade, and how Foreign Traffick must give them as much
Manufacture as they can manage themselves, and as for the overplus, make the rest of
the World but as Workmen to their Shops. It now remains to shew the effects of their
Policy, superstructed upon these natural advantages, and not as The Policy of
some think upon the excess of their Understandings. Holland.

I have omitted to mention the Hollanders were one hundred years since, a poor and
oppressed People, living in a Country naturally cold1 and unpleasant: and were withal
persecuted for their Heterodoxy in Religion

From hence it necessarily follows, that this People must Labour hard, and set all
hands to Work: Rich and Poor, Young and Old, must study the Art of Number,
Weight, and Measure; must fare hard, provide for Impotents, and for Orphans, out of
hope to make profit by their Labours: must punish the Lazy by Labour, and not by
cripling them2 : I say, all these particulars, said to be the subtile excogitations of the
Hollanders, seem to me, but what could not almost have been otherwise. ?

Liberty of Conscience, Registry of Conveyances, small Customs, Banks, Lumbards,

and Law Merchant, rise all from the same Spring, and tend to the same Sea; as for
lowness of Interest, it is also a necessary effect of all the premisses, and not the Fruit
of their contrivance.

Wherefore we shall only shew in particular the efficacy of each, and first of Liberty of
Conscience; but before I enter upon these, I shall mention a Practice almost forgotten,

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(whether it referreth to Trade or Policy is not material,) which is, the Hollanders
undermasting, and sailing such of
their Shipping, as carry cheap and gross Goods, and whose Sale Under-masting of
doth not depend much upon Season. Ships.

It is to be noted, that of two equal and like Vessels, if one spreads one thousand six
hundred Yards of like Canvase, and the other two thousand five hundred, their speed
is but as four to five, so as one brings home the same Timber in four days, as the other
will in five. Now if we consider that although those Ships be but four or five days
under Sail, that they are perhaps ? thirty upon the Voyage; so as the one is but part
longer upon the whole Voyage than the other, though one fifth longer under Sail. Now
if Masts, Yards, Rigging, Cables, and Anchors, do all depend upon the quantity and
extent of the Sails, and consequently hands also; it follows, that the one Vessel, goes
at one third less charge, losing but one thirtieth1 of the time, and of what depends
thereupon.

I now come to the first Policy of the Dutch, viz. Liberty of Liberty of
Conscience; which I conceive they grant upon these Grounds. Conscience, and the
(But keeping up always a Force to maintain the Common Peace,) Reasons thereof in
1. They themselves broke with Spain, to avoid the imposition of Holland.
the Clergy. 2. Dissenters of this kind, are for the most part,
thinking, sober, and patient Men, and such as believe that Labour and Industry is their
Duty towards God. (How erroneous soever their Opinions2 be.) 3. These People
believing the Justice of God, and seeing the most Licentious persons, to enjoy most of
the World, and its best things, will never venture to be of the same Religion and
Profession with Voluptuaries, ? and Men of extreme Wealth and Power, who they
think have their Portion in this World.

4. They cannot but know, That no Man can believe what himself pleases, and to force
Men to say they believe what they do not, is vain, absurd, and without Honor to God.

5. The Hollanders knowing themselves not to be an Infallible Church, and that others
had the same Scripture for Guides as themselves, and withal the same Interest to save
their Souls, did not think fit to make this matter their business; not more than to take
Bonds of the Seamen they employ, not to cast away their own Ships and Lives.

6. The Hollanders observe that in France and Spain, (especially the latter) the
Churchmen are about one hundred for one, to what they use or need; the principal
care of whom is to preserve Uniformity, and this they take to be a superfluous charge.

7. They observe where most indeavours have been used to keep Uniformity, there
Heterodoxy hath most abounded.

8. They believe that if ¼ of the People were Heterodox, and that if ? that whole
quarter should by Miracle be removed, that within a small time ¼ of the remainder
would again become Heterodox some way or other, it being natural for Men to differ
in Opinion in matters above Sense and Reason: and for those who have less Wealth,

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to think they have the more Wit and Understanding, especially of the things of God,
which they think chiefly belong to the Poor.

9. They think the case of the Primitives, as it is represented in the Acts of the Apostles,
looks like that of the present Dissenters, (I mean externally.) Moreover it is to be
observed that Trade doth not (as some think) best
flourish under Popular Governments, but rather that Trade is The Trade of any
most vigorously carried on, in every State and Government, by Country is chiefly
the Heterodox part of the same, and such as profess Opinions managed by the
different from what are publickly established: (that is to say) in Heterodox party.
India where the Mahometan Religion is Authorized, there the
Banians are the most considerable Merchants. In the Turkish Empire the Jews, and
Christians. At Venice, Naples, Legorn, Genoua, and Lisbone, ? Jews, and Non-Papist
Merchant-Strangers: but to be short, in that part of Europe, where the Roman
Catholick Religion now hath, or lately hath had Establishment; there three quarters of
the whole Trade, is in the hands of such as have separated from the1 Church (that is to
say) the Inhabitants of England, Scotland, and Ireland, as also those of the United
Provinces, with Denmark, Sueden, and Norway, together with the Subjects of the
German Protestant Princes, and the Hans Towns, do at this day possess three quarters
of the Trade of the World; and even in France it self, the Hugonots are proportionably
far the greatest Traders; Nor is it to be denied but that in Ireland, where the said
Roman Religion is not Authorized, there the Professors thereof have a great part of
the Trade. From whence it follows that Trade is not fixt to any
Species of Religion as such; but rather as before hath been said All the Papists
to the Hetrodox part of the whole, the truth whereof appears also Seamen of Europe are
in all1 the particular Towns of greatest Trade in England; nor do scarce sufficient to
I find reason to believe, that the Roman Catholick Seamen in the Man the King of
England's Fleet.
whole World, ? are sufficient to Man effectually a Fleet equal to
what the King of England now hath; but the Non-papist Seamen,
can do above thrice as much. Wherefore he whom this latter Party doth affectionately
own to be their Head, cannot probably be wronged in his Sea-concernments by the
other; from whence it follows, that for the advancement of Trade, (if that be a
sufficient reason) Indulgence must be granted in matters of Opinion; though licentious
actings as even in Holland, be restrained by force.

The second Policy or help to Trade used by the Hollanders, is Firm Titles to Lands
securing the Titles to Lands and Houses; for although Lands and and Houses.
Houses may be called Terra Firma & res immobilis, yet the Title
unto them is no more certain, than it pleases the Lawyers and Authority to make them;
wherefore the Hollanders do by Registries, and other ways of Assurance make the
Title as immovable as the Lands, for there can be no incouragement to Industry,
where there is no assurance of what shall be gotten by it; and where by fraud and
corruption, one Man may take away with ease and by a trick, and in a moment ? what
another has gotten by many Years2 extreme labour and pains3 .

There hath been much discourse, about introducing of Registries Of the introducing
into England; the Lawyers for the most part object against it, Registries into
alledging that Titles of Land in England are sufficiently secure England.

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already; wherefore omitting the considerations of small and oblique reasons pro &
contra, it were good that enquiry were made from the Officers of several Courts, to
what summ or value Purchasers have been damnified for this last ten Years, by such
fraudulent conveyances as Registries would have prevented; the tenth part whereof at
a Medium, is the annual loss which the People sustain for want of them, and then
computation is to be made of the annual charge of Registring such extraordinary
Conveyances, as would secure the Title of Lands; now by comparing these two
summs, the Question so much agitated may be determined; though some think that
though few are actually damnified, yet that all are hindered by fear and deterred from
Dealing1 .

Their third Policy is their Bank, the use whereof is to

encrease Mony, or rather to ? make a small summ equivalent in The Banks of
Trade to a greater, for the effecting whereof these things are to Holland.
be considered. 1. How much Money will drive the Trade of the
Nation. 2. How much current Money there is actually in the Nation. 3. How much
Money will serve to make all payments of under 50 l. or any other more convenient
summ throughout the Year. 4. For what summ the keepers of the Bank are
unquestionable Security: If all these four particulars be well known, then it may also
be known, how much of the ready Money above mentioned may safely and
profitably2 be lodged in the Bank, and to how much ready current Money the said
deposited Money is equivalent. As for example, suppose a Hund. thous. Pounds will
drive the Trade of the Nation, & suppose there be but Sixty thousand Pounds of ready
Money in the same; suppose also that Twenty thous. Pounds will drive on and answer
all Payments made of under 50 l. In this case Forty of the Sixty being put into the
Bank, will be equivalent to Eighty, which eighty and twenty kept out of the Bank do
make up an Hundred, (that is to say) enough to drive ? the Trade as was proposed;
where note that the Bank keepers must be responsible for double the summ intrusted
with them, and must have power to levy upon the general, what they happen to loose
unto particular Men.

Upon which grounds, the Bank may freely make use of the received Forty thousand
Pounds, whereby the said summ, with the like summ in Credit makes Eighty thousand
Pounds, and with the Twenty reserved an Hundred.

I might here add many more particulars, but being the same as The Hollanders are
have already been noted by others, I shall conclude only with seldom Husband-men
adding one observation which I take to be of consequence, viz. or Foot Soldiers.
That the Hollanders do rid their hands of two Trades, which are
of greatest turmoil and danger, and yet of least profit; the first whereof is that of a
common and private Soldier, for such they can hire from England, Scotland, and
Germany, to venture their lives for Six pence a day, whilst themselves safely and
quietly follow such Trades, whereby the meanest of them gain six times as much, and
withal by this entertaining of Strangers for Soldiers; their Country ? becomes more
and more peopled, forasmuch as the Children of such Strangers, are Hollanders and
take to Trades, whilst new Strangers are admitted ad infinitum; besides these Soldiers
at convenient intervals, do at least as much work as is equivalent to what they spend,
and consequently by this way of employing of Strangers for Soldiers, they People the

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Country and save their own Persons from danger and misery, without any real
expence, effecting by this method, what others have in vain attempted by Laws for
Naturalizing of Strangers1 , as if Men could be charmed to transplant themselves from
their own Native, into a Foreign Country merely by words, and for the bare leave of
being called by a new Name. In Ireland Laws of Naturalization2 have had little effect,
to bring in Aliens, and 'tis no wonder, since English Men will not go thither without
they may have the pay of Soldiers, or some other advantage amounting to
maintenance.

Having intimated the way by which the Hollanders do

increase their People, I shall here digress to set down the way of The Method of
computing the value of every Head ? one with another, and that computing the value
by the instance of People in England, viz. Suppose the People of of Men and People.
England be Six Millions in number, that their expence at 7 l. per
Head be forty two Millions: suppose also that the Rent of the Lands be eight Millions,
and the profit1 of all the Personal Estate be Eight Millions more; it must needs follow,
that the Labour of the People must have supplyed the remaining Twenty Six Millions,
the which multiplied by Twenty (the Mass of Mankind being worth Twenty Years
purchase as well as Land) makes Five Hundred and Twenty Millions, as the value2 of
the whole People: which number divided by Six Millions, makes above 80 l. Sterling,
to be valued of each Head of Man, Woman, and Child, and of adult Persons twice as
much; from whence we may learn to compute the loss we have sustained by the
Plague, by the Slaughter of Men in War, and by the sending them abroad into the
Service of Foreign Princes.3 The other Trade of which the Hollanders have rid their
Hands, is the old Patriarchal Trade of being Cow-keepers, and in a great Measure of
that which concerns ? Ploughing and Sowing of Corn, having put that Employment
upon the Danes and Polanders, from whom they have their Young Cattle and Corn.
Now here we may take notice, that as Trades and curious Arts increase; so the Trade
of Husbandry will decrease, or else the Wages of Husbandmen must rise, and
consequently the Rents of Lands must fall.

For proof whereof I dare affirm, that if all the Husband-men of England, who now
earn but 8 d. a day or thereabouts, could become Tradesmen and earn 16 d. a day
(which is no great Wages 2 s. and 2 s. 6 d. being usually given) that then it would be
the advantage of England to throw up their Husbandry, and to make no use of their
Lands, but for Grass Horses, Milch Cows, Gardens, and Orchards, &c. which if it be
so, and if Trade and Manufacture have increased in England (that is to say) if a
greater part of the People, apply themselves to those faculties, than there did
heretofore, and if the price of Corn be no greater now, than when Husbandmen were
more numerous, and Tradesmen fewer; It follows from that single ? reason (though
others may be
added) that the Rents of Land must fall: As for example, suppose Reasons why Rents
the price of Wheat be 5 s. or 60 pence the Bushel; now if the do fall.
Rent of the Land whereon it grows, be the third Sheaf; then of
the 60 d. 20 d. is for the Land, and 40 d. for the Husbandman; But if the
Husbandmans Wages, should rise one eighth part, or from 8 d. to 9 d. per Drem, then
the Husbandmans share in the Bushel of Wheat, rises from 40 d. to 45 d. And
consequently the Rent of the Land must fall from 20 d. to 15 d for we suppose the

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price of the Wheat still remains the same: Especially since we cannot raise it, for if we
did attempt it, Corn would be brought in to us, (as into Holland) from Foreign Parts,
where the State of Husbandry was not changed.

And thus I have done with the first principal Conclusion, that, A small Territory, and
even a few People, may by Situation, Trade, and Policy, be made equivalent to a
greater; and that convenience for Shipping, and Water-carriage, do most eminently
and fundamentally conduce thereunto. ?

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[Back to Table of Contents]

CHAP. II.

That Some Kind Of Taxes And Publick Levies, May Rather

Increase Than Diminish The Wealth Of The Kingdom.
IF the Money or other Effects, levyed from the People by way of What shifting of
Tax, were destroyed and annihilated; then 'tis clear, that such Money from hand is
Levies would diminish the Commonwealth: Or if the same were profitable or not.
exported out of the Kingdom without any return at all, then the
case would be also the same or worse1 : But if what is levyed as aforesaid, be only
transferred from one hand to another, then we are only to consider whether the said
Money or Commodities, are taken from an improving hand, and given to an ill
Husband, or vice versa: As for example, suppose that Money by way of Tax, be taken
from one who spendeth the same in superfluous eating and drinking; and delivered to
another ? who employeth the same, in improving of Land, in Fishing, in working of
Mines, in Manufacture, &c. It is manifest, that such Tax is an advantage to the State
whereof the said different Persons are Members: Nay, if Money be taken from him,
who spendeth the same as aforesaid upon eating and drinking, or any other perishing
Commodity; and the same transferr'd to one that bestoweth it on Cloaths; I say, that
even in this case, the Commonwealth hath some little advantage; because Cloaths do
not altogether perish so soon as Meats and Drinks: But if the same be spent in
Furniture of Houses, the advantage is yet a little more; if in Building of Houses, yet
more; if in improving of Lands; working of Mines, Fishing, &c. yet more; but most of
all, in bringing Gold and Silver into the Country: Because those things are not only
not perishable, but are esteemed for Wealth at all times, and every where: Whereas
other Commodities which are perishable, or whose value depends upon the Fashion;
or which are contingently scarce and plentiful, are wealth, but pro hic & nunc, as shall
be2 elsewhere said ?.

In the next place if the People of any Country, who have not already a full
employment, should be enjoyned or Taxed
to work upon such Commodities as are Imported from abroad; I Taxing of new works
say, that such a Tax, also doth improve the Commonwealth. a benefit to the
Commonwealth.
Moreover, if Persons who live by begging, cheating, stealing,
gaming, borrowing without intention of restoring;
who by those ways do get from the credulous and careless, more The taxing of Idlers.
than is sufficient for the subsistence of such Persons; I say, that
although the State should have no present employment for such Persons, and
consequently should be forced to bear the whole charge of their livelyhood; yet it
were more for the publick profit to give all such Persons, a regular and competent
allowance by Publick Tax; than to suffer them to spend extravagantly, at the only
charge of careless, credulous, and good natured People: And to expose the
Commonwealth to the loss of so many able Men, whose lives are taken away, for the
crimes which ill Discipline doth occasion. ?

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On the contrary, If the Stocks of laborious and ingenious Men, who are not only
beautifying the Country where they live by elegant Dyet, Apparrel, Furniture,
Housing, pleasant Gardens, Orchards, and Publick Edifices, &c. But are also
increasing the Gold, Silver, and Jewels of the Country by Trade and Arms; I say, if
the Stock of these Men should be diminished by a Tax, and transferred to such as do
nothing at all, but eat and drink, sing, play, and dance: nay to such as study the
Metaphysicks, or other needless Speculation; or else employ themselves in any other
way, which produce no material thing, or things of real use and value in the
Commonwealth: In this case, the Wealth of the Publick will be diminished: Otherwise
than as such exercises, are recreations and refreshments of the mind; and which being
moderately used, do qualifie and dispose Men to what in it self is more considerable.

Wherefore upon the whole matter, to know whether a Tax will do good or harm: The
State of the People, and their employments, must be well known; (that is to say,) what
part of the People ? are unfit for Labour by their Infancy or Impotency; and also what
part are exempt from the same, by reason of their Wealth, Function, or Dignities; or
by reason of their charge and employments; otherwise than in governing, directing
and preserving those, who are appointed to Labour and Arts.

2. In the next place computation must be made, what part of those who are fit for
Labour and Arts as aforesaid, are able to perform the work of the Nation in its present
State and Measure1 .

3. It is to be considered, whether the remainder can

make all or any part of those Commodities, which are Imported A judgment of what
from abroad; which of them, and how much in particular: The taxes are
remainder of which sort of People (if any be) may safely and advantageous.
without possible prejudice to the Commonwealth, be employed
in Arts and Exercises of pleasure and ornament; the greatest whereof is the
Improvement of natural knowledge.

Having thus in general illustrated this point, which I think needs no other proof but
illustration; I come next to intimate that no part of Europe hath ? paid so much by
way of Tax, and publick contribution, as Holland and Zealand for this last 100 Years;
and yet no Country hath in the same time, increased their Wealth1 comparably to
them: And it is manifest they have followed the general considerations above-
mentioned; for they Tax Meats and Drinks most heavily of all; to restrain the
excessive expence of those things, which 24 hours doth (as to the use of Man,) wholly
annihilate; and they are more favourable to Commodities of greater duration.

Nor do they Tax according to what Men gain, but in extraordinary cases; but always
according to what Men spend: And most of all, according to what they spend
needlesly, and without prospect of return. Upon which grounds, their Customs upon
Goods Imported and Exported, are generally low; as if they intended by them, only to
keep an account of their Foreign Trade; and to retaliate upon
their Neighbour States, the prejudices done them, by their It is probable that
Prohibitions and Impositions. Holland and England

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It is further to be observed, that since the Year 1636, the Taxes are grown richer
and Publick ? Levies made in England, Scotland, and Ireland, under taxes
have been prodigiously greater than at any time heretofore; and
yet the said Kingdoms have increased in their Wealth and Strength, for these last
Forty Years, as shall hereafter be shewn2 .

It is said that the King of France, at present doth Levy

the Fifth Part of his Peoples Wealth; and yet great Ostentation is The difference of
made of the Present Riches and Strength of that Kingdom. Now1 Princes Revenues.
great care must be had in distinguishing between the Wealth of
the People, and that of an absolute Monarch; who taketh from the People, where,
when, and in what proportion he pleaseth. Moreover2 , the Subjects of two Monarchs
may be equally Rich, and yet one Monarch may be double as Rich as the other; viz. If
one take the tenth part of the Peoples Substance to his own dispose, and the other but
the 20th. nay the Monarch of a poorer People, may appear more splendid and
glorious, than that of a Richer; which perhaps may be somewhat the case of France,
as hereafter shall be examined. As an instance and application of what hath been ?
said, I conceive that in Ireland
wherein are about 1200 Thousand People, and near3 300 That Ireland may be
Thousand Smokes4 or Hearths5 ; It were more tolerable for the more advantageously
People, and more profitable for the King; that each Head paid 2s. taxed by a Pole in
worth of Flax, than that each smoke should pay 2s. in Silver; Flax
And that for the following reasons.

1. Ireland being under peopled, and Land, and Cattle being very cheap; there being
every where store of Fish and Fowl; the ground yielding excellent Roots (and
particularly1 that bread-like root Potatoes) and withal they being able to perform their
Husbandry, with such harness and tackling, as each Man can make with his own
hands; and living in such Houses as almost every Man can build2 ; and every House-
wife being a Spinner and Dyer of Wool and Yarn, they can live and subsist after their
present fashion, without the use of Gold or Silver Money; and can supply themselves
with the necessaries above named, without labouring 2 Hours per diem: Now it hath
been found, that by reason of Insolvencies arising, rather from the uselessness than
want of Money ? among these poor People; that from 300 Thousand Hearths, which
should have yielded 30 Thousand Pound per annum; not 15 Thousand Pound of
Money could be Levyed: Whereas it is easily imagined, that four or five People
dwelling in that Cottage, which hath but one smoke; could easily have planted a
ground-plot of about 40 foot square with Flax; or the 50 part of an Acre; for so much
ground will bear eight or ten Shillings worth of that Commodity; and the Rent of so
much ground, in few places amounts to a penny per annum. Nor is there any skill
requisite to this practice, wherewith the Country is not already familiar. Now as for a
Market for the Flax; there is Imported into Holland it self, over and above what that
Country produces; as much Flax, as is there sold for between Eightscore and Two
Hundred Thousand Pound; and into England and Ireland is Imported as much Linnen
Cloth made of Flax, and there spent, as is worth above ½ a Million of Money. As
shall hereafter be shewn1 .

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Wherefore having shewn, that Silver Money is useless to the poor People of ?
Ireland; that half the Hearth Money could not be raised by reason thereof; that the
People are not a fifth part employed; that the People and Land of Ireland, are
competently qualified for Flax; That one Penny-worth of Land, will produce Ten
Shillings2 worth of the same; and that there is Market enough and enough, for above
an Hundred Thousand Pounds worth; I conceive my Proposition sufficiently proved;
at least to set forwards and promote a practice, which both the present Law and
Interest of the Country doth require: Especially, since if all the Flax so produced
should yield nothing, yet there is nothing lost; the same time having been worse spent
before. Upon the same grounds, the like Tax of 2 s. per Head, may be raised with the
like advantage upon the People of England; which will amount to Six Hundred
Thousand Pound per annum; to be paid in Flax, Manufactured, into all the sorts of
Linnens, Threds, Tapes, and Laces; which we now receive from France, Flanders,
Holland, and Germany; the value whereof doth far exceed the summ last mentioned,
as hath appeared by the examination of particulars. ?

It is observed by Clothiers, and others, who employ great

numbers of poor people, that when Corn is extremely plentiful3 , Duties put upon
that the Labour of the poor is proportionably dear4 : And scarce redundant
to be had at all (so licentious are they who labour only to eat, or Commodities may be
rather to drink.) Wherefore when so many Acres sown with a harmless Tax.
Corn, as do usually produce a sufficient store for the Nation,
shall produce perhaps double to what is expected or necessary; it seems not
unreasonable that this common blessing of God, should be applied, to the common
good of all people, represented by their Sovereign; much rather than the1 same should
be abused, by the vile and brutish part of mankind, to the prejudice of the Common-
Wealth: And consequently, that such surplusage of Corn, should be sent to publick
Store-houses; from thence to be disposed of, to the best advantage of the Publick.

Now if the Corn spent in England, at five shillings per Bushel Wheat, and two
shillings six pence Barley, be worth ten Millions Communibus annis; it follows that in
years of great plenty, when the said Grains are one third part ? cheaper; that a vast
advantage might accrue to the Common-Wealth, which now is spent in over-feeding
of the People, in quantity or quality; and so indisposing them to their usual Labour.

The like may be said of Sugar, Tobacco, and Pepper; which custom hath now made
necessary to all sorts of people; and which the over-planting of them, hath made
unreasonably cheap: I say it is not absurd, that the Publick should be advantaged by
this extraordinary plenty.

That an Excise should be laid upon Corrants2 also, is not unreasonable; not only for
this, but for other reasons also

The way of the present Militia or Trained-Bands, is a

gentle Tax upon the Country; because it is only a few days Of a Tax by a grand
Labour in the year, of a few Men in respect of the whole; using Militia, and by two
their own goods, that is their3 own Arms. Now if there be three other sorts of Armies.
Millions of Males in England, there be above two hundred

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thousand of them, who are between the age of sixteen and thirty, unmarried persons;
and who live by their ? Labour and Service; for of so many or thereabouts, the present
Militia consists.

Now if an hundred and five4 thousand of these, were Armed, and Trayned, as Foot;
and fifty thousand as Horse; (Horse being of special advantage in Islands)5 the said
Forces at Land, with thirty thousand Men at Sea; would by Gods ordinary blessing,
defend this Nation, being an Island, against any Force in view: But the charge of
Arming, Disciplining, and Rendezvousing all these Men, twice, or thrice a year;
would be a very gentle Tax, Levyed by the people themselves, and paid to
themselves. Moreover if out of the said number ? part were selected, of such as are
more than ordinarily fit and disposed1 for War, and to be Exercised, and
Rendezvoused fourteen or fifteen times per annum; the charge thereof being but a
fortnights Pay in the year, would be also a very gentle Tax.

Lastly, If out of this last mentioned number, ? again should be selected, making about
twelve2 thousand Foot, and near3 six thousand Horse, to be Exercised, ? and
Rendezvoused forty days in the year; I say that the charge of all these three Militias,
allowing the latter six weeks Pay per annum; would not cost above one hundred and
twenty thousand pound per annum; which I take to be an easie burthen, for so great a
benefit.

Forasmuch as the present Navy of England requires thirty six For supplying the
thousand Men to Man it; and for that the English Trade of Navy, and Merchants
Shipping, requires about forty eight thousand Men, to manage it with Seamen.
also; it follows, that to perform both well, there ought to be about
seventy two thousand Men, (and not eighty four thousand) competently4 qualified for
these Services: For want whereof we see, that it is a long while, before a Royal Navy
can be manned; which till it be, is of no effectual use, but lies at charge. And we see
likewise upon these occasions, that Merchants are put to great straights, and
inconveniences; and do pay excessive rates for the carrying on their Trade. Now if
twenty four thousand able bodyed Tradesmen, were by5 six thousand of them6per
annum, brought up and fitted for Sea-Service; and for ? their incouragement allowed
20s. per annum for every year they had been at Sea, even when they stay at home, not
exceeding 6l. for those, who have served six years or upward; it follows, that about
72000l. at the medium of 3l. per Man, would Salariate the whole number of twenty
four thousand1 ; and so, forasmuch as half the Seamen, which mannage the
Merchants Trade, are supposed to be always in Harbour, and are about twenty four
thousand2 Men, together with the said half of the Auxilliaries last mentioned, would
upon all3 emergencies, Man out the whole Royal Navy with thirty six thousand4 , and
leaving to the Merchants twelve thousand of the abler Auxilliaries, to perform their
business in Harbour, till others come home from Sea; and thus thirty six thousand,
twenty four thousand, and twelve thousand, make the seventy two thousand above
mentioned5 : I say that more than this sum of 72000l. is fruitlesly spent, and over paid
by the Merchants, whensoever a great Fleet is to be fitted out. Now these whom I call
Auxilliary Seamen, are such as have another Trade besides, wherewith ? to maintain
themselves, when they are not employed at Sea; and the charge of maintaining them,
though 72000l. per annum, I take to be little or nothing, for the reasons above

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mentioned, and consequently an easie Tax to the people, because Leavyed by, and
paid to themselves.

As we propounded that Ireland should be Taxed with

Flax, and England by Linnen, and other Manufacture of the A Herring Tax upon
same; I conceive that Scotland also might be Taxed as much, to Scotland.
be paid in Herrings, as Ireland in Flax: Now the three Taxes
(viz.) of Flax, Linnen, and Herrings, and the maintainance of the triple Militia, and of
the Auxilliary Seamen above-mentioned, do all five of them together, amount to one
Million of mony, the raising whereof is not a Million spent, but gain unto the
Common-Wealth, unless it can be made appear, that by reason of all, or any of them,
the Exportation of Woollen Manufactures, Lead, and Tin, are lessened; or of such
Commodities, as our own East and West India Trade do produce, forasmuch as I
conceive, that the Exportation ? of these last mentioned Commodities, is the Touch-
stone whereby the Wealth of England is tryed, and the Pulse whereby the Health of
the Kingdom may be discerned.

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[Back to Table of Contents]

CHAP. III.

That France Cannot By Reason Of Natural, And Perpetual

Impediments, Be More Powerful At Sea, Than The English, Or
Hollanders1Now Are, Or May Be.
POwer at Sea consists chiefly of Men, able to fight at Sea, and The qualities of Ships
that in such Shipping, as is most proper for the Seas wherein they fit for the defence of
serve; and those are in these Northern Seas, Ships from between England.
three hundred to one thousand three hundred Tuns; and of those
such as draw much Water, and have a deep Latch in the Sea, in order to keep a good
Wind, and not to fall to Leeward, a matter of vast advantage in Sea Service:
Wherefore it is to be examined, 1. Whether the King of France, hath Ports in the
Northern Seas (where ? he hath most occasion for his Fleets of War, in any contests2
with England) able to receive the Vessels above-mentioned, in all Weathers, both in
Winter and Summer Season. For if the King of France, would3 bring to Sea an equal
number of fighting Men, with the English and Hollanders, in small floaty Leeward
Vessels, he would certainly be of the weaker side For a Vessel of one thousand Tuns
manned with five hundred Men, fighting with five Vessels of two hundred Tuns, each
manned with one hundred Men apiece, shall in common reason have the better
offensively, and defensively; forasmuch as the great Ship can carry such Ordnance, as
can reach the small ones at a far greater distance, than those can reach, or at least hurt
the other; and can batter, and sink at a distance, when small ones can scarce peirce.

Moreover it is more difficult for Men out of a small Vessel, to enter a tall Ship, than
for Men from a higher place, to leap down into a lower; nor is small shot so effectual
upon a tall Ship, as vice versa. ?

And as for Vessels drawing much water, and consequently keeping a good Wind, they
can take or leave Leeward Vessels, at pleasure, and secure themselves from being
boarded by them: Moreover the windward Ship, has a fairer mark at a Leeward Ship,
than vice versa; and can place her shot upon such parts of the Leeward Vessel, as
upon the next Tack will be under water.

Now then the King of France, having no Ports able to receive large windward
Vessels, between Dunkirk and Ushant, what other Ships he can bring into those Seas,
will not be considerable. As for the wide Ocean, which his Harbours of Brest, and
Charente1 , do look into; it affordeth him no advantage upon an Enemy; there being
so great a Latitude of engaging or not, even when the Parties are in sight of each
other.

Wherefore, although the King of France were immensely rich, and could build what
Ships he pleased, both for number, and quality; yet if he have not Ports to receive, and
shelter, that sort and size of Shipping, which2 is fit for his purpose; the said Riches
will in this ? case be fruitless, and a mere expence without any return, or profit. Some

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will say that other Nations cannot build so good Ships as the English; I do indeed
hope they cannot; but because it seems too possible, that they may sooner or later, by
Practice and Experience; I shall not make use of that Argument, having bound my self
to shew, that the impediments of France, (as to this purpose) are natural, and
perpetual. Ships, and Guns do not fight of themselves, but Men who act and manage
them; wherefore it is more material to shew; That the King of France, neither hath,
nor can have Men sufficient, to Man a Fleet, of equal strength to that of the King of
England. (viz.)

The King of Englands Navy, consists of about seventy thousand The qualifications of
Tuns of Shipping, which requires thirty six thousand Men to Seamen for defence.
Man it; these Men being supposed to be divided into eight parts,
I conceive that one eighth part, must be persons of great Experience, and Reputation,
in Sea Service: another eighth part must be such as have used the Sea seven years and
upwards; ? half of them, or 4/8 parts more, must be such as have used the Sea above a
twelvemonth, viz. two, three, four, five, or six years, allowing but one quarter of the
whole Complements, to be such as never were at Sea at all, or at most but one
Voyage, or upon one Expedition; so that at a medium I reckon, that the whole Fleet
must be Men of three
or four years growth, one with another. Fournier1 , a late The Number of
judicious Writer, makeing it his business to persuade the World, Seamen in France.
how considerable the King of France was, or might be at Sea, in
the ninety second and ninety third pages of his Hydrography, saith, That there was
one place in Britany, which had furnished the King with one thousand four hundred
Seamen, and that perhaps the whole Sea-Coast of France, might have furnished him
with fifteen times as many: Now supposing his whole Allegation were true, yet the
said number amounts but to twenty one thousand; all which, if the whole Trade of
Shipping in France were quite and clean abandoned, would not by above a third, Man
out a Fleet equivalent, to that of the King of England: And if ? the Trade were but
barely kept alive, there would not be one third part Men enough, to Man the said
Fleet.

But if the Shipping Trade of France, be not above a quarter as great as that of
England, and that one third part of the same, namely the Fishing Trade to the Banks
of Newfoundland, is not peculiar, nor fixt to the French; then I say that if the King of
England (having power to Press Men) cannot under two or three months time Man his
Fleet; then the King of France, with less than a quarter of the same help, can never do
it at all; for in France (as shall elsewhere be shewn1 ) there are not above one
hundred and fifty thousand Tun of Trading Vessels, and consequently not above
fifteen thousand Seamen, reckoning a Man to every ten Tun. As it has been shewn
that the King of France, cannot at present Man such a Fleet, as is above described, we
come next to shew that he never can, being under natural, and perpetual Impediments:
viz. 1. If there be but fifteen thousand Seamen in all France, to manage its Trade, it is
not to be ? supposed, that the said Trade should be extinguished, nor that it should
spare above five of the said fifteen thousand towards manning the Fleet which
requires thirty five thousand.

Now the deficient thirty thousand must be supplied, one2

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of these four3 ways, either, first by taking in Landmen, of which The ways whereby
sort there must not be above ten thousand, since the Seamen will the French must
never be contented, without being the major part, nor do they increase Seamen.
heartily wish well to Landmen at all, or
rejoyce even at those Successes, of which the Landmen can Why Seamen dislike
claim any share; thinking it hard that themselves, who are bred to Landmen.
miserable, painful, and dangerous Employments, (and yet
profitable to the Commonwealth) should at a time when booty and purchase is to be
gotten, be clogged or hindered, by any conjunction with Landmen, or forced to admit
those, to an equal share with themselves. 2. The Seamen which we suppose twenty
thousand, must be had, that is hired from other Nations, which cannot be without
tempting them with so much Wages, as exceeds what is ? given by Merchants, and
withal to counterpoise the danger
of being hanged by their own Prince, and allowed no Quarter if The danger of English
they are taken; the trouble of conveying themselves away, when Seamen their serving
Restraints and Prohibitions are upon them; and also the infamy the French.
of having been Apostates, to their own Country, and Cause: I say
their Wages must be more than double, to what their own Prince gives them, and their
assurance must be very great, that they shall not be at long run abused or slighted1 by
those who employed them; (as hating the Traitor, although they love the Treason.) I
say moreover, that those who will be thus tempted away, must be of the basest, and
lewdest sort of Seamen, and such as have not enough of Honour and Conscience, to
qualifie them for any
Trust, or gallant Performance. 3. Another way to increase2 How Men learn to be
Seamen, is to put great numbers of Landmen upon Ships of War, good Seamen.
in order to their being Seamen; but this course cannot be
effectual, not only for the above mentioned Antipathy, between Landmen, and
Seamen; ? but also, because it is seen, that Men at Sea do not apply themselves to
Labour and Practice, without more necessity than happens in overmanned Shipping.
For where there are fifty Men in a Vessel, that ten can sufficiently Navigate, the
supernumerary forty will improve little: But where there shall be of ten but one or two
supernumeraries, there necessity will often call upon every Man to set his hand to the
Work, which must be well done at the peril of their own lives. Moreover Seamen
shifting Vessels almost every six or twelve months, do sometimes Sail in small Barks,
sometimes in midling Ships, and sometimes in great Vessels of Defence; sometimes
in Lighters, sometimes in Hoighs, sometimes in Ketches, sometimes in three Masted
Ships, sometimes they go to the Southward, sometimes to the Northward, sometimes
the3 Coast, sometimes they cross the Ocean; by all which variety of Service, they do
in time compleat themselves, in every Part, and Circumstance of their Faculty:
Whereas those who go out for a Summer, ? in a Man of War, have not that variety of
Practice, nor a direct necessity of doing any thing at all.

Besides it is three or four years at a medium, wherein a Seaman must be made; neither
can there be less than three Seamen, to make a fourth, of a Landman: Consequently
the fifteen thousand Seamen of France, can increase but five thousand Seamen in
three or four years, and unless their Trade should increase with their Seamen in
proportion, the King must be forced to bear the charge of this improvement, out of the

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Publick Stock, which is intolerable. So as the Question which now remains, is,
whether the Shipping Trade
of France is like to increase? Upon which accompt it is to be Whether the Shipping
considered, I. That France is sufficiently stored, with all kind of Trade of France is
Necessaries within it self; as with Corn, Cattle, Wine, Salt, like to increase.
Linnen Cloth, Paper, Silk, Fruits, &c. So as they need little
Shipping, to Import more Commodities of Weight, or Bulk; neither is there any thing
of Bulk Exported out of France, but Wines, and Salt; the weight whereof ? is under
one hundred thousand Tun1per annum, yielding not employment to above twenty five
thousand Tun of Shipping, and these are for the most part Dutch and English, who are
not only already in Possession of the said Trade, but also are better fitted to maintain
it, than the French are, or perhaps ever can be: And that for the following Reasons.
(viz.) 1. Because
the French cannot Victual so cheap as the English, and Dutch, Reasons why it
nor Sail with so few Hands. 2. The French, for want of good cannot
Coasts and Harbours, cannot keep their Ships in Port, under
double the Charge that the English and Hollanders can. 3. by reason of Paucity, and
distance of their Ports, one from another, their Seamen and Tradesmen relating to
Shipping, cannot Correspond with, and Assist one another, so easily, cheaply, and
advantageously, as in other places. Wherefore if their Shipping Trade, is not likely to
increase within themselves, and much less to increase, by their beating out the
English, and Hollanders, from being the Carriers of the World; it follows, ? that their
Seamen will not be increased, by the increase of their said Trade: Wherefore, and for
that they are not like to be increased, by any of the several ways above specified, and
for that their Ports are not fit to receive Ships of Burthen, and Quality, fit for their
purpose; and that by reason of the less fitness of their Ports, than that of their
Neighbours; I conceive, that what was propounded, hath been competently proved.

The afore-named Fournier, in the ninety second and ninety third pages of his
Hydrography, hath laboured to prove the contrary of all this, unto which I refer the
Reader: Not thinking his Arguments of any weight at all, in the present case. Nor
indeed doth he make his Comparisons, with the English or Hollanders, but with the
Spaniards, who, nor the Grand Seignior, (the latter of whom hath greater advantages,
to be powerful at Sea than the King of France) could ever attain to any illustrious
greatness in Naval Power: Having often attempted, but never succeeded in the same.?
Nor is it easie to believe, that the King of England should for so many years, have
continued his Title to the Sovereignty of the Narrow Seas, against his Neighbours
(ambitious enough to have gotten it from him) had not their Impediments been
Natural, and Perpetual, and such, as we say, do obstruct the King of France. ?

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CHAP. IV.

That The People And Territories Of The King Of England, Are

Naturally Near1As Considerable For Wealth And Strength, As
Those Of France.
THE Author of the State of England2 , among the many useful Of comparison
truths, and observations he hath set down; delivers the between the
Proportion, between the Territories of England and France, to be Territories of England
as Thirty to Eighty two; the which if it be true, then England, and France.
Scotland, and Ireland, with the Islands unto them belonging,
will, taken all together, be near as big as France. Tho I ought to take all advantages
for proving the Paradox in hand; yet I had rather grant that England, Scotland, and
Ireland, with the Islands before mentioned; together with the Planted parts of
Newfoundland, New-England, New-Netherland, Virginia, Mary-Land, Carolina,
Jamaica, Burmoudas, Barbadoes, and all ? the rest of the Carribby Islands, with what
the King hath in Asia and Africa1 , do not contain so much2Territory as France, and
what Planted Land the King of France hath also in America. And if any Man will be
Heterodox in behalf of the French Interest; I would be contented against my
knowledge and judgment, to allow the King of France's Territories, to be a seventh,
sixth, or even a fifth greater, than those of the King of England; believing that both
Princes have more Land, than they do employ to its utmost use.

And here I beg leave, (among the several matters which

I intend for serious,) to interpose a jocular, and perhaps A Proposition for
ridiculous digression, and which I indeed desire Men to look quitting Ireland & the
upon, rather as a Dream or Resvery, than a rational Proposition; Highlands of
the which is, that if all the moveables and People of Ireland, and Scotland.
of the Highlands of Scotland, were transported into the rest of
Great Brittain; that then the King and his Subjects, would thereby become more Rich
and Strong, both offensively and defensively, than now they are. ?

'Tis true, I have heard many Wise Men say, when they were bewailing the vast losses
of the English, in preventing and suppressing Rebellions in Ireland, and considering
how little profit hath returned, either to the King or Subjects of England, for their Five
Hundred3 Years doing and suffering in that Country; I say, I have heard Wise Men (in
such their Melancholies4 ) wish, that (the People of Ireland being saved) Island1 were
sunk under Water: Now it troubles me, that the Distemper of my own mind in this
point, carries me to dream, that the benefit of those wishes, may practically be
obtained, without sinking that vast Mountainous Island under Water, which I take to
be somewhat difficult; For although Dutch Engineers may drain its Bogs; yet I know
no Artists that could sink its Mountains. If Ingenious and Learned Men (among whom
I reckon Sir Tho. More, and Des Cartes2 ) have disputed, That we who think our
selves awake, are or may be really in a Dream; and since the greatest absurdities of
Dreams, are but a Preposterous and Tumultuary contexture of realities; I will crave

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the ? umbrage of these great Men last named, to say something for this wild
conception, with submission to the better judgment of all those that can prove
themselves awake.

If there were but one Man living in England, then the benefit of the whole Territory,
could be but the livelyhood of that one Man: But if another Man were added, the rent
or benefit of the same would be double, if two, triple; and so forward until so many
Men were Planted in it, as the whole Territory could afford Food unto: For if a Man
would know what any Land is worth, the true and natural Question must be, How
many Men will it feed? How many Men are there to be fed? But to speak more
practically, Land of the same quantity and quality in England, is generally worth four
or five3 times as much as in Ireland; and but one quarter, or third of what it is worth
in Holland; because England is four or five times4 better Peopled than Ireland, and
but a quarter so well as Holland. And moreover, where the Rent of Land is advanced
by reason of Multitude of People; there the number of Years purchase, for which ? the
Inheritance may be sold, is also advanced, though perhaps not in the very same
Proportion; for 20 s. per annum in Ireland, may be worth but 8 l. and in England
where Titles are very sure, above 20 l. in Holland above 30 l.1

I suppose, that in Ireland and the High-Lands in Scotland, there may be about one
Million and Eight hundred thousand People, or about a fifth part of what is in all the
three Kingdoms: Wherefore the first Question will be, whether England, Wales, and
the Low-Lands of Scotland, cannot afford Food, (that is to say) Corn, Fish, Flesh, and
Fowl, to a fifth part more People, than are at the present planted upon it, with the
same Labour that the said fifth part do now take where they are? For if so, then what
is propounded is naturally possible. 2. It is to be enquired, What the value of the
immovables (which upon such removal must be left behind) are worth? For if they be
worth less, than the advancement of the Price of Land in England will amount unto;
then the Proposal is to be considered. 3. If the Relict Lands, and the immovables left
behind upon them, may be ? sold for Money; or if no other Nation shall dare meddle
with them, without paying well for them; and if the Nation who shall be admitted,
shall be less able to prejudice and annoy the Transplantees into England then before;
then I conceive that the whole proposal will be a pleasant and a profitable2 Dream
indeed3 .

As to the first point, whether England and the Low-Lands

of Scotland, can maintain a fifth part more People than they now That England and the
do (that is to say) Nine Millions of Souls in all? For answer Low-lands of
thereunto, I first say, that the said Territories of England, and the Scotland will feed all
Low-Land of Scotland, contain about Thirty Six Millions of the People of
England, Scotland, &
Acres, that is four Acres for every Head, Man, Woman, and Ireland
Child; but the United Provinces do not allow above one Acre and
½, and England it self rescinding Wales, hath but Three Acres to every Head,
according to the present State of Tillage and Husbandry. Now if we consider that
England having but three Acres to a Head as aforesaid, doth so abound in Victuals, as
that it maketh Laws against the Importation of Cattle, ? Flesh, and Fish from abroad;
and that the draining of Fens, improving of Forests, inclosing of Commons, Sowing
of St. Foyne and Clovergrass, be grumbled against by Landlords1 , as the way to

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depress the price of Victuals; then it plainly follows, that less than three Acres
improved as it may be, will serve the turn, and consequently that four will suffice
abundantly. I could here set down the very number of Acres, that would bear Bread
and Drink, Corn, together with Flesh, Butter, and Cheese, sufficient to victual Nine
Millions of Persons, as they are Victualled in Ships, and regular Families; but shall
only say in general; that Twelve Millions of Acres viz. ? of 36 Millions, will do it,
supposing that Roots, Fruits, Fowl, and Fish, and the ordinary profit of Lead, Tin,
Iron-Mines, and Woods, would piece up any defect, that may be feared.

As to the second, I say, that the Land and Housing in Ireland, That the value of all
and the High-Lands of Scotland, at the present Market rates, are the quitted Lands and
not worth Thirteen2 Millions of Money; nor would the actual immovable goods and
charge of making the Transplantation proposed, amount to four2 charge of
transplantation are not
Millions more: ? So then the Question will be, whether the worth above 17
benefit expected from this Transplantation, will exceed Millions.
Seventeen Millions2?

To which I say, that the advantage will probably be near four3 times the last
mentioned summ, or about Sixty nine Millions, Three Hundred thousand Pounds4 .
For if the Rent of all England and Wales, and the Low-Lands of Scotland, be about
Nine Millions per annum; and if the fifth part of the People be superadded, unto the
present Inhabitants of those Countries; then the Rent will amount unto Ten Millions
8000 l. and the number of Years purchase, will rise from seventeen and ½, to a Fifth
part more, which is twenty one. So as the Land which is now worth but Nine Millions
per annum, at seventeen ½ Years purchase, making 157 Millions and ½, will then be
worth Ten Millions Eight Hundred thousand Pounds, at Twenty one Years purchase;
viz. Two Hundred Twenty Six Millions, and Eight Hundred thousand Pounds, that is,
Sixty nine Millions, and Three Hundred thousand Pounds more than it was before. ?

And if any Prince willing to inlarge his Territories, will

give any thing more than Six ½ Millions or1 half the present That those who
value for the said relinquished Land, which are estimated to be purchase Ireland shall
worth Thirteen2 Millions; then the whole profit, will be above weaken themselves.
Seventy Five3 Millions, and Eight Hundred 600 l. Above four4
times the loss, as the same was above computed. But if any Man shall object, that it
will be dangerous unto England, that Ireland should be in the Hands of any other
Nation; I answer in short, that that Nation, whoever shall purchase it (being divided
by means of the said purchase,) shall not be more able to annoy England, than now in
its united condition.5 Nor is Ireland nearer England, than France and Flanders.

Now if any Man shall desire a more clear explanation, how, and by what means, the
Rents of Lands shall rise by this closer cohabitation of People above described? I
answer, that the advantage will arise in transplanting about Eighteen Hundred
thousand People, from the poor and miserable Trade of Husbandry, to more beneficial
Handicrafts: For when the superaddition is made, a very ? little addition of Husbandry
to the same Lands will produce a fifth part more of Food, and consequently the
additional hands, earning 40 s. per annum (as they may very well do, nay6 to 8 l. per
annum) at some other Trade; the Superlucration will be above Three Millions and Six

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Hundred thousand1 Pounds per annum, which at Twenty Years purchase is Seventy2
Millions. Moreover, as the inhabitants of Cities and Towns, spend more
Commodities, and make greater consumptions, than those who live in wild thin
peopled Countries; So when England shall be thicker peopled, in the manner before
described, the very same People shall then spend more, than when they lived more
sordidly and inurbanely, and further asunder, and more out of the sight, observation,
and emulation of each other; every Man desiring to put on better Apparel when he
appears in Company, than when he has no occasion to be seen.

I further add, that the charge of the Government, Civil, Military, and Ecclesiastical,
would be more cheap, safe, and effectual in this condition of closer ? co-habitation
than otherwise; as not only reason, but the example of the United Provinces doth3
demonstrate.

But to let this whole digression pass for a mere Dream, I suppose That the difference
‘twill serve to prove, that in case the King of Englands between England's &
Territories, should be a little less than those of the King of France's Territory is
France, that forasmuch as neither of them are over-peopled, that not material.
the difference is not material to the Question in hand; wherefore
supposing the King of France's advantages, to be little or nothing in this point of
Territory; we come next to examine and compare, the number of Subjects which each
of these Monarchs doth govern.

The Book called the State of France, maketh that Kingdom to consist of Twenty
Seven thousand4 Parishes; and another Book written by a substantial Author, who
professedly inquires into the State of the Church and Churchmen of France, sets it
down as an extraordinary case, that a Parish in France should have Six Hundred
Souls; wherefore I suppose that the said Author (who hath so well examined the
matter) ? is not of opinion that every Parish, one with another, hath above Five
Hundred; by which reckoning the whole People of France1 , are about Thirteen
Millions and a half; Now the People of England, Scotland, and Ireland, with the
Islands adjoyning, by computation from the numbers of Parishes; which commonly
have more People in Protestant Churches, than in Popish Countries; as also from the
Hearthmoney, Pole-money2 , and Excise, do amount to about Nine Millions and ½3 .

There are in New-England, about 160004 Men mustered in Arms; about 240005 able
to bear Arms; and consequently about 1500006 in all: And I see no reason why in all
this and the other Plantations of Asia, Africa, and America, there should not be half a
Million7 in all. But this last I leave to every Mans conjecture; and consequently, I
suppose, that the King of England hath about Ten Millions of Subjects, ubivis
Terrarum Orbis; and the King of France about Thirteen and a ½ as aforesaid.

Although it be very material to know the number of Subjects The King of France
belonging to each ? Prince, yet when the Question is concerning hath in effect but 13
their Wealth and Strength; It is also material to examin, how Millions of Subjects
many of them do get more than they spend, and how many less. and the K. of England
10 Millions, and the
King of France hath
27000 Churchmen

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In order whereunto it is to be considered, that in the King of and the King of

Englands Dominions, there are not8 twenty Thousand Church- England 20000, the
men; But in France, as the aforementioned Author of theirs doth K. of England hath
aver, (who sets down the particular number of each Religious 40000 Sea-men, and
the K. of France
Order) there are about Two Hundred and Seventy thousand, viz. 10000.
Two Hundred and Fifty thousand more than we think are
necessary, (that is to say) Two Hundred and Fifty Thousand withdrawn out of the
World. Now the said number of adult and able bodied Persons, are equivalent to about
double the same number, of the promiscuous Mass of Mankind. And the same Author
says, that the same Religious Persons, do spend one with another about 18d. per diem,
which is triple even to what a labouring Man requires.

Wherefore the said Two Hundred and Fifty thousand Church-men (living as they do)
makes the King of France's ? Thirteen Millions and a half, to be less than Thirteen1
:2 Now if Ten Men can defend themselves as well in Islands, as Thirteen3 can upon
the Continent; then the said Ten being not concerned to increase their Territory by the
Invasion of others, are as effectual as the Thirteen4 in point of Strength also5 ;
wherefore that there are more Superlucrators in the English, than the French
Dominions, we say as followeth.

The multitude of Clergy's do lessen the K. of France's people, the multitude of Sea &
Naval Men do increase the K. of England's Subjects. There be in England, Scotland,
Ireland, and the Kings other Territories above Forty Thousand6 Seamen; in France
not above7 a quarter so many; but one Seaman earneth as much as three common
Husbandmen; wherefore this difference in Seamen, addeth to the account of the King
of England's Subjects, is an advantage equivalent to Sixty Thousand Husbandmen1 .

There are in England, Scotland, and Ireland, and all other the King of England's
Territories2 Six Hundred3 thousand Tun of Shipping, worth about four Millions and a
½4 of Money; and the annual charge of maintaining the Shipping of England, by new
Buildings and Reparations, is about ?5 part of the ? same summ; which is the Wages
of one Hundred and Fifty thousand6 Husbandmen, but is not the Wages of above ?
part of so many Artisans as are employed, upon Shipping of all sorts; viz. Shiprights,
Calkers, Joyners, Carvers, Painters, Block-makers, Rope-makers, Mast-makers,
Smiths of several sorts; Flag-makers, Compass-makers, Brewers, Bakers, and all other
sort of Victuallers; all sorts of Tradesmen relating to Guns, and Gunners Stores.
Wherefore there being four times more of these Artisans in England, &c. than in
France; they further add to the account of the King of England's Subjects, the
equivalent of Eighty Thousand Husbandmen more.

The Sea-line of England, Scotland, and Ireland, and the

adjacent Islands, is about Three thousand Eight hundred Miles; The K. of England's
according to which length, and the whole content of Acres, the Territories are in
said Land would be an Oblong, or Parallelogram Figure of Three effect but 12 Miles
thousand Eight hundred Miles long, and about Twenty four from Navigable
Water, the King of
Miles broad; and consequently, every part of England, Scotland, France's 65.
and Ireland, is one with another, but twelve Miles from the Sea:
Whereas France containing, but about one Thousand ? Miles of Sea line, is by the

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like method or computation, about Sixty Five Miles from the Sea side; and
considering the paucity of Ports, in comparison of what are in the King of England's
Dominions, as good as Seventy Miles distant from a Port: Upon which grounds it is
clear, that England can be supplied, with all gross and bulkey commodities of Foreign
growth and Manufacture, at far cheaper rates than France can be, viz. at about 4s. per
cent. cheaper; the Land carriage for the difference of the distance between England
and France from a Port, being so much or near thereabouts1 . Now to what advantage
this conveniency amounteth, upon the Importation and Exportation of Bulkey
Commodities, cannot be less than the Labour of one Million of People, &c. meaning
by bulkey Commodities all sorts of Timber, Plank, and Staves for Cask; all Iron,
Lead, Stones, Bricks, and Tyles for building; all Corn, Salt, and Drinks; all Flesh and
Flish, and indeed all other Commodities, wherein the gain and loss of 4s. per Cent. is
considerable; where note that the like Wines are sold in the inner parts of ? France for
four or Five Pound a Tun, which near the Ports yield 7 l.
Moreover upon this Principal, the decay of Timber in England is The decay of timber
no very formidable thing, as the Rebuilding of London, and of in Englan. is no very
the Ships wasted by the Dutch War do clearly manifest; Nor can formidable matter.
there be any want of Corn, or other necessary Provisions in
England, unless the Weather hath been universally unseasonable for the growth of the
same; which seldom or never happens; for the same causes which make Dearth in one
place, do often cause plenty in another; wet Weather being propitious to High-lands,
which drowneth the Low.

It is observed that the poor of France, have generally less Wages than in England;
and yet their Victuals are generally dearer there; which being so, there may be more
superlucration in England than in France.

Lastly, I offer it to the consideration of all those, who have The K. of England's
travelled through England and France; Whether the Plebeians of Subjects spend near
England (for they constitute the Bulk of any Nation) do not as much as the K. of
spend a sixth part more than the Plebeians of France? And if so, France's.
it is necessary that ? they must first get it; and consequently that
Ten Millions of the King of England's Subjects, are equivalent to Twelve of the King
of France; and upon the whole matter, to the Thirteen Millions, at which the French
Nation was estimated.

It will here be objected, that the splendor and magnificencies

of the King of France, appearing greater than those of England, The greater spendor
that the Wealth of France must be proportionably greater, than of the King of
that of England; but that doth not follow, forasmuch as the France, no certain
apparent greatness of the King, doth depend upon the Quota pars argument of the
greater Wealth of his
of the Peoples Wealth which he levyeth from them; for People.
supposing of the People to be equally Rich, if one of the
Sovereigns levy a fifth part1 , and another a fifteenth, the one seems actually thrice as
Rich as the other, whereas potentially, they are but equal.

Having thus discoursed of the Territory, People, Superlucration,

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and Defencibleness of both Dominions, and in some measure of Comparison of the

their Trade, so far as we had occasion to mention Ships, foreign Trade of
Shipping, and nearness to Ports; we come next to inlarge a little England and France.
further, upon the Trade of each.?

Some have estimated, that there are not above Three hundred Millions of People in
the whole World. Whether that be so or no, is not very material to be known; but I
have fair grounds to conjecture, and would be glad to know it more certainly, that
there are not above Eighty Millions, with whom the English and Dutch have
Commerce; no Europeans that I know of, Trading directly nor indirectly, where they
do not; so as the whole Commercial World, or World of Trade, consisteth of about
Eighty Millions of Souls, as aforesaid.

And I further estimate, that the value of all Commodities yearly exchanged amongst
them, doth not exceed the value of Forty Five Millions: Now the Wealth of every
Nation, consisting chiefly, in the share which they have in the Foreign Trade with the
whole Commercial World, rather than in the Domestick Trade, of ordinary Meat,
Drink, and Cloaths, &c. which bringing in little Gold, Silver, Jewels, and other
Universal Wealth; we are to consider, Whether the Subjects of the King of England,
Head for Head, have not a greater share, than those of France. ?

To which purpose it hath been considered, that the Manufactures of Wool, yearly
exported out of England, into several parts of the World, viz. All sorts of Cloth,
Serges, Stuffs, Cottons, Bays, Sayes, Frize, perpetuanus1 ; as also Stockings, Caps,
Rugs, &c. Exported out of England, Scotland, and Ireland, do amount unto Five
Millions per annum.

The value of Lead, Tynn, and Coals, to be Five hundred thousand pounds.

The value of all Cloaths, Houshold-stuff, &c. carried into America, Two hundred
thousand pounds.

The value of Silver, and Gold, taken from the Spaniards Sixty thousand pounds.

2 The value of Sugar, Indico, Tobacco, Cotton, and Caccao, brought from the
Southward parts of America, Six hundred thousand pounds.
2
The value of the Fish, Pipe-staves, Masts, Bever, &c. brought from New-England,
and the Northern parts of America, Two Hundred Thousand pounds.

The value of the Wool, Butter, Hides, Tallow, Beef, Herring, Pilchers, ? and Salmon,
exported out of Ireland, Eight hundred thousand pounds.

The value of the Coals, Salt, Linnen, Yarn, Herrings, Pilchers, Salmon, Linnen-Cloth,
and Yarn, brought out of Scotland, and Ireland, 500000l.

The value of Salt-peter, Pepper, Callicoes, Diamonds, Drugs, and Silks, brought out
of the East-Indies, above what was spent in England; Eight hundred thousand pounds.

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The value of the Slaves, brought out of Africa, to serve in our American Plantations
Twenty thousand pounds; which with the Freight of English Shipping, Trading into
Foreign parts, being above a Million and a ½, makes in all Ten Millions one Hundred
and Eighty thousand pounds.

Which computation is sufficiently justified by the Customs of the Three Kingdoms,

whose intrinsick value are thought to be near a Million per annum, viz. Six hundred
thousand pounds, payable to the King; 100 thousand Pounds, for the charges of
Collecting, &c. Two hundred thousand pounds smuckled by the Merchants, and one
Hundred thousand pounds gained by the Farmers; ? according to common Opinion,
and Mens Sayings: And this agrees also with that proportion, or part of the whole
Trade of the World, which I have estimated the Subjects of the King of England to be
possessed of, viz. of about Ten of Forty Five Millions.

But the value of the French Commodities, brought into England, (notwithstanding
some currant estimates1 ,) are not above one Million Two hundred thousand pounds
per annum2 ; and the value of all they export into all the World besides, not above
Three or Four times as much; which computation also agreeth well enough, with the
account we have of the Customs of France; so as France not exporting above ½ the
value of what England doth; and for that all the Commodities of France (except
Wines, Brandy, Paper, and the first patterns and fashions for Cloaths, and Furniture
(of which France is the Mint) are imitable by the English; and having withal more
People than England; it follows that the People of England, &c. have Head for Head,
thrice as much Foreign Trade as the People of France; and about ? Two parts of Nine
of the Trade of the whole Commercial World; and about Two parts in Seven of all the
Shipping: Notwithstanding all which it is not to be denied, that the King and some
great Men of France, appear more Rich and Splendid, than those of the like Quality in
England; all which arises rather from the nature of their Government, than from the
Intrinsick and Natural causes of Wealth and Power. ?

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CHAP. V.

That The Impediments Of Englands Greatness, Are But

Contingent And Removable.
THE first Impediment of Englands greatness is, that the The disunion of the
Territories thereunto belonging, are too far asunder, and divided Territories of England
by the Sea into many several Islands and Countries; and I may is an impediment of
say, into so many Kingdoms, and several Governments, (viz.) its greatness. The
different Legislatures
there be Three distinct Legislative Powers in England, Scotland, another impediment.
and Ireland; the which instead of uniting together, do often cross
one anothers Interest; putting Bars and Impediments upon one anothers Trades, not
only as if they were Foreigners to each other, but sometimes as Enemies.

1 2.
The Islands of Fersey and Gernsey, and the Isle of Man, are The colonies
under Jurisdictions different from those, either of England, belonging to England
Scotland, or Ireland. ? a diminution to the
Empire.
3. The Government of New-England (both Civil and
Ecclesiastical) doth so differ from that of his Majesties other Dominions, that 'tis hard
to say what may be the consequence of it.

And the Government of the other Plantations, doth also differ very much from any of
the rest; although there be not naturally substantial reasons from the Situation, Trade,
and Condition of the People, why there should be such differences.

From all which it comes to pass, that small divided remote Governments, being
seldom able to defend themselves, the Burthen of protecting of them all, must lye
upon the chief Kingdom England; and so all the smaller Kingdoms and Dominions,
instead of being Additions are really Diminutions2 ; but the same is remedied by
making Two such Grand Councils, as may equally represent the whole Empire, one to
be chosen by the King, the other by the People2. The Wealth of a King is Three-fold,
one is the Wealth of his Subjects, the second is the Quota pars of his Subjects Wealth,
given him for the publick Defence, Honour, and Ornament ? of the People, and to
manage such undertaking for the Common Good, as no one or a few private Men, are
sufficient for.

The third sort are the Quota, of the last mention Quota pars, which the King may
dispose of, as his own personal inclination, and discretion shall direct him; without
account1 . Now it is most manifest, that the afore-mentioned distances, and
differencies, of Kingdoms, and Jurisdictions, are great impediments to all the said
several sorts of Wealth, as may be seen in the following particulars. First in case of
War with Foreign Nations, England commonly beareth the whole burthen, and
charge, whereby many in England are utterly undone.

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Secondly, England sometimes Prohibiting the Commodities of Ireland, and Scotland,

as of late it did the Cattle, Flesh, and Fish, of Ireland2 ; did not only make Food, and
consequently Labour, dearer in England, but also hath forced the People of Ireland, to
fetch those Commodities from France, Holland, and other places, which before was
sold them from England, to ? the great prejudice of both Nations.

Thirdly, It occasions an unnecessary trouble, and charge, in Collecting of Customs,

upon Commodities passing between the several Nations.

Fourthly, It is a damage to our Barbadoes, and other American Trades, that the Goods
which might pass thence immediately, to several parts of the World, and to be sold at
moderate Rates, must first come into England, and there pay Duties, and afterwards
(if at all) pass into those Countries, whither they might have gone immediatly.

Fifthly, The Islands of Jersey and Gernsey, are protected at the charge of England,
nevertheless the Labour, and Industry, of that People (which is very great) redounds
most to the profit of the French.

Sixthly, In New-England, there are vast numbers of able bodyed Englishmen,

employed chiefly in Husbandry, and in the meanest part of it, (which is breeding of
Cattle) whereas Ireland would have contained all those persons, and at worst would
have afforded them Lands on better terms, than they ? have them in America, if not
some other better Trade withal, than now they can have.

Seventhly, The Inhabitants of the other Plantations, although they do indeed Plant
Commodities, which will not grow so well in England; yet grasping at more Land,
than will suffice to produce the said Exotics in a sufficient quantity to serve the whole
World, they do therein but distract, and confound, the effect of their own Indeavours.

Eighthly, There is no doubt that the same People, far and wide dispersed, must spend
more upon their Government, and Protection, than the same living compactly, and
when they have no occasion to depend upon the Wind, Weather, and all the Accidents
of the Sea.

A second Impediment to the greatness of England, is the The different Under-

different Understanding of several Material Points, viz. Of the standing of
Kings Prerogative, Privileges of Parliament, the obscure Prerogative, and
differences between Law and Equity; as also between Civil and Privileges of
Parliament, Law and
Ecclesiastical Jurisdictions; ? Doubts whether the Kingdom of Equity, Civil and
England, hath power over the Kingdom of Ireland, besides the Ecclesiastical; the
wonderful Paradox; that Englishmen, Lawfully sent to suppress Supream Legislature
Rebellions in Ireland, should after having effected the same, (be of Ireland, &c.
as it were) Disfranchised, and lose that Interest in the Legislative
Power, which they had in England, and pay Customs as Foreigners for all they spend
in Ireland, whither they were sent, for the Honour and Benefit of England.

The third Impediment is, That Ireland being a Conquered Want of Natural
Country, and containing not the tenth part as many Irish Natives, Union for want of

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as there are English in both Kingdoms, That natural and firm mixture and
Union is not made, between the two Peoples, by transplantation.
Transplantations, and proportionable mixture, so as there may be
but a tenth part, of the Irish in Ireland, and the same proportion in England; whereby
the necessity of maintaining an Army in Ireland, at the expence of a quarter of all the
Rents of that Kingdom may be taken away.

The fourth Impediment is, That Taxes in England are

not Levied upon the expence, but upon the whole Estate; ? not The unequal
upon Lands, Stock, and Labour, but chiefly upon Land alone; inconvenient method
and that not by any equal, and indifferent Standard, but the of taxing.
casual predominancy, of Parties, and Factions: and moreover
that these Taxes are not Levied with the least trouble, and charge, but let out to
Farmers, who also let them from one to another without explicit knowledge of what
they do; but so as in conclusion, the poor People pay twice as much as the King
receives.

The fifth Impediment is the inequality of Shires, Diocesses,

Parishes, Church-Livings, and other Precincts, as also the Inequality of Shires,
Representation of the People in Parliament; all which do hinder Diocesses, Parishes,
the Operations of Authority in the same manner, as a Wheel Members of
irregularly made, and excentrically hung; neither moves so Parliament, &c.
easily, nor performs its Work so truely, as if the same were duely
framed and poised.

Sixthly, Whether it be an Impediment, that the power of making War, and raising
Mony be not in the same Hand, much may be said; but I leave it to those, who may
more properly ? meddle with Fundamental Laws.

None of these Impediments are Natural, but did arise as the irregularity of Buildings
do, by being built, part at one time, and part at another; and by the changing of the
state of things, from what they were at the respective times, when the Practices we
complain of, were first admitted, and perhaps, are but the warpings of time, from the
rectitude of the first Institution.

As these Impediments are contingent, so they are also removeable; for may not the
Land of superfluous Territories be sold, and the People with their moveables brought
away? May not the English in the America Plantations (who Plant Tobacco, Sugar,
&c.) compute what Land will serve their turn, and then contract their Habitations to
that proportion, both for quantity and quality? as for the People of New-England, I can
but wish they were Transplanted into Old England, or Ireland (according to Proposals
of their own1 , made within this twenty years) although they were allowed more
liberty of Conscience, than they allow one another. ?

May not the three Kingdoms be United into one, and equally represented in
Parliament? Might not the several Species of the Kings Subjects, be equally mixt in
their Habitations; Might not the Parishes, and other Precincts be better equalized;
Might not Jurisdictions, and pretences of Power, be determined and ascertained?

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Might not the Taxes be equally applotted, and directly applied to their ultimate use?
Might not Dissenters in Religion be indulged, they paying2 a competent Force to keep
the Publick Peace? I humbly venture to say, all these things may be done, if it be so
thought fit by the Sovereign Power, because the like hath often been done already, at
several Places and Times. ?

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CHAP. VI.

That The Power And Wealth Of England Hath Increased This

Last Forty Years.
IT is not much to be doubted, but that the Territories under the Many Territories have
Kings Dominions have increased; Forasmuch as New-England, been added to
Virginia, Barbadoes, and Jamaica, Tangier, and Bumbay, have England within about
since that time, been either added to His Majesties Territories, or forty years, and many
improvements made.
improved from a Desart condition, to abound with People,
Buildings, Shipping, and the Production of many useful
Commodities. And as for the Land of England, Scotland, and Ireland, as it is not less
in quantity, than it was forty years since; so it is manifest that by reason of the
Dreyning of Fens, watering of dry Grounds, improving of Forrests, and Commons,
making of Heathy and Barren Grounds, to bear Saint-foyne, and Clover grass;
meliorating, and multiplying several sorts of Fruits, ? and Garden-Stuffe, making
some Rivers Navigable, &c. I say it is manifest, that the Land in its present Condition,
is able to bear more Provision, and Commodities, than it was forty years ago.

Secondly, Although the People in England, Scotland, and Ireland, which have
extraordinarily perished by the Plague, and Sword, within this last forty years, do
amount to about three hundred thousand, above what have dyed in the ordinary way;
yet the ordinary increase by Generation of ten Millions, which doubles in two hundred
years, as hath been shewn by the Observators1 upon the Bills of Mortality2 , may in
forty years (which is a fifth part of the same time) have increased3 ? part of the whole
number, or two Millions. Where note by the way, that the accession of Negroes to the
American Plantations (being all Men of great Labour and little Expence) is not
inconsiderable; besides it is hoped that New-England, where few or no Women are
Barren, and most have many Children, and where People live long, and healthfully,
hath produced an increase ? of as many People, as were destroyed in the late Tumults
in Ireland.

As for Housing, the Streets of London it self speaks it, I

conceive it is double in value in that City, to what it was forty The Housing of
years since; and for Housing in the Country, they have increased, London doubled in
at4Newcastle, Yarmouth, Norwich, Exeter, Portsmouth, Cowes, value.
Dublin, Kingsaile, Londonderry, and Coleraine in Ireland, far
beyond the proportion of what I can learn have been dilapidated in other places. For in
Ireland where the ruin was greatest, the Housing (taking all together) is now more
valuable than forty years ago, nor is this to be doubted, since Housing is now more
splendid, than in those days, and the number of Dwellers is increased, by near ? part;
as in the last Paragraph is set forth.

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As for Shipping, his Majesties Navy is now triple, or quadruple, The Shipping very
to what it was forty years since, and before the Sovereign was much increased with
Built1 ; the Shipping Trading2 to Newcastle, which are now the Reasons thereof.
about eighty thousand Tuns, could not be then above a quarter of
that quantity3 . First, Because the City of London, ? is doubled. 2. Because the use of
Coals is also at least doubled, because they were heretofore seldom used in Chambers,
as now they are, nor were there so many Bricks burned with them as of late, nor did
the Country on both sides the Thames, make use of them as now. Besides there are
employed in the Guinny and American Trade, above forty thousand Tun of Shipping
per annum; which Trade in those days was inconsiderable. The quantity in Wines
Imported was not near so much as now; and to be short, the Customs upon Imported,
and Exported Commodities, did not then yield a third part of the present value: which
shews that not only Shipping, but Trade it self hath increased, somewhat near that
proportion.

As to Mony, the Interest thereof was within this fifty years, at 10 Interest of Mony
l. per Cent. forty years ago, at 8l. and now at 6l. no thanks to any abated near half.
Laws which have been made to that purpose, forasmuch as those
who can give good security, may now have it at less: But the natural fall of Interest, is
the effect of the increase of Mony. ?

Moreover if rented Lands, and Houses, have increased; and if Trade hath increased
also, it is certain that mony which payeth those Rents, and driveth on Trade, must
have increased also.

Lastly, I leave it to the consideration of all Observers, whether the number, and
splendor of Coaches, Equipage, and Houshold Furniture, hath not increased, since
that time; to say nothing of the Postage of Letters, which have increased from one to
twenty, which argues the increase of Business, and Negotiation. I might add that his
Majesties Revenue
is near tripled, and therefore the means to pay, and bear the Mony and the Publick
same, have increased also. ? Revenue increased.

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CHAP. VII.

That One Tenth Part Of The Whole Expence, Of The King Of

England's Subjects, Is Sufficient To Maintain Ten
Thousand1Foot, Forty Thousand Horse, And Forty Thousand
Men At Sea; And Defray All Other Charges Of The
Government Both Ordinary And Extraordinary, If The Same
Were Regularly Taxed, And Raised.
TO clear this Point, we are to find out, what is the middle
expence of each Head in the Kings Dominions, between the An estimate of the
highest and the lowest; to which I say it is not probably less than medium of Expence
the expence of a Labourer, who earneth about 8d. a day; for the of each Head in
Wages of such a Man is 4s. per week without Victuals, or 2s. per England.
week, or 5l. 4s. per annum: Now the value of Clothes cannot be
less than the Wages given to the poorest Maid-?Servant2 ? in the Country, which is
30s. per annum, nor can the charge of all other Necessaries, be less than 6s. per
annum more; wherefore the whole charge is 7 l.

It is not likely that this Discourse will fall into the hands of any that live at 7l. per
annum, and therefore such will wonder at this supposition: But if they consider how
much the number of the Poor, and their Children, is greater than that of the Rich;
although the personal expence of some Rich Men, should be twenty times more than
that of a Labourer; yet the expence of the Labourer above mentioned, may well
enough stand for the Standard of the Expence, of the whole mass of Mankind.

Now if the expence of each Man, one with another, be 7 l. per annum, and if the
number of the Kings Subjects, be ten Millions, then the tenth part of the whole
expence, will be seven Millions: but about five Millions, or a very little more, will
amount to one years pay for one hundred thousand Foot, forty thousand Horse, and
forty thousand Men at Sea, Winter and Summer; which can rarely be necessary. ? And
the ordinary charge of the Government, in times of deep and serene Peace, was not
600000l. per annum.

Where a People thrive, there the income is greater than the expence, and consequently
the tenth part of the expence is not a tenth part of the income; now for Men to pay a
tenth of their expence, in a time of the greatest exegency (for such it must be when so
great Forces are requisite) can be no hardship, much less a deplorable condition, for to
bear the tenth part, a Man needs spend but a twentieth part less, and labour a twentieth
part more, or half an hour per diem extraordinary, both which within Common
Experience are very tolerable; there being very few in England, who do not eat by a
twentieth part more than does them good; and what misery were it, in stead of
wearing Cloth of 20s. per Yard, to be contented with that of 19s. few Men having
skill enough to discern the difference.

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Memorandum, That all this while I suppose, that all of these ten Millions of People,
are obedient to their Sovereign, and within the reach of his power; ? for as things are
otherwise, so the Calculation must be varied.

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CHAP. VIII.

That There Are Spare Hands Enough Among The King Of

England'S Subjects, To Earn Two Millions Per Annum More
Than They Now Do; And That There Are Also Employments,
Ready, Prope, And Sufficient, For That Purpose.
TO prove this Point we must enquire, how much all the People could earn, if they
were disposed, or necessitated to labour, and had Work whereupon to employ
themselves; and compare that summ, with that of the Total expence above mentioned;
deducting the Rents, and Profits of their Land, and Stock, which properly speaking,
saveth so much Labour. Now the proceed of the said Lands, and Stock in the
Countries, is about three parts of seven, of the whole expence; so as where the
expence is seventy Millions, ? the Rent of the Land, and the Profit of all the Personal
Estate, Interest of mony, &c. must be about thirty Millions; and consequently, the
value of the Labour forty Millions, that is 4 l. per Head.

But it is to be noted, That about a quarter of the Mass1 of Mankind, are children,
Males, and Females, under seven years old, from whom little Labour is to be
expected. It is also to be noted, That about another tenth part of the whole People, are
such as by reason of their great Estates, Titles, Dignities, Offices, and Professions, are
exempt from that kind of Labour we now speak of; their business being, or ought to
be, to Govern, Regulate, and Direct, the Labours and Actions of others. So that of ten
Millions, there may be about six Millions and an half, which (if need require) might
actually Labour: And of these some might earn 3 s. per week, some 5 s. and some 7 s.
That is all of them might earn 5 s. per week at a Medium one with another; or at least
10 l. per annum, (allowing for sickness, and other accidents;) whereby the whole
might earn sixty five Millions per annum, that ? is twenty five more than the expence.

The Author of the State of England, says that the Children of Norwich, between six
and sixteen years old, do earn 1200 l. per annum, more than they spend1 . Now
forasmuch as the People of Norwich, are a three hundredth part of all the People of
England, as appears by the Accompts of the Hearth mony; and about a five hundredth
part, of all the Kings Subjects throughout the World; it follows that all his Majesties
Subjects, between six and sixteen years old, might earn five Millions per annum more
than they spend.

Again, forasmuch as the number of People, above sixteen years old, are double the
number, of those between six and sixteen; and that each of the Men can earn double to
each of the Children; it is plain that if the Men and Children every where did do as
they do in Norwich, they might earn twenty five Millions per ann. more than they
spend: which estimate grounded upon matter of Fact and Experience, agrees with the
former. ?

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Although as hath been proved, the People of England do thrive, and that it is possible
they might Superlucrate twenty five Millions per annum; yet it is manifest that they
do not, nor twenty three, which is less by the two Millions herein meant; for if they
did Superlucrate twenty three Millions, then in about five or six years time, the whole
Stock, and Personal Estate of the Nation would be doubled, which I wish were true,
but find no manner of reason to believe; wherefore if they can Superlucrate twenty
five, but do not actually Superlucrate twenty three, nor twenty, nor ten, nor perhaps
five, I have then proved what was propounded, viz. That there are spare Hands among
the Kings Subjects, to earn two Millions more than they do.

But to speak a little more particularly concerning this matter: It is to be noted that
since the Fire of London, there was earned in four years by Tradesmen, (relating to
Building only) the summ of four Millions; viz. one Million per annum, without
lessening any other sort of Work, Labour, or Manufacture, which was usually done in
? any other four years before the said occasion. But if the Tradesmen relating to
Building only, and such of them only as wrought in and about London, could do one
Million worth of Work extraordinary; I think that from thence, and from what hath
been said before, all the rest of the spare Hands, might very well double the same,
which is as much as was propounded.

Now if there were spare Hands to Superlucrate Millions of Millions, they signifie
nothing unless there were Employment for them; and may as well follow their
Pleasures, and Speculations, as Labour to no purpose; therefore the more material
Point is, to prove that there is two Millions worth of Work to be done, which at
present the Kings Subjects do neglect.

For the proof of this there needs little more to be done, than to compute 1. How much
mony is paid, by the King of England's Subjects, to Foreigners for Freights of
Shipping. 2. How much the Hollanders gain by their Fishing Trade, practised upon
our Seas. 3. What the value is of all the Commodities, Imported into, and spent in
England; which ? might by diligence be produced, and Manufactured here. To make
short of this matter, upon perusal of the most Authentick Accompts, relating to these
several particulars, I affirm that the same amounteth to above five Millions, whereas I
propounded but two Millions.

For a further proof whereof Mr. Samuel Fortry1 in his ingenious Discourse of Trade,
exhibits the particulars, wherein it appears, that the Goods Imported out of France
only, amount yearly to two Millions six hundred thousand pounds. And I affirm, That
the Wine, Paper, Corke, Rozen, Capers, and a few other Commodities, which
England cannot produce, do not amount to one fifth part of the said summ From
whence it follows, that (if Mr. Fortry hath not erred) the two Millions here mentioned,
may arise from France alone; and consequently five or six Millions, from all the three
Heads last above specified. ?

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CHAP. IX.

That There Is Mony Sufficient To Drive The Trade Of The

Nation.
SInce his Majesties happy Restauration, it was thought fit to call in, and new Coin the
mony, which was made in the times of Usurpation. Now it was observed by the
general consent of Cashiers, that the said mony (being by frequent Revolutions well
mixed with old) was about a seventh part thereof: and that the said mony being called
in, was about 800000 l. and consequently the whole five Millions six hundred
thousand pound1 . Whereby it is probable that (some allowance being given for
hoarded mony) the whole Cash of England was then about six Millions, which I
conceive is sufficient to drive the Trade of England, not doubting but the rest of his
Majesties Dominions have the like means to do the same respectively. ?

If there be six Millions of Souls in England, and that each spendeth 7 l. per annum,
then the whole expence is forty two Millions, or about eight hundred thousand pound
per week2 ; and consequently, if every Man did pay his expence weekly, and that the
Money could circulate within the compass of a Week, then less than one Million
would answer the ends proposed. But forasmuch as the Rents of the Lands in England
(which are paid half yearly) are eight Millions per annum, there must be four Millions
to pay them. And forasmuch as the Rent of the Housing of England, paid quarterly,
are worth about four Millions per ann. there needs but one Million to pay the said
Rents; wherefore six Millions being enough to make good the three sorts of
Circulations above mentioned, I conceive what was proposed, is competently proved,
at least until something better be held forth to the contrary. ?

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CHAP. X.

That The King Of England's Subjects, Have Stock Competent

And Convenient, To Drive The Trade Of The Whole
Commercial World.
NOW for the further incouragement of Trade, as we have shewn that there is mony
enough in England to manage the Affairs thereof; so we shall now offer to
consideration, Whether there be not a competent, and convenient Stock to drive the
Trade of the whole Commercial World. To which purpose it is to be remembred, That
all the Commodities, yearly Exported out of every part of the last mentioned World,
may be bought for forty five Millions; and that the Shipping employed in the same
World, are not worth above fifteen Millions more, and consequently, that sixty
Millions at most, would drive the whole Trade above mentioned, without any trust at
all. ? But forasmuch as the growers of Commodities, do commonly trust them to such
Merchants or Factors, as are worth but such a part of the full value of their
Commodities, as may possibly be lost upon the sale of them, whereas gain is rather to
be expected; it follows that less than a Stock of sixty Millions, nay less than half of
the same summ, is sufficient to drive the Trade above-mentioned: It being well known
that any Tradesman of good Reputation worth 500 l. will be trusted with above 1000
l. worth of Commodities: Wherefore less than thirty Millions, will suffice for the said
purpose; of which summ, the Coin, Shipping, and Stock, already in Trade, do at least
make one half.

And it hath been shewn, how by the Policy of a Bank, any summ of mony may be
made equivalent in Trade, unto near double of the same; by all which it seems, that
even at present much is not wanting, to perform what is propounded. But suppose
twenty Millions or more were wanting, it is not improbable, that since the generality
of Gentlemen, and some Noblemen, do put their younger Sons to Merchandize, ? they
will see it reasonable, as they increase in the number of Merchants, so to increase the
magnitude of Trade, and consequently to increase Stock; which may effectually be
done, by inbanking twenty Millions worth of Land, not being above a sixth or seventh
of the whole Territory of England; (that is to say) by making a Fond of such value, to
be security for all Commodities, bought and sold upon the accompt of that Universal
Trade here mentioned.

And thus it having appeared, that England having in it, as much Land, like Holland
and Zealand, as the said two Provinces do themselves contain, with abundance of
other Land, not inconvenient for Trade; and that there are spare Hands enough, to
earn many Millions of mony, more than they now do, and that there is also
Employment to earn several Millions, (even from the Consumption of England it self)
it follows from thence, and from what hath been said in the last Paragraph, about
inlarging of Stock, both of Mony, and Land; that it is not impossible, nay a very
feasible matter, for the King of ? England's Subjects, to gain the Universal Trade of
the whole Commercial World.

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Nor is it unseasonable to intimate this matter, forasmuch as the younger Brothers, of

the good Families of England, cannot otherwise be provided for, so as to live
according to their Birth and Breeding: For if the Lands of England are worth eight
Millions per annum, then there be at a medium about ten thousand Families, of about
800 l. per annum; in each of which, one with another, we may suppose there is a
younger Brother, whom less than two or 300 l. per annum1 will not maintain suitable
to his Relations: Now I say that neither the Offices at Court, nor Commands in our
ordinary Army and Navy, nor Church Preferments; nor the usual Gains by the
Profession of the Law, and Physick; nor the Employments under Noblemen, and
Prelates: will, all of them put together, furnish livelyhoods of above 300 l. per annum,
to three thousand of the said ten thousand younger Brothers: whereof it remains that
Trade alone must supply the rest. But if the said seven thousand Gentlemen, be
applyed to Trade, without increasing of ? Trade; or if we hope to increase Trade,
without increasing of Stock, which for ought appears is only to be done, by imbanking
a due proportion of Lands, and Mony; we must necessarily be disappointed. Where
note, that selling of Lands to Foreigners for Gold and Silver, would inlarge the Stock
of the Kingdom: Whereas doing the same between one another, doth effect nothing.
For he that turneth all his Land into Mony, disposes himself for Trade; and he that
parteth with his Mony for Land, doth the contrary; But to sell Land to Foreigners,
increaseth both Mony and People, and consequently Trade. Wherefore it is to be
thought, that when the Laws denying Strangers to Purchase, and not permitting them
to Trade, without paying extraordinary Duties, were made; that then, the publick State
of things, and Interest of the Nation, were far different from what they now are.

Having handled these Ten Principal Conclusions, I might go on with others, ad

infinitum; But what hath been already said, I look upon as sufficient, for to shew what
I mean by Political ? Arithmetick; and to shew the uses of knowing the true State of
the People, Land, Stock, Trade, &c. 2. That the Kings Subjects are not in so bad a
condition, as discontented Men would make them. 3. To shew the great effect of
Unity, industry, and obedience, in order to the Common Safety, and each Man's
particular Happiness1 .

FINIS.

[1]21 August, 1836. See Thomas More's Memoirs, VII. 152, 167.

[1]The earliest printed notice of Petty's life is in Wood's Athenæ Oxonienses (1691). It
is based upon memoranda by “Petty procured for Wood by John Aubrey (cf. post, p.
xl), and upon Petty's published writings. His autobiographical will was first published
in the Tracts relating chiefly to Ireland (1769; see Bibliography, no. 27) and various
letters by and about him were printed in Boyle's Works (1744) and in the Capel
Correspondence (1770). In 1813 Aubrey's Lives were included in the “Bodleian
Letters” edited by Walker and Bliss, and soon thereafter the printing of Evelyn's and
of Pepys's diaries brought further facts to light. In 1851 Petty's History of the Down
Survey was edited for the Irish Archæological Society. Finally, in 1895, appeared
Lord Edmond Fitzmaurice's Life of Sir William Petty, chiefly from Private Documents
hitherto unpublished (London: John Murray), a record of Petty's acts and thoughts
which leaves little to be desired in point of completeness and authenticity. Of the

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private documents used by Lord E. Fitzmaurice, the most important appear to be the
letters exchanged between Petty and Sir Robert Southwell (pp. lvi—lvii). In preparing
the above account of Petty, which is confined to those phases of his life that may have
suggested, or may serve to explain parts of his writings, I have drawn upon the Life
without reserve, and have cited other authorities, in general, only in case the citation
given is not to be found in the Life.

[2]Aubrey, Brief Lives, ed. by A. Clark (Oxford, 1898), II. 140. This is far preferable
to the 1813 ed.

[1]Some printed versions of Petty's will read “University of Oxon,” instead of

“University of Caen.”

[2]At the University of Leyden he was matriculated as a student of medicine the 26th
May, 1644, his twenty-first birthday. Album studiosorum Acad. Lugd. Bat., 350.

[3]Anthony Petty, the father, was buried 14 July, 1644. Latham's transcript of the
Romsey parish register, Addl. MS. 26,775, f°. 10b, British Museum.

[4]Cf. his prospectuses, Bibliography, 1,2.

[5]Pp. 74–75.

[1]Bibliography, no. 3.

[2]Hartlib to Boyle, 16 Nov., 1647, Boyle's Works, VI. 76; Petty's Reflections, 164.
Cf. note on p. 118, and supplement to the Bibliography.

[3]On Petty's connection with the Royal College of Physicians, which began about
this time, see the note on p. 27.

[4]An account of this exploit, embellished with verse in English and in Latin, is
contained in the pamphlet, News from the Dead, which was published at Oxford by
Robinson in 1650 and again in 1651. The second edition is carelessly reprinted in
Morgan's Pha'nix Britannicus, 233–248. The authorship of the pamphlet has not been
ascertained. Wood ascribes it to Richard Watkins Clark, Life and Times of Wood, I.
155. But Derham, who wrote in 1707, had been informed that the writer was Dr Ralph
Bathurst, one of the participating physicians. Derham's Psycho and Astro-theology, I.
236, note. I see no sufficient reason for thinking that Petty wrote it. The mention of
Hester Ann Green among his “works” (Suppl. to Bibliography) may refer to the
experiment of resuscitation, and not to the account of it.

[5]Ward, Lives of the Professors of Gresham College, 228.

[6]Burroughs, Register, 335.

[1]He appears to have left Ireland 16 June, 1659 (History of the Down Survey, 301)
and to have reached London within a week. Mercurius Politicus, 23 June, 1659. H.
Cromwell's letters commending Petty are printed in Ward's Lives, 220.

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[2]The chief authorities on the seventeenth century surveys of Ireland are W. H.

Hardinge's papers in the publications of the Royal Irish Academy (Transactions,
XXIV. Antiquities, pp. 3–118, 265–316, 379–420, Proceedings, VIII. pp. 39–55) and
General Sir T. A. Larcom's edition of Petty's History of the Down Survey, published
for the Irish Archæological Society. See also Prendergast's Cromwellian Settlement
and chapter two of Fitzmaurice's Life of Petty.

[3]The contest between Petty and Worsley, who belonged to the extreme wing of the
English in Ireland, was complicated with the differences between Fleetwood and
Henry Cromwell in ways which it is not now possible to trace. Cromwell, who
became Petty's steadfast friend, took up his residence at Dublin as Major-General of
the Forces and virtual Deputy in July, 1655, while the Down Survey was still in
progress; Fleetwood returned to England in the following September. Concerning
both the dispute with Worsley and that with Sanchey, which followed the completion
of the survey, it should be borne in mind that we have Petty's story only. General
Larcom apparently had a high opinion of Worsley's abilities. See his note to Petty's
History, 320–321.

[1]History,119.

[2]See note on p. 6, cf. Bibliography.

[1]History, 208. After a time, but not until its work was nearly completed, a fourth
member was added to the commission.

[2]Reflections, 116–117.

[3]History,248.

[4]History, 258–262.

[1]H. C. Journals, VII.612.

[2]History, 289.

[3]Sanchey, or Zankey, a son of a clergyman of Salop, was a member of Clare Hall,

Cambridge, and received his B.A. in 1641. More given to manly exercises than to
logic and philosophy, a boisterous fellow at cudgelling and foot-ball (Wood,Fasti
Oxon. II.69), he exchanged his gown for a trooper's jacket and soon rose to be a
colonel in the parliamentary army. Whitelocke, Memorials, 302. In March, 1649, the
parliamentary visitors to Oxford called him from the army to become sub-warden of
All Souls. In this capacity he received Oliver Cromwell, upon his visit to the
University, and presented him for his degree. Burrows, Register, 227. By the end of
the year he was once more in command of a troop of cavalry and met with much
military success in Ireland. He was repeatedly chosen a member of the Irish
parliament and was knighted by Henry Cromwell. Cromwell'sLetters and Speeches,
II.254, 302. In August, 1659, he brought his regiment to England to join Lambert, and
was promient in the disputes between the army and the Rump. Ludlow, Memoirs,
(Firth's ed.), II. 110, 118, 130, 135, 151, 162; Whitelocke, 436, 445, 509, 530, 678,

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682,685. In Dec., 1660, he was arrested (Rugge's MS. Diary, quoted by Taylor,
England under Charles II. 40) on suspicion of taking part in an alleged plot against
kingly power, and his name appears as one of the thirty republicans whom the House
of Commons proposed, 24 May, 1661, to exempt from pardon and confirmation of
estates. Carte, Ormond, ii. 226 n, 228. After that he disappears from public view, but
it is known that he died in Ireland about 1685.

[1]History, 299,301; Reflections, 70–75.

[2]H. Cromwell to Fleetwood, June, 1659, Thurloe, vii. 684.

[1]A Brief of Proceedings between S’ Hierome Sankey and Dr William Petty, 1659.
See Bibliography, no. 4.

[2]Reflections upon some Persons and Things in Ireland, 1660. See Bibliography, no.
5.

[3]It was not published until 1851, see Bibliography, no. 31 and cf. pp. xiii, xiv. Mr
Hardinge declares that “the accuracy of the facts adduced” by Petty “in his defence
have [sic] been fully borne out by the researches I have made amongst the yet
surviving documents of the period.” Trans. R. I. Acad. XXIV. Antiquities, p. 21.

[4]They are known only by his account of them in the Reflections (pp. 60–61): “I have
also written a profest Answer to Sir Hieromes Eleven last and greatest Articles,
containing the proofs of what is herein but barely alledged, which I may not publish
till after my tryal.… There is another piece of quite a contrary nature, being indeed a
Satyre; which though it contain little of seriousness, yet doth it allow nothing of
untruth: ‘Tis a Gallery wherein you will see the Pictures of my chief Adversaries
hang'd up in their proper colours: ‘tis intended for the honest recreation of my
ingenious friends.”

[5]P. 23, note.

[6]Ante, p. xiv.

[7]Dr John Wallis's Account of some passages in his own Life, in Hearne's ed. of
Langtoft's Chronicle (1725), vol. I. p. clxiv. This with Sprat's History of the Royal
Society, gives nearly all that is known of Petty's connection with the inchoate Society.

[8]Masson, Life of Milton, III. 665; Fitzmaurice, 15.

[1]Wallis, loc. cit.

[2]Ward, Lives of the Professors of Gresham College, 91, 96.

[3]Birch, History of the Royal Society, 1. 14.

[4]Birch, 1. 7, 12, 13, 15, 19, 55–65, 83, 124, etc.; cf. Bibliography, no. 7.

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[5]Anthony à-Wood's suggestion that the “Thoughts on the Philosophy of Shipping”

which Petty presented to the Society in 1662, may be the same as the Treatise of
Naval Philosophy printed over his name in Hale's Account of Several New Inventions
in 1691 (Bibliography, no. 25) cannot be reconciled with the extraordinary value
which the members of the Society appear to have set upon Petty's “thoughts.” But if
we recall the extravagant expectations of his “sluice boat” which he himself
cherished, it is easy to see why Lord Brouncker, as president of the Society, might
declare with alarm that a paper describing it was “too great an arcanum of state to be
commonly perused,” and accordingly forbid its printing. Cf. Aubrey, Brief Lives, II.
147. Pepys appears to have had a copy of Petty's paper in 1682. Pepys to Wood, 16
June, 1682, Rawlinson MS. A 194, f°. 279, Bodleian Library.

[1]Or perhaps another boat built upon similar lines.

[2]Pepys, Diary, 1 Feb., 1664.

[3]Evelyn, Diary, 22 Mch., 1675.

[4]See pp. xxiv, xxv.

[5]To Southwell, 18 Oct., 1682, Fitzmaurice, 256–257. I cannot find that he ever
wrote the book.

[6]Officially confirmed Feb., 1661, Carte Papers, XLII. 492, Bodleian Library. On the
25 March, 1661, certain unprofitable lands in Kerry were settled on Petty “in
consideration of his early endeavours for the King's Restoration, the good affection he
bears his Majesty, and his abilities to serve him.” Fourteenth Rept. Hist. Mss., Com.
pt. 7, p. 70.

[1]See pp. 199, 601. It was during a brief residence in Ireland, undertaken with a view
to defending his interests against the Innocents, that Petty built the first Double
Bottom and began his enquiries into the Dublin bills of mortality. See p. 398, note.

[2]11 April, 1661, Le Neve, Pedigrees of the Knights, 133; Birch, I. 41.

[3]Fitzmaurice, 107; Cabinet Portrait Gallery, VIII. 37. Hardinge, however, says that
John Pettie, apparently Sir William's cousin, “was Surveyor-General from the
Restoration in 1660 to the 13th of February, 1667, when Sir James Sheen succeeded
Pettie.” Trans. R.I. Acad. XXIV. Antiquities, p. 18.

[4]Diary, 4 Aug., 1665. Petty appears to have given up his medical practice some
years before the Plague of 1665. His plan for lessening the plagues of London (p. 109,
note) contains no medical suggestion whatsoever.

[5]Aubrey, Brief Lives, II. 142.

[6]To Harbord, 28 March, 1674, Essex Papers, I. 201.

[1]Polit. Anat. ch. XI. post, p. 195.

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[2]Collection of his “several works” in supplement to Bibliography. At a later date

Petty seems to have attempted the “trade” which he so strongly reprehended. In 1673
he joined Sir Henry Ingoldsby in a proposal to make Charles II. an annual money
payment for a patent of certain “concealed lands” in Ireland. Essex declared that
“nothing can be more illegall & oppressing to ye subject than such a Patent, whereby
opportunity & warrt will be given to these Projectors to raveell into ye Settlement of
all men's Estates whatever, who, tho’ they had never so just & clear Titles, will rather
come to a composition than endure ye charges and vexations that these men will put
them to.” To Shaftesbury 4 May, 1673, Essex Papers, 1. 82.

[3]He married 7 June, 1667, Elizabeth, daughter of his friend, Sir Hardress Waller.

[4]Petty to Graunt, 24 Dec., 1672, Fitzmaurice, 234.

[5]Peter Bronsdon to the Navy Commissioners, 17 March, 1671, C.S.P. Dom. 1671,
pp. 135, 184. Bronsdon had examined much of Ireland in search of timber for the
Navy (ib. p. xxxiv.) and found none so well suited for the purpose as that growing on
Petty's Kerry estates. Ib. p. 77, 136, 183, 207, 521.

[1]Political Arithmetick, p. 263.

[2]A spirited account of Kenmare, based on Smith's Ancient and Present State of
Kerry, is given by Macaulay, History of England, Vol. III., ch. XII., pp. 108–110.

[3]He served with Sir William Temple on the Commons’ Committee upon the means
of advancing the trade of Ireland. Mountmorres, History of the Irish Parliament, 96.
Cf. post, pp. 225–231.

[4]See note on pp. 161, 162.

[5]Carte, II. 368; Cal. S. P. Dom., 1667–68, pp. 532, 543, 557, 564; 1668, 90.

[6]Howard, Revenue and Exchequer of Ireland, I. 57.

[1]On the 30 Sept., 1670, the deficit for the half year was £72,953 and the debt was
£245,510. Cal. S. P. Dom., 1671, p. 54.

[2]Essex to the Lords Justices, 28 Sept., 1675, Capel Correspondence, 403–404.

[3]Carte, Ormond, II. 451–464.

[4]Birch III. 112. In December, 1673, he was elected Vice-President of the Society
(ib. 123) and in the following November he read before it his Discourse of Duplicate
Proportion (see pp. 622–624, also Bibliography, no. 8), the only printed production of
this visit to London. Cf. Aubrey, Brief Lives, II. 144.

[5]On 1 July, 1676, Dr Ent wrote that Petty was about to go to Ireland. Ballard MS.
33, f°. 4, Bodleian Library.

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[6]He reached Chester on his way to London, 5 June, 1682. Fitzmaurice, 250.

[7]Cf. pp. 122, 235, 236, 480.

[1]See, in addition to Fitzmaurice, pp. 169–173, the extracts from Petty's letters in
Thorpe's Cat. lib. MSS. bibl. southwelliancæ, no. 710; cf. Petty's opinion of the
Chancellor and Sir Richard Cox's comment on it, p. 205, post.

[2]To Southwell, 3 April, 1677, Fitzmaurice, 172. Not all Petty's friends thought so
meanly of his verses as he himself professed to do. In the privacy of his diary Evelyn
wrote of Petty (22 March, 1675) “there is no better Latin poet living when he gives
himself that diversion.” See Bibliography, no. 9.

[3]“I am confident in all his Majestie's 3 Kingdomes, there lives not a more grating
man than Sir William Petty” wrote Essex to Shaftesbury, 4 May, 1673. Essex Papers,
1. 83.

[4]His letter is given by Fitzmaurice, p. 155.

[5]Carte, Ormond, II. 494, 495.

[1]Ossory to Ormond, 5 June, 1680, from Windsor: “Sir William Petty has desired
mee to gett him to be made a Councellor.… Without your permission I shall not move
in this matter.” Seventh Rept. Hist. MSS. Com., 739 b.

[2]Lady Petty to Edmund Waller, 8 March, 1680, Fitzmaurice, 245.

[3]The farmers were also far behind in their payments to the Exchequer. On the 18
Feby., 1679, Danby wrote to Ormond that if some speedy care be not taken the
present farm of the revenue of Ireland must break in the hands of those which now
manage it. Fourteenth Rept. Hist. MSS. Com., pt. 7, p. 50.

[4]Works, II. 526. Ranelagh predicted that Shaen would prove unable to execute his
proposals. Ranelagh to Ormond, 12 July, 1681, Fourteenth Rept. Hist. MSS. Com., pt.
7, p. 53.

[5]Ormond's report to Petty, 16 Sept., 1682, Fitzmaurice 252. In Ackerman's Monies

received and paid for Secret Services of Charles II. and James II., p. 58, is an entry,
dated 9 Dec., 1682, of £2 “for copies of I'res concerning Sr Wm Petty and others.”

[1]See p. xxiii above.

[2]Molyneaux Correspondence, in Dublin University Magazine, XVIII. 489; Birch,

IV. 341; Wilde, in Proc. R. I. Acad., III. 160–176. On Petty's previous connection
with the College of Physicians at Dublin, cf. p. 165 n.

[3]Bibliography, 14–16. There were also papers on concentric circles and other
subjects which have not been printed, Wilde, op. cit., 171, 172.

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[4]See pp. 480, 485,486, cf. 396.

[5]See p. 546.

[6]See pp. 452, 502, 503, 522, 524.

[1]Cf. his Telling of Noses, p. 461 note [where read 11870 for 11878 and for ].
Regarding “the Bishops late numbering of the Communicants,” upon which Petty's
calculations for England were based, Mr W. C. Abbott Kindly writes me that “in 1676
the Earl of Danby, then Lord High Treasurer and Chief Minister to Charles II.,
ordered a census of religious bodies in England by dioceses and committed the task of
making it to the Anglican clergy. Among the Leeds papers (Hist. MSS. Com., vol. XI.
pt.7, pp. 14 seq.), in consequence, we find several documents dealing with the matter.
The first is a letter from Danby to Bishop Morley regarding this inquiry, which was
set on foot to demonstrate to the King by actual figures the vast superiority in
numbers of the Anglican Church over all other religious bodies in England. This, as
the Bishop says, will probably break down the king's objection to the rigid
suppression of conventicles, and he assumes that it is for that purpose. Rather, one
would say from a political point of view, it was to demonstrate to Charles the absolute
futility of his religious policy.”

[2]The figures from the Political Anatomy, pp. 156, 138–144, are familiar from the
use made of them by Macaulay and Lecky. Those in the Treatise of Ireland, pp. 561,
590–596, now first published, are not less striking.

[3]Fitzmaurice, 280.

[4]Cf. pp. 70–73, 262–264, post; Fitzmaurice, pp. 234–243, 270. In Rawlinson MS. A
171, ff. 274–275, is a dialogue on Liberty of Conscience endorsed “Sr Wm Petty's
Paper written at my desire & given me by himselfe a little before his Death. S[amuel]
P[epys].” The only theological suggestion contained in “Twelve articles of a good
catholique and good patriot's creed” found in Petty's pocket after his death
(Fitzmaurice, 310) is “that Liberty of Religion and Naturalization be secured.”

[5]Cf. pp. 577, 591.

[1]Aubrey, II. 142.

[2]“When I who knew him in mean circumstances, have been in his splendid palace,
he would himself be in admiration how he arrived at it; nor was it his value and
inclination for splendid furniture or the curiosities of the age; but his elegant lady
could endure nothing mean, or that was not magnificent. He was very negligent
himself, and rather so of his own person, and of a philosophic temper. What a to do is
here he would say, I can lie in straw with as much satisfaction.” Evelyn, Diary, 22
March, 1675.

[1]Aubrey, Brief Lives, I 271–274.

[2]Register of St Michael, Cornhill (Harleian Society), 33.

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[3]His is the earliest recorded christening among the children of Henry Graunt.
Register, 114; cf. pp. 114, 116, 117, 119, 121, 122, 239.

[4]Pepys's Diary, 2 Jan, 1662.

[5]Pepys, 26 April, 1668.

[6]Pepys, 20 April, 1663. “I had not time,” he characteristically adds, “to look them
over as I ought.”

[1]Aubrey, II. 141; Ward, Lives of the Professors of Gresham College, 217.

[2]Fitzmaurice, 233.

[3]Graunt's Epistles dedicatory, pp. 320, 322.

[4]P. 398.

[5]P. 333.

[1]Diary, 24 March, 1662.

[2]Cf. Bibliography.

[3]Birch, History of the Society, 1. 75.

[4]Sprat, History of the Royal Society, 67.

[5]P. 324, post.

[6]Birch, 1. 76–77.

[1]Printed on p. 432.

[2]Fitzmaurice, 232–236. Cf. in the MS. called “Dr Petty's Register” in the Public
Records Office at Dublin (1 C. 8c. 131, ff. 63–64), the articles, dated 10 Jan., 166½
whereby Petty and Graunt jointly undertook to rebuild, at a cost of £12,000, nine
burned houses on Petty's land in Lothbury. An indication of their earlier business
relations is afforded by Petty's land in Lothbury. An indication of their earlier
business relations is afforded by Petty's power of attorney, 6 March, 1660, to “my
trusty friend, John Graunt,” etc., among the Rawlinson MSS. (A. 174, ff. 319–325) at
the Bodleian Library. It was perhaps upon Petty's recommendation that Ormond
employed Graunt, in 1667, to collect Walloon weavers about Canterbury and remove
them into Ireland. Carte, Ormond, 11. 342.

[3]Aubrey, loc. cit. Graunt's conversion apparently antedated the Fire, though he may
have been one of those whose change of faith was caused by it. Cf. p. xlv.

[4]Smith's Obituary, ed. by Sir H. Ellis, 102.

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[5]Diary, 23 Jan., 1663, 11 Jan., 1664, 26 April, 1668.

[1]Brief Lives, 1. 273.

[1]By permission of the editors of the Political Science Quarterly I have here used in
revised form a large part of an article upon the above-named subject, which was
originally printed in Vol. XI. pp. 105–132 of that journal.

[2]Mr W. B. Hodge writing in the Assurance Magazine, VIII. 94, 234–237, (1859)
and Dr W. L. Bevan in his Sir William Petty, a study (1894), have elaborated the
arguments in favour of Petty. On the other hand Dr John Campbell (Biographia
Britannica, IV, 2262–2263, note), McCulloch (Literature of Political Economy, 271),
Roscher (Zur Gesch. d. engl. Volkswirthschaftslehre im 16 und 17 Jahrh., 73, note),
De Morgan (Assurance Magazine, VIII. 166, 167; Budget of Paradoxes, 68, 69), John
(Geschichte der Statistik, 170), and Cunningham (Growth of English Industry,
Modern Times, 247) have all decided for Graunt. But none of these writers has
discussed the question thoroughly.

[1]Bibliography, no. 28.

[2]Bibliography, no. 9, cf. p. xxviii.

[3]Cf. p. xiii.

[4]Ballard MS. XIV. ff. 126–132, Bodleian Library.

[5]See Mr Clark's description, Brief Lives, 1. 4.

[6]Brief Lives, II. 141.

[7]Ibid., 1. 10–12.

[1]Philosophical Transactions, no. 196 (1693), p. 596.

[2]Vol. 1. p. 231. The charge against Graunt was thoroughly disproved by Bevil
Higgons in his Historical and Critical Remarks on Bishop Burnet's History of his own
Time, 149, and by Maitland, History of London, 1. 435.

[3]Pp. 27, 45, 303, 458, 461, 481, 483, 485, 526, 527, 534, 535 (twice), 536, 541, 608,
and in the Discourse of Duplicate Proportion, which justifies its double dedication by
the example of “Graunt's” observations.

[1]See pp. 303, 236, 237.

[2]Rawlinson MS., A. 178, ff. 71–72, Bodleian Library. See also Petty's letter of 4
Feby., 1663, to Lord Brouncker printed on page 398.

[3]See facsimile, p. 479.

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[4]P. 480.

[5]See p. 493.

[6]These advertisements were not included in the present reprint of Another Essay,
pp. 451–478, post.

[7]P. xxxvi.

[1]About the same time the Society reaffirmed its judgment by ordering the reprinting
of “the Observations upon the Bills of Mortality by Mr John Graunt.” See p. 314.

[2]Oldenburg to Boyle, 18 Sept., 1665, Boyle's Works, VI. 194.

[3]Concerning Bell, see p. lxxx.

[4]P.333.

[5]Fitzmaurice, 248–250.

[6]Carte, Ormond, II. 342, cf. p. xxxvii. In mentioning the employment of Graunt to
collect weavers in England and remove them thence to Ireland with a view to
establishing there the manufacture of Norwich stuffs, as recommended in a memorial
which Sir Peter Pett had presented to Ormond, Carte describes Graunt as “a man well
known by his observations on the bills of mortality.” Carte wrote about 1735.

[7]The Happy Future State of England, London: 1688. Anon.

[1]Pp. 92, 106, 122, 192, 193, 245, and pp. 1 and 27 of the preface.

[2]Hale's Primitive Orgination of Mankind, published in 1677, the year after his
death, was probably written before 1670. The passages (pp. 205, 206, 213, 237) which
allude, with warm praise, to the London Observations, do not, so far as I can see, give
or adjudge the name of Observator to the author at all. Hale quotes the title of “this
little book,” but makes no mention of its author.

[3]He began to write in 1680 though his book was not published until 1688. Cf. pp. 1,
2 and 5 of The Future Happy State.

[1]Bevan, Petty, 44. The similar passages discovered in previous discussions of this
subject, together with a few others upon which I had chanced, were printed in parallel
columns in my article in the Political Science Quarterly, XI. 118–122. The passages
in question may be found in this edition by comparing the following pages and lines:

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in the London
in Petty's Writings.
“Observations”
p. 321, 1. 6, 7, p. 380, 1.
30–33, p. 381, 1. 8, p. 41, 1. 22–31.
13–15.
p. 29, 1. 24–29, p. 30, 1. 9–10, p. 31, 1. 8–14, p. 83, 1.
p. 353, 1. 1–23.
12–17, p. 118, 1. 1–6.
p. 377, 1. 14–17, 35–38. p. 25, 1. 15–18, p. 68, 1. 22–26.
p. 382, 1. 20–22. p. 23, 1. 23, p. 24, 1. 36.
p. 49, 1. 28–p. 50, 1. 9, p. 49, 1. 6–10, p. 52, 1. 33–p. 53, 1.
p. 395. 1. 30–p 397, 1. 9.
4, p. 34, 1. 26–28, p. 26, 1. 33–p. 27, 1. 4, p. 270, 1. 14–21.

[2]See his Fumifugium (1661), p. 16, and cf. pp. 41, 380, 381, post.

[3]Cf. p. 5, note.

[4]Bevan, Petty, 46; cf. pp. post, 346–363.

[1]Budget of Paradoxes, 68; Assurance Magazine, VIII. 167.

[2]Mr Hodge replies: “The paragraph objected to stands unaltered in the fifth edition,
edited by Petty, and the question naturally arises, how came he to publish as an editor
that which, it is asserted, he must have known to be so grossly absurd that it is
impossible he could have published it as a writer?” Assurance Magazine, VIII. 235,
236. This is ingenious, but fallacious. The fifth edition is a mere reprint and in no
sense a revision.

[1]See pp. 412, note, 388, 400.

[2]See p. 399.

[3]P. 361, 362.

[4]P. 396.

[5]Dr Bevan (p. 44) would dissent: “It is difficult to discover any great diversity in
style, language, or in any other point between the ‘Bills’ and Petty's authentic
writings.”

[6]The letters ostensibly addressed to Petty were probably written by him, but, to be
on the safe side, I excluded them. Cf. Fitzmaurice, 92.

[1]Mr Higgs has pointed out also (Economic Journal, V. 72) that Graunt feared
London was “too big,” whereas Petty wished it still bigger. Cf. pp. 320, 470–476,
post.

[2]P. 353.

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[3]The similarity in style of the conclusion to Petty's writings, and its dissimilarity to
the earlier parts of the Observations is noted by Mr Hodge, Assurance Magazine,
VIII. 235.

[1]P. 397.

[1]McCulloch and Roscher take the contrary course.

[3]Cf. pp. xx–xxiv.

[4]Cf. Shelburne's dedication of the 1690 edition of the Political Arithmetick, p. 240.

[5]His Treatise was indeed published anonymously, but when it succeeded, its
authorship soon became known.

[1]Assurance Magazine, VIII. 236.

[2]In fact he did write “Observations on the Advance of the Excise,” but they were
never printed. Aubrey, I. 273.

[3]Mr Hodge says: “It is not necessary for us to determine what could have been
Petty's object in making such an arrangement,—whether it was for some personal
convenience or advantage to himself or to gain a reputation for Graunt.” (Assurance
Magazine, Vol. VIII. p. 235.) To be sure it is not necessary; but does not absence of
motive justify doubt as to the fact?

[1]Fitzmaurice, 317; reprinted in supplement to Bibliography, post.

[1]A large part of this section was originally printed in the Political Science
Quarterly, XI. 105–132, and is here used, in revised form, by permission of the
editors of that journal.

[1]Fitzmaurice, 292.

[2]Addl. MS. 21, 128, f°. 441

[3]See p. 178, note. It was formerly supposed that all had been lost, but the diligence
of Mr W. H. Hardinge has brought a number of maps and papers to light.

[1]Pell was born at Southwick in Sussex, II March, 1611. He graduated B. A. at

Cambridge in 1628 and in 1643 he succeeded Hortensius in the chair of mathematics
at Amsterdam, where Petty made his acquaintance. The letters to him, dated 14 Aug,
1644, 8 Sept., 1644, and 8 Oct., 1645, are in the British Museum (Lansdowne MS.
4279) and are printed in Halliwell's Collection of Letters illustrative of the Progress of
Science in England, pp. 81, 90.

[2]Brit. Mus. Addl. MS. 6193, f. 70–72, printed in Boyle's Works, VI. 136–140.

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[3]These letters are dated 1662 or 1663 and are addressed either to Brouncker, the
president, or to Sir Robert Moray, the secretary of the Royal Society; or to Graunt:
Royal Society's Letter book, P. I. f. 11–33, cf. Halliwell's Catalogue of MS. Letters in
the possession of the R. S, 143, also p. 398 note, post.

[4]Some of the later letters to Pepys, dated 1683–1687, are in the Bodleian Library,
Rawlinson MSS. A. 189, f. 17–19, A. 190, f. 21, cf. pp. 546, 547, post; others are in
the possession of J. Eliot Hodgkin, Esq., of Richmond on the Thames. Fifteenth
Report, Hist. MSS. Comm., pt. 2, p. 181. To Cromwell, in the British Museum,
Lansdowne MS. 823; to Ormond at Kilkenny Castle (3rd Rept. Hist. MSS. Comm,
429, 4th Rept., 551, 7th Rept., 742); to Anglesey in the Bodleian Library (Rawlinson
MS. A. 185, f. 219–a copy, the original is probably at Longleat, cf. 3rd Rept.,199); to
Pett at Bowood (Fitzmaurice, 249); to Aubrey in the Bodleian (Aubrey MS. II. f.
100–104).

[5]Southwell was born 31 Dec., 1635, at Battin Warwick on the river Bandon, near
Kinsale, where his father was collector of customs. After graduating B.A. at Oxford
University, reading for a time in Lincoln's Inn and travelling for two years on the
continent, he returned to London in 1661. In Sept., 1664, he was named a clerk of the
Privy Council and displayed much method and diligence in that office. Between
November, 1665 and August 1669, he was twice envoy to Portugal where he
negotiated the Treaty of Lisbon. The following ten years, save the brief period of his
mission to Brussels, he passed in London. In December, 1679, he resigned his
clerkship of the reorganized Privy Council and soon retired to his seat at King's
Weston, near Bristol, where he really congratulated himself upon proving no favourite
of his neighbours, as he much preferred philosophy before drinking. Letter to Petty,
28 Nov., 1681, Thorpe's Catalogue (1834), no. 710. In spite of this sentiment Smith's
Life, Journals ana Correspondence of Pepys, I. 282, makes Southwell declare that his
health was worn out by long sitting at the sack bottle! What the poor man wrote was
“inck bottle.” Cf. Macray, Annuals of the Bodleian, 2nd ed., 236. After the Revolution
he was for a time Secretary of State for Ireland. He died at King's Weston, 11
September, 1702. The condition of Southwell's papers now in the British Museum, as
well as the orderly letter-books of the Royal Society during the period of his
presidency (1690–1695) give sufficient evidence of his methodical habits.

[1]Fitzmaurice, 175, 283–284.

[2]Pp. 237–238 post.

[3]Southwell to Petty, Aug. or Sept., 1677, Thorpe, loc. cit.

[4]Cf. pp. xxix, and 438, post.

[5]Perhaps Dr Nathaniel Hodges (1629–1688) the physician who remained in London

during the great plague.

[6]Same to Same, 11 Sept., 1682, Thorpe, loc. cit., cf. Fitzmaurice, 292.

[7]Same to Same, Nov., 1686, Fitzmaurice, 292.

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[1]Fifteenth Rept. Hist. MSS Comm., pt. II. p. 181.

[2]Catalogue of a very Important and Highly intereseting Collection of MSS., State

Papers and Autograph Letters, received by Sir Robert Southwell while Clerk of the
Privy Council [etc.], the Property of Lord De Clifford deceased. Sold by Messrs
Christie, Feby. 11, 1834. The principal papers by Petty are entered as lots 261,
290–304, 597–600.

[3]State Papers: Catalogus Librorum MSS. Bibliotheca Southwelliana now on sale by

Thomas Thorpe, 1834, pp. 399–409. A few of Petty's letters were bought by the
British Museum, and 32 of them, dated from January to September, 1686, fell to a Mr
Cockran of London. At the sale of Mr Austin Cooper's library at Dublin in 1831, the
same Mr Cockran, apparently, bought a number of Petty's papers relating to the Down
Survey. Notes and Queries, 2nd series, viii. 130. I have not been able to find any
further trace of these papers.

[4]Cf. pp. 4, 238.

[5]E.g. on pp. 103, 136–138, 142, 188, 259, 273, 277, etc.

[1]Bibliography, no. 5.

[2]Op. cit. end of the contents.

[3]Their history is traced in detail on pp. 123–124, 236–237, 547–548.

[4]Cf. p. 100.

[5]Cf. p. 212.

[1]Aubrey, II. 144.

[2]Cf. pp. 240, 237–238.

[3]Pp. 503, 524.

[4]See Pp. 122–123.

[5]Dr Bevan supports this view with energy, Petty, 87–92, and it is also held by Lord
Edmond Fitzmaurice, Life of Petty, 16, 186, 188, 236.

[1]Aubrey, I. 365–368.

[2]Fitzmaurice, 302–304. The De Cive is not, as Dr Bevan asserts “the only English
book mentioned.” The instructions for Henry, the younger son, direct him to read
“The English Chronicle” and “Bacon's Collections.”

[3]Pp. 285–290, 302, 563 ff.

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[4]Cf. p. 23, note.

[5]P. 70.

[6]Pp. 71, 72, 262, 263. On the other hand his attitude towards clerics of all sorts is
uniformly contemptuous, pp. 72, 73, 79, 158, 199, 218, 223, 263, etc.

[1]Pp. 472–473.

[2]P. 70.

[3]P. 22.

[4]P. 263.

[5]For his own part, Petty regarded the non-essentials of religion with indifference.
But there is a note of sincerity very characteristic of the man in the confession of faith
with which he closed his will: “As for religion, I dye in the profession of that faith,
and in the practice of such worship, as I find established by the Law of my country,
not being able to believe what I myself please, nor to worship God better than by
doing as I would be done unto, and observing the Laws of my country, and expressing
my love and honour to Almighty God by such signes and tokens as are understood to
be such by the people with whom I live, God knowing my heart even without any at
all.”

[6]On Petty's connection with the Royal Society, see pp. xxi-xxiii. For evidence, if
any be required, that the founding of the Society was due to the impulse given by
Bacon to the study of experimental science, and that the more eminent men among its
earliest members were deeply imbued with the spirit of his teachings, see Novum
Organum, edited by Fowler, 111–116.

[1]In his writings Petty twice invokes Bacon's authority, once in the Political
Anatomy, 129, post, and once in the Advice to Hartlib, Harl. Misc. VI. 14, where he
refers to the Advancement of Learning to justify his proposed History of Trades. If we
consider him the author of the epistles dedictory of Graunt's Observations, as seems
not unreasonable, he is to be credited with a third appeal to Bacon, p. 322, post.

[2]Birch, IV. 193.

[1]P. 244. Cf. ch. II. of the Treatise of Ireland, pp. 558–560, and Petty's praise of
Graunt's Observations on p. 481. The question of their respective contributions to the
development of statistics is discussed on pp. lxxi, lxxv.

[2]P. 129.

[1]Brief Relation, I. 485.

[2]On Petty's probable share in it, see p. lii.

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[3]Cf. pp. 451, 485, 490, 532.

[4]E.g. on pp. 49, 51, 53, 104, 115, 129, 170, 180, 245, 270, 476, 485. Cf. also pp.
396, 397 in Graunt's Observations.

[5]Pp. 485–491.

[6]Fitzmaurice, 283.

[1]P. 130.

[2]Pp. 459–460, 528.

[3]Cf. pp. 332, 393. Graunt's solution of the same problem for London is on pp.
383–386.

[4]Pp. 527, 534.

[5]P. 459.

[6]Cf. p. 461, note, where it appears that the agreement between Petty's estimate and
the bishops’ survey is not strikingly close.

[7]P. 149. Cf. the more elaborate calculation of the same problem on pp. 608, 609.
Other striking examples may be found on pp. 175, 311, 462–469, 566–567.

[1]Cf. p. 454, note.

[2]Pp. 45, 145, 253, 308, 457, 459, 463, 483, 517, 518, 526, 533, 535, 536.

[3]Pp. 136, 137, 146, 147, 459, 484, 536, 585, 588, 608.

[4]Cf. pp. 528 and 533 with 506.

[5]Aubrey MS. in Bodleian, quoted by Bevan, p. 51.

[1]Unless, that is, Ireland be considered foreign to England in commercial matters. Cf.
pp. 159–160.

[1]The application of the Treatise of Taxes to the condition and affairs of Ireland is an
obvious afterthought, intended to relieve the author from all imputation of criticising
domestic matters.

[2]Pp. 23–28.

[3]P. 49.

[4]P. 53.

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[5]Pp. 27, 45.

[6]Cf. p. 91.

[7]P. 23.

[8]P. 104.

[1]Cf. Giffen, Growth of Capital, I. 74–91.

[2]P. 34.

[3]P. 68.

[4]Pp. 377–378, note.

[5]See pp. xvi–xix.

[6]P. 181, cf. pp. 44–45. This expression, by the way, is very near to being “Political
Economy;” and on p. 60 Petty speaks of “politics and oeconomicks” in quite the
modern way.

[7]Petty once avails himself (p. 512, where read Algier for Argier) of the price of
slaves, but only to support a result arrived at by other means.

[1]P. 108.

[2]P. 26.

[3]Pp. 111–112.

[4]See Bibliography. It was lost at sea.

[5]E.g., pp. 26, 95, 261–267.

[6]P. 258.

[7]Cf. Temple's Works, I. 58–60, 210–222.

[8]Pp. 74, 83.

[9]E.g., p. 299.

[1]Measured by expenditure, to which he assumes income at least equal.

[2]P. 45.

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[3]Though in varying proportion, according as some special honour, pleasure or

privilege attaches to the possession of certain lands intrinsically like others, p. 46. Cf.
p. 286.

[4]Pp. 42–45 and 48–49.

[5]Pp. 181–182.

[6]De Cive, ch. XXIV. Opera omma, III. 185. It was certainly adopted, without credit,
by Benjamin Franklin, whose cast of mind generally was curiously like Petty's. Cf.
Franklin's Works, I. 371.

[1]Cf. p. 249.

[2]Pp. 48–49.

[3]Pp. 286–287.

[4]Cf. Commons, Distribution of Wealth, 27–29.

[5]Cf. R. Jones, Essay on the Distribution of Wealth, 260–268. Petty is not mentioned
by Jones.

[6]Pp. 48, 304.

[7]P. 47.

[8]P. 48. This is similar to a remark of Turgot's, whom Böhm-Bawerk pronounces

“the first who tried to give a scientific explanation of natural interest on capital.” Petty
is, of course, open to the same criticism of reasoning in a circle which Bohm-Bawerk
passes on Turgot. Capital and Interest, 61–66.

[9]P. 181.

[10]P. 267.

[1]P. lxvi.

[2]Pp. 384–386.

[3]On p. 387. I have there suggested a reason for suspecting that Petty may have
concocted the table.

[4]Cf. pp. 355 § 12, 357 § 21.

[1]P. 352. “Die Lehre von der sogenannten Gesetzmassigkeit der scheinbar
freiwilligen Handlungen ist schon von Condorcet [!] ausgesprochen.” Meitzen,
Geschichte, Theorie und Tecknik der Statistik, 118.

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[2]Pp. 374–378.

[3]Pp. 391–392.

[1]Physico-theology; or a Demonstration of the Being and Attributes of God from his

Works of Creation. 1713. I cite the “new edition” of 1798.

[2]Ibid., I., 267.

[3]Geschichte der Nationalókonomik in Deutschland, 421.

[4]The title of Süssmilch's book shows plainly that, like Derham, he was interested
primarily in the theological implications of vital statistics. It runs: Die góttliche
Ordnung in den Veränderungen des menschlichen Geschlechts aus der Geburt, dem
Tode und der Fortpflanzung desselben erwiesen…worin die Regeln der Ordnung
bewiesen werden, welche Gottes Weisheit und Güte in dem Lauf der Natur zur
Erhaltung, Vermehrung und Verdopplung des menschlichen Geschlechts festgesetzt
hat,… Berlin, J. C. Spener, 1741. I cite the pirated ed. published at Berlin by Gahls in
1742. See W. F. Willcox and F. S. Crum, A trial bibliography of the writings of
Sussmilch, Publ. Amer. Statistical Assn, V. 310–314.

[1]Süssmilch, 13.

[2]Ibid., 16.

[3]Ibid., 27.

[4]Ibid., 17.

[5]Ibid., 18.

[6]P. 398, note.

[7]To Southwell, 9 July, 1687, Fitzmaurice, 306, 307. Charles was Petty's eldest son.

[1]Creighton, History of Epidemics, I. 532.

[2]P. 335.

[3]See p. 426.

[4]London's Remembrancer: or A true Accompt of every particular Weeks christnings

and mortality In all the Years of pestilence Within the Cognizance of the Bills of
Mortality. London: Printed and are to be sold by E. Cotes, Printer to the Company of
Parish Clerks, 1665. 4to. unpaged.

[1]Hist. MSS. Com., X. pt. 4, p. 447; Creighton, I. 290, 294, note.

[2]Brit. Mus. Egerton MSS. 2603, fol. 4; transcribed by Creighton, I. 295–296.

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[3]Record Office, State Papers, Henry VIII., 4633.

[4]Marrilac to Montmorency, 6 July, 1540, Letters and Papers, Foreign and

Domestic, XV. 419. The inference seems to be confirmed by J. G. Nichols's note to
Machyn's Diary, 319, and by Caius's Councill against the Sweat (1552), as reprinted
by Hecker, Epidemics of the Middle Ages, third ed., p. 330.

[5]Creighton, I. 304. It seems, however, that reports were made for a few weeks
during the sweat of 1551. Ibid., 261.

[6]Stow's memoranda in Three Fifteenth Century Chronicles, edited by Gairdner

(Camden Soc., n. p. 28) 123–125, 144–147.

[7]Holinshed's Chronicle, IV. 325.

[8]Creighton, I. 341–343; the original figures are at Hatfield House.

[9]Graunt, p. 335, post. Bell above.

[1]Bodleian Library, Ashmole MS., 824, ff. 196–199; printed pp. 433–435, post.

[2]Letters and Papers, Foreign and Domestic, IX. no. 151, 279, 341, 451.

[3]Christie, Some Account of the Parish Clerks, 133–135. The bills of 1603,
concerning which Graunt and Bell disagree, are admitted to be the Clerks’ work.

[4]In the table at p. 426.

[5]See p. 366.

[6]In “Political Tracts, 1680, PP.” There are also other reasons for believing Graunt
correct, see pp. 426–428, post.

[7]In the table at p. 426.

[1]Cf. p. 426–427.

[2]P. 9.

[3]Confirmed on 24 February, 1636, State Papers, Dom., Charles I., Docquet.

[4]Inquiry into the Trustworthiness of the old Bills of Mortality, in Jour. Stat. Soc.,
LV. 437–460

[5]See p. 336, note also p. 426.

[1]P. 335.

[2]Inquiry, 439.

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[3]Ogle, Inquiry, 437 n., citing Stow's Annals (ed. 1631), 657.

[4]Maitland, II. 737.

[5]The number 109 is confirmed by the abstracts of weekly bills for 1597–1600 in the
Bodleian Library, Ashmole MS., 824, f. 196. See pp. 433–436.

[6]This church was consecrated 2 January, 1622, and in the first year of Charles I. it
was, after a dispute with St Katharine Creechurch, judicially declared a parish church.
Seymour, Survey, I. 313. Bell says the parish was not included in the bills until 1626.
It appears, however, in the weekly bill of 4–11 August, 1625 (Brit. Mus. 1298 m. II.).

[1]See below p. lxxxvi.

[2]The Act erecting this parish passed the House of Commons 7 January, 1645.
Commons’ Journal, IV. 398.

[3]P. 380.

[4]In the weekly bill of 14–21 April, see p. 344–345 and table at p. 426.

[5]Chapter IX. pp. 378–381 post.

[1]In 1683–86, p. 457.

[2]Graunt, p. 380.

[3]St Clement Danes, St Paul, Covent Garden. St Martin-in-the-Fields, and St Mary,

Savoy.

[4]P. 345.

[5]Erected by Private Act of 22 Charles II. 27. Taken out of Stepney.

[6]Erected by Private Act 22, 23 Charles II. 12, an Act for making the Manor of Paris
Garden a Parish. Seymour, Survey, II. 816.

[7]In the weekly bill 14–21 July 1685. The Act, 1 James II. is the last in the table of
statutes printed for 1685.

[8]In the weekly bill 30 March–6 April, 1686. Private Act, 30 Charles II. 7.

[9]See p. 457 note.

[10]Ogle's Inquiry has an appendix on “Successive Changes in the Area covered by

the Bills.” Jour. Stat. Soc., IV. 453–455.

[1]Creighton, I. 341, citing the MS. at Hatfield House.

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[2]Maitland says he saw a general bill for 1563 in the library of Sir Hans Sloane. Hist.
of London, II. 736. Sloane's library has passed to the British Museum, but the general
bill for 1563 appears not to be there.

[3]P. 337.

[4]P. 346.

[5]It seems probable that the causes of death other than the plague were made public
before 1629. Thus Dr Mead, writing to Sutteville, gives the weekly deaths of
smallpox in May and June, 1628. [Birch's] Court and Times of Charles I. Vol. I. p.
359, cited by Creighton, II. 435.

[1]Much interest appears to have been taken in the form of bills by Lord Mayor
Chamberlain (1607) and his successors, and several changes were made, particulars of
which cannot now be recovered. Christie, 138–140; cf. note, p. 336, post. So
considerable were the disagreements, especially with some of the out-parishes, that in
1611 the Company of Parish Clerks were reincorporated and their powers more
precisely defined. State Papers, Dom., James I. Vol. XLVII. Docquet, 31 December,
1611.

[2]Graunt, P. 347.

[3]Bell (unpaged).

[4]P. 347.

[5]Pp. 386–387.

[6]Pp. 488–489.

[1]State Papers, Elizabeth, Vol. XLVIII. no. 70, printed by Creighton, 1. 319. The
date of the order “heretofore provided” regarding searches cannot be determined, but
they are mentioned at Shrewsbury as early as 1539. Ibid., 1. 320.

[2]P. 346.

[3]P. 347.

[4]Pp. 356, 357.

[5]Pp. 347–361.

[6]P. 491; the London bills in Graunt's day distinguished no less than 81 causes of
death. Cf. the table facing page 406.

[7]Bell says, “Searchers are generally ancient women, and I think are therefore most
fit for their office. But sure I am they are chosen by some of the eminentest men of
the Parish to which they stand related; and if any of their Choosers should speak

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against their abilities they would much disparage their own judgements. And after
such choice they are examined touching their sufficiency, and sworn to that office by
the Dean of Arches, or some Justice of the Peace, as the cause shall require.” This
seventeenth century English demonstration of official competence, which, mutatis
mutandis, sounds strangely familiar to nineteenth century American ears, Bell
clinches by adding “I presume there cannot be a stricter obligation than an oath to
bind any person.” London's Remembrancer (not paged).

[1]History of London, II. 740, seq.

[2]Probably Dr Heberden. See Bibliography, no. 17.

[3]Penny Cyclopædia (1835), Vol. IV. pp. 407, 408, s.v. Bills of Mortality.

[4]Pp. 361–362.

[5]P. 361.

[6]P. 461.

[7]Maitland, Hist. of London, II. 740–743; Ogle, loc. cit. 446; Short, New
Observations, p. x. Petty says (p. 511) that in 1685 there were buried from St
Bartholomew's and St Thomas's alone 451 persons, which is over two per cent. of the
23,222 burials returned in the annual bill for that year (p. 517 note). In 1729, when the
bills returned 29,722 deaths, Maitland finds that 3038 were omitted.

[1]Ogle, 443–445.

[2]Collection of Yearly Bills, 5; Maitland, II. 742; Ogle, 447–448.

[3]P. 400.

[1]P. 27.

[2]Letter to Sir Robert Moray, Roy. Soc. MS. Letter Book, P, I, p. II.

[3]Fitzmaurice, 104–107.

[4]Birch, History of the Royal Society, I, 65, also Bibliography, 7, 28.

[5]P. 9.

[6]Polit. Anat., ch. IX.

[7]Kennett, Register and Chronicle, 703.

[8]Carte, Ormond, II, 257.

[1]See Bibliography, 6.

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[2]Fitzmaurice, 258. The original letter is in the Bodleian Library, Aubrey MS. II, f.
110; Lord E. Fitzmaurice used the copy in the British Museum, Egerton MS. 2231, f.
90.

[3]Thorpe's Catalogus lib. MSS. bibl. Southwellianœ (1834), p. 403.

[4]The edition of 1662 is carelessly printed. Obvious misspellings, such as “enrease”

for “encrease” (original, p. 4), “statseman” for “Statesman” (p. 41), “Beeer” for
“Beer” (p. 74), have been corrected in this reprint. In all other cases the original has
been scrupulously followed, but mistakes noted in the “errata” are indicated in
footnotes. The “errata” are also reprinted on pages 96 and 97.

[5]Reprinted in Child's New Discourse of Trade (1693), p. 26.

[1]In 1662 the Parliament of Ireland passed an Act for the real union and division of
parishes—14 & 15 Charles II., c. 10. It is not clear that Petty had any connection with
this Act, but the preamble seems to reflect his ideas: “Whereas parishes are in some
parts of this Kingdom so little that five or six lie together within a mile or two,
whereby subjects are likely to be much burdened with the unnecessary charge of
building and repairing so many churches, and the means also are made so small that
many of them will not serve for the sustention of one incumbent: and on the other side
in some places parishes are so vast, or extended in length, that it is difficult for the
parishioners to repair to their parish churches, and return home the same day, and
many times so inconveniently divided that the parishioners of one parish may with
much more convenience repair to another parochial church than their own,” etc.,
therefore from Michaelmas, 1662, the chief governor, with the consent of all
concerned, may unite or divide parishes.

[2]Probably an allusion to Petty's engraved maps of Ireland, based upon the original
maps of the Down Survey, which had indicated the boundaries of parishes. Petty's
Hist. of the Down Survey, ed. by Larcom, 49. In 1665 Petty petitioned the King for
“assistance to finish the Map of Ireland” and the petition was granted. Ib., 400–401,
323. It seems doubtful, however, whether he actually received assistance sufficient to
complete his scheme, since in 1672 he asserted that he had, at his own charge, caused
distinct maps to be made of every barony or hundred, as also of every county, graven
on copper, and the like of every province, and of the whole kingdom. Polit. Anat., ch.
IX. The county maps, at least, were subsequently published, without date, under the
title Hiberniae Delineatio. See Bibliography. Copies of this undated edition are in the
British Museum and in the Bodleian Library. The Library of Trinity College, Dublin,
has three copies. All of these, except the first mentioned, contain a portrait of Petty
(“Edwin Sandys sculp.”), dated 1683. The British Museum Catalogue of Printed
Maps, likewise, assigns to the collection the conjectural date of 1685. But the
“General Map of Ireland” (“Sutton Nicholls sculp.”), which is mentioned in the title
of the Delineatio, bears an engraved advertisement of Cox's History of Ireland, the
first volume of which was issued in 1689. The copy in the National Library of Ireland
is a reissue dedicated to Petty's son Henry as Earl of Shelburne. It must have been
published, therefore, after 1719, the date at which the earldom of Shelburne was
created, and before 1751, when Shelburne died.

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[2]The settlement of the Irish question by the fusion of Irish and English was a
favourite notion of Petty's from 1655, when, in collaboration with Vincent Gookin, he
is said to have opposed the segregation of the Irish by transplantation into Connaught,
to the year of his death. Fitzmaurice, 31, 32, also Petty's Treatise of Ireland.

[1]During the Commonwealth the issue of private token money had been much
abused in Ireland, and shortly before Petty went thither certain Londoners had been
executed for introducing counterfeit and clipped English money and base Peru pieces
into the island. Simon, Essay on the Irish Coins, 48–49. Nevertheless the abuse
continued, Ib., 49–52, 118–122. The 29th January, 1660–1, a proclamation (Ib.,
123–124) was issued fixing rates for gold and silver coin, and the 17th August, 1661,
a proclamation was issued against tokens. Ruding, Annals of the Coinage, 11.4. Cf.
Fleetwood to Thurloe, 16 Feb., 1653, State Papers, II, 94.

[2]It is as unnecessary as it is impossible to give an adequate notice of Ormond in a

foot-note. James Butler, twelfth Earl and first Duke of Ormond, thrice Lord
Lieutenant of Ireland (born 1610), had been a loyal supporter of the royal cause, and
his devotion as well as his ability had received appropriate recognition at the
Restoration. In November, 1661, he was for the second time appointed Lord
Lieutenant, and his administration of that office justified the high estimation in which
he was held. His recall, in 1669, appears to have been the result of unworthy intrigue
amnd not of loss odf the royal confidence, which he had done much to deserve. Again
appointed Lord Lieutenant in 1677, he was recalled to England in 1685 and died 21
July, 1688. The warm admiration which Petty entertained for Ormond finds frequent
expression in his letters, and it appears that Ormond, also, was well disposed towards
Petty. See Aubrey to Anthony à Wood, St John Evangelist's Day, 1681, Ballard MS.
14, f. 135, in the Bodleian Library, also Fitzmaurice, 104, 138–139, 151, 173–174.
See however, Ormond TO Ossory, 15 Aug., 1668, in Carte's Ormond, Appendix,
lxxxii, p. 63.

[1]This is a favourite quotation with Petty. It occurs in his Discourse of Duplicate

Proportion (1674, see note to Dedication of Polil. Arith.), and in his letter to
Southwell, 2 June, 1686, Fitzmaurice, 274. In the modified form “Ingenia solent res
nolunt male administrari,” It is the motto of his Speculum Hiberniae. Brit. Mus. Addl.
MS. 21,128, f. 38. Sir Josiah Child (loc. cit.) apparently considered Petty the author of
it. But Sir Peter Pett, who declares it a sentence of late (1680) much in vogue and one
which he had heard some men living falsely vouched for the author of, traces it to
Bede's Axtomata Philosophica [Migne, xc, 1023] and to Aristotle's Metaphysica, [XII.
10, ed. Schwegler (1847), 1. 258]. Pett, Happy future State of England, 250.

[†]between [who and spent] interline [have]

[†]after [want] read [general] instead of [more]

[1]Probably an allusion to the discussions in Harrington's Rota Club, and to his

theories of election and of sovereignty. “Dr William Petty was a Rota man,” says
Wood, “and would sometimes trouble Harrington in his club"—whether on account of
real divergence of opinion or purely from love of an argument may be questioned.

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[†]before [starve] interline [needlesly]

[‡]before [cause] read [one] instead of [the]

[‡]read [is] instead of [are]

[1]In the 1662 edition paragraphs 17 to 20 are erroneously numbered 18 to 21.

[†]read [them] for [him]

[‡]read [their] for [his]

[1]See Graunt, ch. VIII.

[1]The demand for the introduction into England of the Dutch registers and of
Lombards is common to all the “imitators of Holland.” Roscher, Gesch. der engl.
Volkswirthschaftslehre, 63; also Child, Brief Observations (1668), repr. in New
Discourse, 5, 7; Temple, Observations upon the United Provinces (1673), 83–85, 200.

[1]Petty had been admitted a candidate of the College of Physicians 25 June, 1650.
The 14th of July, 1655, he was elected fellow of the College, but, being then in
Ireland, he was not admitted to his new rank until 25 June, 1658. Munk, Roll, 2nd ed.,
I. 271. He was also one of the forty fellows named in the charter granted 26
March,1664. Goodall, The Royal College of Physicians (1684), p. 70. His suggestion
is not wholly out of keeping with the purpose of a corporation established “with a
view to the improvement and more orderly practice of the art of physic, and the
repression of irregular, unlearned, and incompetent practicioners of that faculty.”

[1]The opinion was common about 1662 that England's trade in cloth had declined.
The golden Fleece, by W. S. (1656), p. 11; Answer of the Hamburg Company to the
Exeter “Interlopers” (1662), quoted in Smith's Memoirs of Wool, 1. 206–207; Fortrey,
England's Interest (1663), 16; Mun, England's Treasure (written ca. 1630, publ.
1664), p. 11 of Ashley's ed. Cf. the wellknown statutes for the encouragement of the
clothing trade, 12 Charles II., c. 32; 14 Charles II., c. 18; 18 & 19 Charles II., c. 4.

[1]The dash occurs in all editions.

[1]In the Polit. Arith., ch. IX., Petty repeats this guess and supports it by calculation.

[†]read [viz.] for [that is]

[‡]read [τ?χρήςα] instead of [τ?χρήσα]

[1]The edition of 1679 has “one thousand pounds.”

[†]The counties of Dublin, Kildare, Carlow, and Cork,

[1]read [Excisum] not [Excisium]

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[†]read [obligees] not [obliges]

[1]Perhaps “by the not raising” was intended.

[†]read [enhansing] not [exhausting]

[‡]between [way and Land-Tax] interline [of a]

[††]deleatur [sometimes]

[2]Act of 1656, c. 24, Scobell, H. 484; An Act for preventing the Multiplicity of
Buildings in and about the suburbs of London. Cunningham, Engl. Industry, 11. 174.

[3]A more intelhgible punctuation would be: ‘of a City, suppose London; such
excessive and overgrown cities.’

[1]Evelyn had proposed that all works using sea-coal be removed by Act of
Parliament to a point on the Thames five or six miles below London, because at any
less interval they would not only prodigiously infect his Majesty's royal seat but
during our nine months Etesians (for so we may justly name our tedious Western-
winds) utterly darken and confound one of the most princely and magnificent
prospects that the world has to show. Fumifugium (1661), 16.

[1]1679 ed., “whole Pallace.”

[†]between [Rents and we] interline [in order to Taxes]

[1]In 1661, the exportation of gold continuing in spite of the proclamation of 10th
June directed against it, the King and council took expert advice and raised the value
of gold coin. 20 Nov., 1661, a further remedy was attempted by a proclamation
forbidding the gilding of coaches. Ruding, Annals, II. 4.

[1]Cf. Wieser, Natural Value, 159–160.

[2]Graunt does not discuss the point directly, Observations, ch. XI.

[†]between [seldom and enough] interline [rich]

[‡]deleatur[with]

[1]The attempted analogy between usury and exchange is hardly established. In case
of usury he who is to receive gets the consideration, in case of exchange he who is to
pay. Cf. Quantulumcunque, qu. 28–32.

[†]after [hazards] interline [and]

[‡]read [omitted]

[1]The 1679 ed., “forty miles together.”

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[†]read [apparatus] instead of [appurtenances]

[1]Horace, de arte poetica, 343.

[1]See 12 Charles II., c. 18, § 8.

[†]after [the] interline [former]

[‡]after [Land] read [this latter] instead [of the]

[2]Conjectural emendation: This former I call a Survey or Inquisition into the

intrinsick Values of Land, the latter of extrinsick or accidentall follows. Cf. Graunt,
“Conclusion.”

[1]In 49 Henry VI. (1460) one pound of silver old standard (viz. II oz. 23 fine silver
and 183 alloy) were coined into 37s. 6d. by tale instead of the 30s. previously coined.
Pursuant to the indenture between the King and Sir Ralph Freeman, (12 Charles II.
1661), the same weight of bullion was thenceforward coined into £3.2s. Lowndes,
Report, 39, 40, 54, 55.

[†]deleatur [by]

[‡]between [&c and then] interline [could be fertilized]

[1]Cunningham, English Industry, II., 199–200.

[†]read [worth] not [work]

[1]The 1679 ed., “expect.”

[1]The 1679 ed., “or.”

[†]after [market] interline [abroad]

[†]read [paribus] not [talibus]

[1]The 1679 ed., “always.”

[†]read [conniving] not [coyning]

[†]between [of and one] interline [the]

[‡]deleatur [as much harm]

[††]after [Coffee] inter [and]

[††]read [meerly] for [merrily]

[1]The 1679 ed. supplies “advantage.” “Exchange” is another possible reading.

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[1]The 15th August, 1660, the House of Commons had desired the king to issue a
proclamation forbidding the exportation of wool, woolfells, yarn, and fullers’ earth,
and had directed that a bill for the same purpose be brought in. The bill was passed,
and became 12 Charles II., c. 32. At the next session of Parliament a similar but more
stringent bill was introduced, 4 March, 1662. As this did not become a statute—14
Charles II., c. 18—until the following May it was probably pending at the time when
Petty wrote. H. C. Jour., VIII. 120, 236, 378, 414, 432.

[†]before [certainly] interline [case]

[†]Horace, Epist., I. x. 24.

[1]dele [out]

[‡]read [so or not] instead of [use]

[1]Arguments such as Petty attempts to refute are contained in Free Ports, the Nature
and Necessitie of them stated. [Signed: B. W.] London, printed by William Du Gard.
1652, f°.

[2]See p. 56.

[1]A poll tax according to a complicated scale such as Petty complains of was
imposed by 12 Charles II., c. 9, in September, 1660. It was payable within twelve
days and was expected to produce £400,000 for the speedy disbanding of the army.
By the 24th November it had produced but £252,167. 1s. 4d., H. C. Jour., VIII. 196.
Two supplementary bills for remedying the defects of the tax were introduced in the
same year, but they appear to have failed of passage on account of the dissolution of
Parliament, 29 December. The Parliamentary career of these bills was complicated.
See H. C. Jour., VIII. 38 to 234 passim, and, for an instance of evasion, Pepys’ Diary,
10 December, 1660, vol. 1., p. 283.

[1]In the Irish census of 1659 “in addition to mere numbers, the returns supply the
names of the principal or distinguished occupiers of townlands and streets under the
Anglo-Spanish compound designation of Tituladoes.” Hardinge, Earliest known MS.
Census Returns of the People of Ireland, in Trans. R. I. Academy, vol. XXIV.,
Antiquities, p. 319. See also Gilbert, Calendar of the ancient Records of Dublin, vol.
IV., p. xiii.

[1]1679, “this title.”

[1]See 13 Charles II., Stat. 1. c. 4 (1661), An Act for a free and voluntary present to
his Majesty.

[†]read [on] for [of]

[†]read [their] for [the]

[‡]after [Heterodox] interline [Believer]

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[†]read [wearing] for [weaving]

[1]Thomas Venner, the London wine-cooper, who led the revolt of the Fifth
Monarchy Men, 6 January, 1661. See A relation of the Arraignment and Trial of those
who made the late Rebellious Insurrection in London, 1661, in Somers’ Tracts
(1812), VII. 469–472; Howell, State Trials, VI. 105–120, 67–70 n.; Burnet, Own
Time, I. 160–161.

[†]read [defect] for [dissent]

[1]1679, “simple.”

[†]between [them and is] interline [it]

[2]Petty had invented a machine for double writing, upon which he received from the
House of Lords a patent dated 7 March, 164 ⅞, and valid for seventeen years. He
issued a prospectus (Bibliography), and endeavoured to “syndicate” the invention,
apparently without success. Fitzmaurice, 10–13.

[†]after [yet the] interline [said]

[‡]read [offices] for [officers]

[1]Petty had recently avoided a duel. Evelyn, Diary, 22 March, 1675, II. 403; Aubrey
in Walker's Bodleian Letters, II. 485; Fitzmaurice, 151–152.

[1]Conjectural emendation; “about the dead); It seems clear.”

[†]read [shared] for [shred]

[1]Juvenal, Sat., III. 78.

[2]See Graunt, Index, entry 96.

[3]1679 omits “our.”

[†]read [consequences] for [calamities]

[‡]read [an] for [no]

[††]after [plentiful] interline [year]

[1]Perhaps under Act of 1654, c. 32, Scobell II. 313, 317.

[1]On the history of the Prussian Amber monopoly, cf. Gewinnung und Verarbeitung
des Bernsteins in Preussen von der Ordenzeit bis sur Gegenwart; von W. Tesdorpf.
Jena, 1887, pp. 6–22.

[1]1679, “mean.”

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[2]1679, “but.”

[†]read [medalls] instead of [a medall]

[‡]between [consisting and great] interline [of]

[1]The error whereby two consecutive paragraphs are numbered “7” occurs in all
editions.

[†]read [d’ Escu] instead of [d’ Esens]

[†]read [abating] for [abasing]

[†]after [former] interline [better]

[†]read [prices] for [proceed]

[†]read [as] for [the]

[1]No “fourthly” in any edition.

[†]read [families] for [faculties]

[2]In the 1662 ed., this catch-word occurs on p. 75 (signature L 2). The verso of the
leaf is blank. The next leaf, unpaged, has signature M and begins “Errata.” The 1662
ed. being in quarto, two leaves, apparently, are missing. But the Index calls for no
more than is here printed, and the nine copies I have seen contain no more.

[1]Fitzmaurice, 318.

[2]p. 103.

[3]See note 5, p. 103.

[4]p. 109.

[5]See Polit. Anat, chap. iv.

[6]Introduction, pt. VII.

[7]Sloane MS., 2572, fol. 105 b, seq.

[8]Happy Future State, p. 192–3, 245.

[1]S omits ‘are forced to.’

[2]D, ‘but of.’

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[3]13 Charles II., stat. 2, c. 3 imposed an assessment of £70,000 per month for 18
months, beginning 25 December, 1661.

[4]D, ‘indirectly.’

[5]Apparently an allusion to the assessment of £68,819. 9s. per month for 36 months
granted by 16 & 17 Charles II., c. I, beginning 25 December, 1664. To this 17 Charles
II., c. I added £52,083. 6s. 8d. per month for 24 months beginning Christmas, 1665.

[1]All editions have 6 l. Is. 8d. per acre. D has ‘6s 8d p acre,’ which makes Petty's
calculation correct.

[2]Apparently “¼ more” should be “as many more.” This correction explains the
words “not of greater value, viz. 5,040,000l.“at the end of the paragraph, and it brings
the estimate of London's houses (56,000) more nearly into harmony with the 65,000
or 66,000 which Petty variously assigns to the London of 1666 in his Two Essays and
in his Five Essays. Furthermore it is by some such change alone that we can justify
Petty's valuation of the housing of England at 30 million pounds. His calculation, with
the correction suggested, would be:

28,000 houses within the Liberties of London, worth 5,040,000£

28,000 houses without the Liberties but within the Bills, 5,040,000£
[This makes paragraph 4 plain.]
112,000 houses in cities and market towns, 10,080,000£
112,000 houses or more without cities and towns, 10,080,000£
Total 30,240,000£.

[1]S, ‘ .’

[2]1719, ‘310 Millions.’

[3]D, ‘theire ordinary apparell.’

[1]S, ‘which makes.’

[2]This and the two following paragraphs are not in S.

[3]Because London was assessed £ 4666. 13 s. 4 d. of the £ 70,000 per month to be

raised in accordance with 13 Charles II., stat. 2, c. 3.

[1]D, ‘4 s.’

[2]1719, ‘9 d.’

[3]The words “another ? 6d.” are required to complete the enumeration and to give an
average of 7d. per diem.

[4]D, ‘Inviduum.’

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[1]This seems to be the germ of Petty's plan “Of Lessening y° Plagues of London,”
dated October 7, 1667 and here reprinted from Lord E. Fitzmaurice's Life, pp
121–122:

1. London within ye bills hath 696th people in 108th houses.

2. In pestilentiall yeares, (which are one in 20) there dye ?th of ye people of
ye plague and ?th of all diseases.
3. The remedies against spreading of ye plague are shutting up suspected
houses and pest-houses within ½ a mile of ye citty.
4. In a circle about ye center of London of 35 miles semi-diameter, or a dayes
journey, there live as many people and are as many houses as in London.
5. Six heads may bee caryd a days journey for 20th.
6. A family may bee lodged 3 months in ye country for 4th, so as ye charge of
carying out and lodging a family at a medium will be 5th.
7. In ye greatest plague wee feare, scarce 20th families will be infected; and
in this new method but 10th, ye charge whereof will be 50th pounds.
8. The People which ye next plague of London will sweep away will be
probably 120th, which at 7£ per head is a losse of 8,400ths, the half whereof
is 4,200ths.
9. So as 50 is ventured to save 4,200, or about one for 84.
10. There was never a Plague in ye campagne of England by which ?th of ye
people dyed.
11. Poore people who live close dye most of ye plague.
12. The Plague is about 3 monthes rising and as much falling, which cold
weather hastens.
13. Killing dogs, making great fires in ye street, nor the use of medicaments
are considered sure, for which everyone by common directions may bee
theire owne Physicians.
14. In ye circle of 70 miles diameter, choose 10 large wide roomey disjoyned
houses with water and garden to each, the Inhabitants to remove at 7 dayes
notice.
15. Convenient wagons or coaches to bee prepared to carry away ye
suspected.
16. A method to furnish ye pesthouses with medicines for theire mony.
17. Bookes of devotion for every house.

Proposalls—When 100 per week dy, the Plague is begun. If there dye fewer than
120ths, out of ye bills, of all diseases within a yeare after, then W.P. is [to] have 20th
per head for all lesse and to pay 10th per head for all above it.

Every family removed being to provide 10£ for ye charge of going and coming and
for 4 monthes rent. Or a gratuity of with W.P. his insurance.

[1]D omits ‘we.’

[2]D omits'Estates.’

[1]From this point the copyist of S has ruthlessly abridged the text.

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[1]By a slip of the types the 1691 ed. transposes the ‘f’ of ‘for’ and the ‘ ’ which
stand at the beginning of successive lines. The obvious mistake is corrected above.

[1]By a slip of the types the 1691 ed. transposes the ‘f’ of ‘for’ and the ‘ ’ which
stand at the beginning of successive lines. The obvious mistake is corrected above.

[1]Perhaps an allusion to Petty's projected epitome of useful books and to his “History
of arts illiberal and mechanique.” Petty's Advice to Hartlib and Hartlib's letters to
Boyle 16 November, 1647, and 10 August, 1658 (Boyle's Works (1772), VI, 76, 112)
give some account of the project, and copies of what appear to be Petty's notes
towards its realization are in Sloane MS. 2903 fol. 63 seq., in the British Museum.

[2]See Graunt, ch. viii.

[1]See Treatise of Taxes, p. 30 n.

[1]A Letter from a Gentleman in the Country to his Frsend in the City touching Sir
William Petty's posthumous Treatise entituled Verbum Sapienti or, the Method of
Raising Taxes in the most equal Manner (subscribed “H. J.”) was printed by G. W. for
William Miller, London, 1691, 4°. The author summarizes and in general approves
Petty's conclusions but belives that Petty underestumated the amount of money
necessary to the nation, and argues that the landlords bear more than their share of
taxes. He thinks, therefore, that Petty's plan is defective in not proposing a
compensatory tax upon non-owners of land.

[1]I [The Southwell MS. (see p. 123) bears title “The Political Anatomy of Ireland,
1672.” The more elaborate titles of the first and second editions (see Bibliography,
24) were probably composed by the editors in 1691 and 1719. The Verbum Sapienli
has been placed before the Anatomy (pp. 99–120), in conformity to the general
chronological scheme of arrangement.]

[1]State Papers Dom. Car. II, vol. 287, no. 77, 138, vol. 289, no. 120.

[1]Addl. MS. 21,127.

[2]A Catalogue of MSS., State Papers and Autograph Letters received by Sir R.
Southwell, the property of Lord De Clifford, deceased. Sold by Christie, February 11,
1834, no. 599.

[3]State Papers: Catalogus lib. MSS. bibl. Southwelliana (1834), no. 711, p. 409.

[4]A Catalogue of valuable Books and interesting MSS., the property of a well known
Collector. Sold by Sotheby 17 August, 1855, no. 305.

[5]‘Learned’ is substituted for ‘ingenious’ erased.

[6]‘To serve his’ substituted for'ingenious’ erased.

[7]‘Nor’ substituted for ‘And tho’ erased.

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[8]The comments are reproduced as foot notes to appropriate passages.

[1]Petty, Hist. of the Down Survey, p. v, 334.

[2]Pett to Williamson, 4 Dec., 1678, State Papers Ireland, Car. II., 338.

[3]Bibliography, 24.

[1]James Butler, second Duke of Ormond, grandson of the first Duke and son of that
Thomas, Earl of Ossory, whose death Petty so much lamented (7 th Rept. Hist. MSS.
Comm., 742) was born in Dublin Castle, 29 April, 1665. He served at the head of the
Life-guards in King William's army, was present at the battle of the Boyne, and
accompanied his royal master to the Hague in January, 1691 His career after his
return to England did not altogether justify the high expectations which his friends
had formed of him. Died 1745.

[2]On Ormond's appreciation of Petty see note, p. 8.

[3]Probably by Sir Robert Southwell, see note 3, p. 131.

[1]Nahum Tate was born at Dublin in 1652. At the age of twenty he proceeded to the
degree of bachelor of arts at the university in his native city and soon after removed to
London, where he continued to reside until his death in 1715. In 1692 he succeeded
Shadwell as poet laureate.

[1]Thomas Parker was born, it is said, 23 July, 1666., He entered Trinity College,
Cambridge in 1685, but did not take a degree, and, having been a student of the Inner
Temple, was called to the Bar 24 May, 1691. In 1705 he sat for Derby as a Whig. In
1710 he became Lord Chief Justice of England, and the following year declined the
Lord Chancellorship, to which he was finally appointed 12 May 1718. In 1716 he was
created Baron Macclesfield, and in 1721 he was raised to an earldom. In 1725 he was
impeached of corruption and found guilty by the unammous voice of the peers
present. He died 28 April, 1732. His mathematical interest exhibited itself chiefly in
the patronage of mathematicians, but his own attainments were unquestionably
sufficient for the comprehension of Political Arithmetick.

[2]No addition of importance was made to Petty's part of the book, but the editor
suppressed several passages of the first edition and altered others. Such of his changes
as give rise to readings substantially different from those of the first edition, here
reprinted, are incorporated in the foot notes; but mere differences of orthography are
ignored. The largest addition made in the second edition was “A List of the Lords
spiritual and temporal of Ireland,” and “A List of the Knights, Citizens and Burgesses
of the Parliament of Ireland,” 1715. These lists are omitted from the present edition.

[1]1719 omits ‘who profess no Politicks.’

[2]Since the Act for the Settling of Ireland, 12 August, 1652, Scobell, 11. 197.

[1]S, ‘Choroides.’

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[2]1719, ‘finer parts.’

[1]The Advertisement is not in S, and only the first paragraph of it is in the ed. of
1719.

[2]The term ‘letterees’ is sometimes confined to those Irish who obtained the King's
letters of restitution in the early months after his Restoration and were put out again
by the Act of Settlement. Such Irish as were resored at the King's first return, by
letters patent of which ‘mero-motu’ was a phrase were called ‘mero-motu men’. Their
patents, if obtained before the Declaration of Settlement, 30 Nov., 1660, were
confirmed by the Act of Settlement; if obtained after that date, they were voidable.
Russell and Prendergast, The Carte MSS. in the Bodleian Library, 193.

[3]It is probable that Southwell brought about the printing of the Political Anatomy in
1691, and it is not impossible that the book was then printed from his MS. (‘s’). S is,
beyond question, “a copy transcribed from the original writ by the author's own
hand.” Moreover the footings of columns of figures in S are reproduced at two points
in the 1691 edition (see note 3, p. 143, and note 4, p. 145) where no editor acting
independently of S would have thought to insert them, while, on the other hand, the
differences between S and that edition may be sufficiently accounted for as the slips
of a not over-careful printer. S, however, is still very clean. If from this circumstance
we infer that it never lay upon a printer's case, we shall be forced to assume an
original holograph, now lost, from which one copy, S, was made for Southwell, and
another copy, likewise lost, was made for the printer. Even upon this supposition the
Southwell MS. must be held to be of authority, since it bears Petty's autograph
corrections.

[1]The matter described in this paragraph, none of it by Petty, is omitted from the
present edition, the corresponding portion of the Contents being printed in brackets.
See note 1, p. 134.

[1]In S the Contents precede the Preface.

[2]The Roman numerals in brackets indicate the chapter numbers supplied by the
editor of the second edition, who also shortened the titles of many of the chapters.

[3]End of the Contents in S, which does not contain the Verbum Sapienti.

[1]This and the following items are omitted from this edition.

[2]Here follows, in the first and second editions, the Contents of Verbum Sapienti as
already printed at p. 101.

[1]his caption occupies the title-page of S.

[2]It was, apparently, Petty's intention to divide his book into chapters. Cf. p. 201.
Accordingly the Chapter division made by the editor of the second edition is here
adopted for convenience of reference.

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[3.]In 1719 is a note, ‘A Perch or Pole, Irish measure, is 21 Foot; the Acres are
measured by that Perch, as the Acres in England are measured by a Perch of 16 Foot
and half.’ Cf. p. 172.

[1]A ‘list of lands granted to the Duke of Ormond by the Act of Settlement and Court
of Claims’ is given by Carte, Ormond, Appendix, pp. 132–133.

[2]By the Act of Settlement the lands lately held by the Regicides were given to the
Duke of York.

[3]1719, ‘1,410,000.’

[4]Upon this entry Sir Richard Cox comments in his letter to Southwell, ‘The
redemption of Mortgages being given to y° 49 how comes 100000[Editor: illegible
text] to be restored to Prot Mgees.’

[5]The true total is 5,230,000. The source of the error is not made obvious by the
following margiual calculation in S,

The editor of the 1719 ed. corrects Perry's blunder by the simple method of
subtracting 30,000 acres from the largest single item. See note 3, P. 136.

[1]S, ‘now.’

[2]In the margin of S, opposite this footing, occur the following three notes, to which
I have made certain additions in brackets:

‘Irish
40 [to the 26 for constant good affection.]
180–20
60 [to the letterees and nominees.]
360 [to papists per proviso.]
700 [upon transplantation decrees.]
——
2340.’ [The true sum is 1340.]
‘Church
20–20 [to the Church.]
390–10 [to the adventurers.]
1440–10 [to the ‘49 soldiers.]
280 [to the ‘49 officers.]
270 [to protestants per proviso.]
——
2400.’

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These marginal calculations give Ormond 30,000 acres more than the text
allows him, and introduce an item of 180,000 acres which cannot be identified with
anything preceding. On the other hand they do not include 1,200,000 acres to the
Innocents nor 40,000 to Lord Inchiquin, Lord Roscommon, and others. A grouping in
accordance with Petty's probable meaning would be:

Papists recovered. Protestants recovered. Indifferent.

40 to the 26 20 to the Church 130 to Ormond
1200 to the Innocents 390 to the adventurers 40 to Inchiqum
60 to letterees 1440 to the ‘49 soldiers 120 to the Duke of York
360 per proviso 280 to the ‘49 officers 80 in the common stock
700 transplantation decrees 270 per proviso 100 to mortgagees
—— —— ——
2360 2400 470

or in all 5,230,000 acres.

[1]1719, ‘80,000.’

[2]The 5,140,000 acres are found by adding to the 2,300,000 acres held by the Church
and the transplanted protestants in 1641 (see p. 136), the 2,400,000 acres of the
“Protestants and Churches additions,” the 60,000 acres purchased by protestants in
Connaught and the 380,000 acres “Of a more indifferent Nature” remaining after the
deduction of the 80,000 acres in the common stock from the total of 460,000 acres.

[3]The 2,280,000 acres are found by subtracting the transplantees’ sales of 60,000
acres from the 2,340,000 acres which the Papists recovered.

[4]In S the total ‘7500’ is written beneath the ‘80,’ as it obviously should be.

[5]Cox, ‘What or where are y° 80000° left in y° Common Stock and how comes it
they are undisposed, many adventurers being deficient & many designd to be restord
are still excluded for want of Previous reprizal.’

[1]Cox, ‘y6 computacon of 9000000a to be worth yearly 9000001 p ann which is but
2[Editor: illegible] a plantacon acre is to low by ?.’

[2]Cox, ‘ye quitrent &c he makes to be 900001 p ann but tis not near soe much.’

[2]Cox, ‘That ye Tithe should be a fifth, seems a great paradox.’

[4]Cox, ‘& so tis ye leases and improvemt5 should be deducted out of ye Small value
of 2[Editor: illegible] p acre.’

[5]Cox, ‘And therefore notwithstanding his calculacon yt ye 2520000a gaind by ye

rebell is worth but 144000 p ann he should have said yt the [the words in Italics ar

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cancelled, and Cox proceeds] they are at 2[Editor: illegible] p acre worth p ann
2520001 & really worth more.’

[6]In the margin of S, ‘Memd that ye charge of the army from 1653 to 1673
communibus Annis far exceeds ye charge of ye Goverment 1641, and ye rent of the
forfeited lands.’

[7]Beneath ‘144000’ in S, ‘wch is less than ye present charge of ye Army.’

[8]Apparently a mistake for ‘86400,’ so corrected in the margin of S, but not in the
text.

[1]Cox, ‘he might add yt ye K gaind 12 Subsidyes, A great established revenew by

hearthmoney excise and customs, from a flourishing Kingdome made soe by the Act
of Setlemt, which else would not grant, and could not pay, those vast sumes.’

[2]Apparently should be ‘864000.’

[3]A blank in S.

[4]Cox, ‘I doubt the 49 army was not 30000 foot and 15000 horse nor above half yt
number at any one time, Neither was any footsouldier allowed 151 p ann.’

[1]1719 omits the last two paragraphs of the chapter.

[2]On the hearth money in Ireland see a note to chap. II of the Polit. Arith.

[2]See note on p. 142

[Note to last line of p. 144 :]

The editors of the 1691 and 1719 eds., by an obvious blunder,

made the total 2,200,000. Neither here nor elsewhere does Petty make use of the
returns of the census taken in 1659, though it is probable that he once had the figures
of that enumeration for nearly the whole of Ireland. The population at that time has
been calculated at 500,091, of whom about one fifth were Englishmen or Scotsmen.
Hardinge in Trans. R. I. Acad., xxiv., Antiquities, 317–328. If these figures are
correct, Petty unquestionably overestimated the population of Ireland, both here and
when, at a later date, he increased his estimate to ‘about 1,200,000 people’ and ‘near
300,000 hearths,’ and still later to 1,300,000. Polit. Arith., chap. II, and the Treatise of
Ireland. Subsequent investigations have thrown but little additional light upon the
correctness of his figures. The next estimate is for the year 1696. Calculating from the
poll tax returns in three counties and in the city of Dublin, Capt. Sough set the
population of Ireland at 1,034,102. ‘An Account of the Number of People in Ireland,’
Philos. Trans., 1700, no. 261, vol.xxii., p. 520. Nearly a century later Mr G P. Bushe,
commissioner of revenue, published in the Trans. of the R. I. Academy, iii., Science,
145–155, his ‘Essay towards ascertaining the Population of Ireland.’ Bushe points out
that the returns of hearth money before 1686 were very defective, 200,000 houses

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being added by Ormond's reform in that year. He thinks that the houses must have
been more numerous in 1672 thatn Petty makes them, and intimates that Petty's
calculation of the population also is too small. But Thomas Newsham, an investigator
quite as careful as Bushe, is of the contrary opinion. “Whether Sir William Petty
overrated the population of Ireland in 1672, it is impossible now to determine. That he
did not underrate it we may consider as certan.” An Historical and Statistical Inqutry
into the Progress and Magnitude of the Population of Ireland (1805), p. 89.

[1]‘165, M’ should be ‘16 M,’ and is so corrected in S.

[2]1719 omits this paragraph.

[3]This footing falls, both in S and in the first edition, in the middle of a page, where
it is superfluous. It may have originated in a MS. which was the arche-type of S as
well as of the first edition. Cf. note 4, p. 145.

[1]‘2,000,000’ appears to be a misprint for ‘200,000,’ the reading of S. But on p. 142

Petty found 300,000 ‘Non-Papists’ in Ireland. See also p. 148.

[2]Cox, ‘he allows 120001 to 2000 Impotents & pag 60 [of the MS., p. 189 of this
ed.] but 80001.’

[1]Had Petty adopted Graunt's table [Observations, ch. XI.] without modification, his
figures would have been 704, 440, 275, 176, 110, 66, 33. The figures actually used
correspond more nearly to the probable mortality of Ireland at the time, but there is no
indication of the reasons which led Petty to substitute them for Graunt's (or his own)
'six mean proportional numbers.’

[2]

In the margin of S, ‘1,100,000

320,000’

[3]Cox, ‘6,000,000 of black Cattle or their equivalent is more yn all Ireland will feed
vide pag 42’ [of the MS., p. 175 of this ed.].

[4]This line stands at the top of folio 10 in S and repeats the total (‘220,000,’ one line
above) from the bottom of folio 9 (misnumbered 13). In the first edition both lines fall
(as here) in the middle of a page where they are superfluous. Cf. note 3, p. 143.

[5]Cox, 'smiths 15000 and their servts but 7500: whereas of all Trades Smiths doe
most need a servt to help: It is indeed a two handed trade yt cannot be without a servt:
ergo there should be as many Servts as Smiths.’ But Petty allows a servant to each
smith, though none to the smiths’ wives.

[1]Cox, ‘Workers of Wool & their wives are x times as many as are computed it being
comon for one bagmaker to Imploy 1000 Spinners weavers &c. There are also three
times as many Carpenters and Masons as he mentions.’

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[2]S, 1691, ‘331,600,’ 1719, ‘364,600,’ which is the correct footing.

[3]Making the corrections indicated, Petty's ‘employments’ foot up to £2,384,833. 6s.

8d. as against £2,380,000 of employments required.

[1]Cox, ‘The calculacon of ye number of Ministers from Number of Auditors is very

Strange because they may live at such distance yt tis impossible to attend them, for
example in Kerry, phaps there are not above 500 prot & yet one Minister could never
suply ye Cure, yt is visit ye sick, Christen, bury &c.’

[2]The amount is wanting in all editions.

[3]1719, ‘13 or 14.’ In margin of S, ‘about 180007 square miles in Ireland.’ The
version of the second ed., therefore, probably represents Petty's intention.

[1]Another punctuation may be suggested, VIZ. ‘I conceive that 80 M. of them have

in 20 years encreased by Generation, 70 M. by return of banished and expelled
English as also by the access of new ones, 80 M. of New Scots, and 20 M. of returned
Irish, being [in] all 250 M.’

[2]Cox, ‘If in anno 52 there were 850000 inhabitants, 130000 were Eng 20000 Scots
& 700000 Ir: & in anno 72: 1100000 of all sorts y° Ir have encreasd 60000: y° Eng
100000 and y° Scots 80000: it will follow by y° same rule of proportion viz yt they
encrease a 25th every x year by generation yt in ann 1687 they are as followeth.

Ir 800000 encreased 60000 are now 860000

Eng 200000 encreased 15000 are now 215000
Scotts 100000 encreased 07500 are now 107500

But if to this be added yt in these 15 years (sic) last past, at least 35000 Eng. have
come from Engld and the plantations to settle in Ir, & yt 42500 Scotts have come in
y° same time, & yt at least 60000 Ir have in yt time gone to Clergy War Service
Travail &c. then at this day there will be found in Ireland—Ir 800000 Eng 250000
Scotts 150000 and soe y° Ir are but just double y° Number of y° brittish.’ Cox arrives
at the distribution of population in 1652 by assuming that the 80000 increase by
generation is confined to the Irish. Petty returns to his calculation in the Dialogue
appended to the Treatise of Ireland.

[1]

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In the margin of S, ‘1100

366
——
1466
850
——
616
112
504.’

[2]Cox, ‘If y° Ir in 1641 were to y° Eng as 11 to 2. & in all 1466000: then the Ir were
1199450 and ye Eng were 266550: and since it is notorious yt 100000 Eng did not
survive ye first year of ye wars, I cannot find any error in their Calculaction yt say
166550 Brittish were massacred yt yeare, and I am sure if there be any difficulty in
proving yt Assertion, it will be in yt part of it yt says there were 266550 Brittish in Ir
in 1641.

‘Besides his way of Computation is this: In 1641 there were 266550 Brittish in 1652
there were left above 150000 ergo there were destroyed but 112000 to which I answer
yt besides the Brittish in Ireland there came above 150000 Eng & Scotts into Ireland
before y° year (52) which being added to his 112000 doe manifest that there were in
all 262000 Brittish pished in ye late war whereof 150000 being massacred in ye first
year there will remain our Authors 11200 for ye rest of y rebellion:

‘Moreover his Computacion supposes yt y 150000 brittish liveing in 1652 were part
of those liveing in 1641; whereas revera ¾ of ye Brittish in 1652 were the Army and
others yt had newly come out of Eng & Scottland & their children y very army as this
gent says besides wives and children being 35000.’

[1]

[2]S, ‘double the number sometimes.’

[1]

In the margin of S, ‘689,000

3,445,000
——
10,335,000’

[1]S, ‘300 M. 000.’ Cox, ‘That ye Ir were but 300000 in ye time of H. 2. I doe not
believe, nor is yt method of computaction convincing for if 200 years agoe there were
but half as many as now, & 200 years before but half yt number again & soe on, it
would follow yt 1000 years agoe there were but of ye people now living.’

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[1]Cox, ‘he says Ir had no monument of Learning &c, to which I oppose ye Noted
Verse in Cambden Brittania 2d pte (68:): Motus amore patrum et commot9 amore
legendi Venit ad hibernos Sophia (mirabile) claros.’

[2]A discoverie of the true causes why Ireland was neuer entirely subdued nor
brought under Obedience of the Crowne of England untill the Beginning of his
Majesties happy Raigne. Printed for John Iaggard, dwelling within the Temple Bar, at
the Signe of the Hand and Star. 1612. 4° Frequently reprinted.

[3]14 & 15 Charles II, c. 2, Ireland.

[1]A comma here in the 1719 edition.

[2]No comma in S.

[3]Cox, ‘It is a paradox that ffrance could not be advantagd by ye acquisition of

Ireland not intelligible to me, since our Author allows Ireland abounds in harbours
and other conveiencyes of Trade, but what is more, it is so scituate yt it could at any
time destroy ye Trade of Engld if in ye hands of a Potent or a Pyraticall enemy, and
without those considerations, we know yt being well managd it is able to supply the
Crowne of Engld with men money and other conveniences, & is since our Author
wrote become an additional strength to Engld.’

[1]Perhaps an allusion to the “digression” in chap. IV. of the Polit. Arith. Petty was
working upon the Polit. Arith. in 1671, although he did not complete it until after the
Polit. Anat.

[2]S, ‘2. Whereas.’

[1]Cox, ‘The expedient of Transmutacon is mistaken in ye sex, for if a million of

women were married to as many poor Ir, it is certain they would degenerate into meer
Irish & yt in a few years, experience proves my Assertion; besides in reason it must
be soe, for women unless elevated by education and a principle of honr are less
virtuous than men, yt is they are more easy & sooner allured by temptation or
frightened by anything yt is like terrible, they are naturally more slothfull and love
their ease, besides ye Irish naturally lord it over their wives & are not soe uxorious as
we Eng but if a number of young boys were exchanged yearly it would do wt our
Author designs for boys bred after ye English manner would not marry but with
women soe bred, wherefore ye Ir women would betake themselves to Eng service to
qualify themselves for such husbands.’

[1]This scheme is further elaborated in the Treatise of Ireland.

[2]S, ‘my disobedience’; 1719, ‘any Disobedience.’ It is not clear to what

disobedience of his own Petty here refers. His arrest by order of the Lord Chancellor
of Ireland took place to Feby. 1677. Fitzmaurice, 170.

[1]S, ‘into.’

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[2]Cf. Fitzmaurice, 247.

[3]‘we should do to’ is not in S.

[4]S, ‘libe and.’

[5]By 15 Charles II., c. 7 (1663) a duty so high as to be practically prohibitive had

been placed upon the importation of Irish cattle between I July and 20 December. On
18 October, 1665 a bill was introduced into the House of Commons prohibiting the
importation of Irish cattle entirely. On the 20th it was advanced to a second reading
and a public hearing before a committee was set for the 21st. Petty appeared with
others against the measure, but they were refused a copy of the bill or even a list of its
chief heads. They might hear it read once and immediately speak against it. The
protesters declined to speak unprepared in a matter of such moment and prayed for
delay that the Lord Lieutenant might be consulted. Delay was refused and the bill was
ordered to be engrossed on the twenty-third. H. C. four., VIII. 617, 619, 620. Before
the Lord's committee Petty appeared two or three times in opposition to the measure
and sufficient delay was there secured to prevent its passage before the prorogation of
Parliament, 31 October, 1665. Lord E. Fitzmaurice, who had MS. memoranda, says
that the substance of Petty's argument is reproduced in ch. x. of the Polit. Anat. (p.
185post). Life, 142. It seems possible that some part of his argument was also printed
at the time, as Thomas Thorpe had, in 1842, a printed sheet of Observations on the
Irish Cattle Trade, which he attributed to Petty. Thorpe's Catalogue, 1842, no. 5597.
The 27 November, 1667, a petition from Chester was presented in the House of
Commons alleging infractions of 15 Charles II., c.7 and calling for a more stringent
enactment. H.C. Jour., IX. 26–27. A bill was accordingly introduced 9 December and
passed, after violent debate, the 2 March, 1668, declaring the importation from
beyond seas of any great cattle, sheep or swine, or any beef, pork or bacon or of any
ling, herring, cod, pilchard, salmon, eels or congers taken by foreigners aliens to the
kingdom of England to be a nuisance. Such imports were therefore to be seized and
sold for the benefit of the informer and of the poor of the parish. The debate in the
House of Lords was even more violent then than in the Commons, and the bill was
returned, 18 March, 1668, with amendments which were agreed to 30 March,—18 &
19 Charles II., c. 2. On the history of these measures see Parl. Hist., IV. 337–347,
Clarendon's Life, P. 959 seq., Carte, Ormond, II. 317–323, 329–338, Fitzmaurice,
140–142.

[1]S, ‘hinder.’

[1]1719, ‘One sixth.’

[2]S, ‘and…… other Peers.’

[1]The complaints against the presidential court of Munster are alluded to by Carte,
Ormond, II. 369.

[2]S, ‘lands.’

[1]S, ‘by 21 Bishops, Arch Deacons…. Deans.’

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[2]S, ‘12 or 20.’

[3]S, ‘Regular.’

[4]S, ‘12 or 20 Lay-Patriots.’

[1]S, ‘at this time about…. commoners.’

[2]The Dublin “Fraternity of Physicians”; founded by Dr John Stearne in 1654 was

incorporated by Royal Charter in 1667 as “The President and Fellows of the College
of Physicians in Dublin.” In this first charter fourteen Fellows were nominated, the
first of whom, Dr Stearne, was appointed President for life, and ‘the next on the list
was the celebrated Sir William Petty,’ who had been a member of the Fraternity from
its first organization. In 1692 the College received a new Charter under its present
name. Register of the King's and Queen's College of Physicians in Ireland (1865), pp.
5,6,91.

[3]Probably the hospital on Oxmantown-Green, officially “The Hospital and Free

School of King Charles the Second, Dublin.” Towards the support of this hospital
Petty gave £20 per annum out of £321. 2s. II½d. so contributed. Narrative and
Account concerning the Hospital on Oxmantown Green. Published for the
Satisfaction of the Subscribers, 1671. Now Republished by Charles Lucas, Dublin,
1749. Petty's gift was made after 15 Jany., 1670, as his name does not appear in the
list of “Benefactors or Subscribers for the Hospital,” of that date, printed by Gilbert,
Calendar, IV. 492–494.

[1]This paragraph may have been inserted after the completion of the Polit. Anat.,
which occurred in 1672 or 1673. An Account of the Founding of the Royal Hospital of
Charles II. near Dublin for the Relief and Maintenance of Antient and Infirm Officers
and Soldiers Serving in the Army of Ireland. [By Thomas Wilson.] Dublin, 1713, says
that from the example of Louis XIV. in establishing the Hôtel des Invalides ‘first
sprung the Notion of Building the Like in this Kingdom, which was happily
Entertain'd at first by the Earl of Granard…. in or about the Year 1675.’ Granard
communicated with the Lord Lieutenant, Essex, but nothing came of the matter until
the arrival of Ormond in 1677. On 27 October, 1679 Ormond wrote to the King in
favour of the proposed hospital, and an order for its endowment was accordingly
given at the Council Chamber, 27 February, 1680. The building was erected
1680–1686. Pp. 4–15.

[1]Cox, ‘If ye Irish yt are vested take part with ye divested (as our Author says) then
the true distinction of factions is Eng & Ir or rather Papist & Antipapist & not Vested
and divested: and indeed since there are not above 3000 freeholders in Ireland ye
notions of vested & divested cannot denominate factions yt are more generall and 100
times more Numerous.’

[2]S omits ‘they.’

[1]S, 'sherif.’

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[1]S, ‘remaining 100 M.’

[2]S, 1719 Insert ‘fit.’

[1]S, ‘Cabbins, men slavishly bred.’

[1]S, ‘NEly.’

[2]S, ‘NEly to N & W.’

[1]In the margin of S, ‘A sheep weighs 80lb.’

[2]1719, ‘56l.’

[3]1719, ‘784l.’

[4]1719, ‘560l.’

[5]1719, ‘84l.’

[1]1719 inserts ‘The Offal about 60l,’ and sums up ‘In all 784l or 7 C.wt.’

[2]1719, ‘Consequently the said Ox gaineth in weight one year with another near
1301.’

[3]1719 omits this paragraph.

[4]S, ‘above…. sheep.’

[1]Chap. XII. discusses the diet of the inhabitants of Ireland.

[2]S, 1719, ‘2½.’

[3]S, ‘remains (½ a million being allow'd for all other Cattle, beasts, and Vermine) 5½
Millions.’

[1]In 1616 Mr Alderman Proby and Mr Matthias Springham, sent from London to
report upon the condition of Derry, “continued Mr Thomas Raven as surveyor for two
years more, holding his services necessary for measuring and setting out the
fortifications of Derry and Culmore.” Ordnance Survey of the County of Londonderry,
i. 40. Raven accordingly directed the building of the walls of Londonderry in 1617.
Hempton, The Siege and History of Londonderry, 327.

[2]Petty's History of the Down Survey, 54–62, 325–27, 346, 393; Hardinge, “On MS.
mapped and other Townland Surveys in Ireland of a public Character, embracing the
Gross, Civil and Down Surveys, from 1640 to 1688,” in Trans. Roy. Irish Acad., vol.
XXlV. Antiquities (1873), pp. 3–118.

[3]See Hardinge “On MS. mapped Townland Surveys,” in Proc. R. I. A., viii. 39, 54.

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[4]On Petty's surveys and maps see Introduction, and note on p. 6; also Petty's
History, Hardinge, loc. cit., and Fitzmaurice, chap. ii.

[1]By 17 Charles I., c. 34, Scobell, I. 26.

[2]Probably in accordance with c. 12, Acts of 1653. Scobell, ii. 240, 242.

[3]Many of the records were destroyed by the fire in the Council office in Essex
Street, 1711. Report from the Commissioners respecting the Public Records of
Ireland, 1810–1815, pp. 400, 541 et passim.

[4]Probably a reference to c. 32, Acts of 1654, which imposed upon Ireland an

assessment of £10,000 per month, together with the same excise and customs as in
England, and temporarily remitted quit-rents upon the lands granted to adventurers
and soldiers. Scobell, II. 313.

[1]S, ‘to ascertain a gift.’

[2]S, ‘restoration, there.’

[3]Acts of 1656, c. 25 laid an assessment of £9000 per month upon Ireland for three
years from 24 June, 1657. Scobell, II. 491; valuations of the several counties of
Ireland, pp. 496–497.

[4]14 & 15 Charles II., c. 16, Ireland. Cf. p. 2.

[5]Perhaps 13 Charles I., c. I, An Act for the speedy raising of money for his
Majesty's service. “Search has been made for this act in the Rolls, but it is not to be
found.” Irish Statutes at Large, ii. 235.

[1]S, ‘well assur'd.’

[2]Cox, ‘The computation of ye value of land p 15[Edidor: illegible] for every

inhabitant is very strange and can have noe certainty nor pbability—for Example
Typerary has not more people in it twice than the Barony of Carbury, but it is 40
times yt value p ann. & is for ye most pte kept under sheep, & therefore thinly
inhabited.’

[3]

In the margin of S, ‘160 16000

5 10
800 M. 24
144 6
——
160 144.’
——
1,104000

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[4]The Table was probably omitted from the original MS. and the copyist of S left no
space for it.

[1]S omits ‘there.’

[1]S, ‘is more particular, stand thus.’

[2]‘If’ begins a sentence in S.

[1]S, ‘Ml.’

[2]See note 5, p. 160.

[1]S, ‘disturbed thereby, upon.’

[2]Ruding says that in 1667 cobs were bought in England for 4s. 3d. and sold in
Ireland for 5s., which led to attempts to change their value. Annals, II. 13–16, also
Fabian Philipps's “Expedient to pay the Forces,” 4. July, 1667, in Archaeologia, XIII.
185, 191. The proposition to raise foreign corn was for some time opposed in London
(Carte, II. 342), but on the 31 August, 1672, the royal consent was obtained for raising
Portuguese crusadoes to 3s. 10 d. for full weight coins. On 12 May, 1673, Essex wrote
to Arlington, “we have had severall debates in Councell about ye raising ye value of
Spanish money here. There has bin great difference of opinion amongst men of all
sorts.” State Papers, Ireland, Charles II., 333. For his own part, Essex could not see
how calling money more will induce men to take it above its intrinsic value, nor how
a kingdom can be made to abound with silver save by a favourable balance of trade.
Nevertheless he issued proclamations raising coin on the 28 July and the 17 October,
1673, and finally, 26 July, 1675, a proclamation was issued forbiding the exportation
of coin. Simon, Essay, 52–53, 133–137; Capel Letters, 74, 83–89, and Essex's
unprinted letters at the Record Office, S.P. Irel., Charles II., 333–334. Cf. also Sir W.
Temple, Advancement of Trade in Ireland, 22 July, 1673, in his Works (1770), III. 9.

[1]Cox, ‘is mistaken & phaps is ye fault of ye Clerk: for one reason why Cobbs
should be raysd to 5[Editor: illegible] is because yt would rayse ex8 to 20 p cent or
higher, and which ye Ir Nobility & gentry being loath to pay, would rather returne and
spend their estates in Ireld.’

[2]S, ‘estimated but.’

[3]1719, ‘part, ‘twas.’

[1]In the margin of S stands'q’ in the hand of the copyist. Petty.obviously means 1d.
per capita per diem.

[1]S, ‘4l’; 1691, 1719, ‘4s.’

[2]A differing estimate above. See note 2, p. 144.

[3]S has a half page blank after ‘Discipline.’

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[1]S omits ‘that.’

[2]The market to the north and east had been tested in 1667 by the shipment of live
cattle to Rotterdam, but it was found that they could not be delivered there so cheap as
the Dutch could be supplied with them from Holstein. Carte, Ormond, II. 341.

[3]S omits ‘which.’

[1]S omits ‘it.’

[1]‘But’ begins a paragraph in S.

[2]No paragraph in S.

[1]Cox, ‘It is difficult to prove that there can be too much money in a Kingdome.’

[2]S, ‘If suppose.’

[3]S, ‘and sent.’

[4]S, ‘or.’

[1]1719 inserts ‘Hutts.’

[2]1719, ‘yet.’ The copyist of S may have misread Petty's ‘yt.’

[3]1719 omits ‘Vecture.’

[4]1719 omits ‘though diminish'd.’

[1]Cf. Carte's Ormond, ii. 368–371.

[1]S omits ‘this.’

[1]S, 1719, ‘to.’

[2]The promised tables, omitted from S and from both editions, have not been
recovered.

[1]P. 149.

[2]P. 142.

[3]1 Tim. i.4.

[1]S, ‘of.’

[1]Chapter XI. p. 191.

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[2]No paragraph in S.

[3] Cf. the similar opinion of Sir W. Temple, Observations upon the United Provinces
(1673), p. 188, also Temple's Works (1770), 1. 184.

[4]S omits ‘the.’

[1]S, ‘English for leases for.’

[2]S omits ‘he.’ The passage may be made approximately intelligible: ‘It is [rather]
their interest that he is well-pleased with their Obedience to him, when [etc. to]
estates, than to believe [etc. to] hereafter. ‘Tis their interest’ [etc.].

[1]Cox, ‘It is allowed by all antiquarys yt Scotland was peopled from Ireland &
therefore calld Scotia minor: And ye names of (firbolg or Belgi) and (Tuahde-danaan
or Damnonii) which inhabited Cornwall and other ptes of England doe manifest yt
those people wch first dwelt in Ireland came from Engld.’

[2]1719 omits ‘than… aforementioned.’

[1] So in S. Conjectural emendation, ‘be that their Powers are.’ 1719, ‘be their Powers
were.’

[2] Cox, ‘It is not soe yt ye Chanr has an equall power to ye Ld Leivt: nor did our
Author ascribe it to him for any other cause then to ridicule ye exorbitant power yt he
thought was usd by that court to his prejudice in several causes which occasioned him
thus to chant

Heu ruimus cives, ingens succure Michael

Nam tu Archangelus atque Archepiscopus es.’

On Petty's trouble with ‘the two chanceries’ see Fitzmaurice, 169–172.

[1]In the margin of S, ‘q’; after ‘viz.’ several lines blank.

[2]S, ‘waned.’

[3]No paragraph in S.

[1]S, ‘horsemens-beds.’

[2]A term so indefinite that by acts of 4, 8 and 9 Anne a grand jury was to determine
whether a specific parish had plough-lands, and was obliged in consequence to work
the roads, or not. Mountmorres, Hist. of the Irish Parliament, II. 126–127.

[3]In S these paragraphs are transposed.

[3]In S these paragraphs are transposed.

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[4]Prendergast, Cronrwellian Settlement, 2d. ed., 44 n.

[5]From this point, where ‘Denominations’ is corrected from ‘Demesnes,’ to the end
of the MS. occasional blanks left by the copyist of S are filled in by a hand which I
take to be Petty's.

[6]S, ‘book.’

[7]1719, ‘that some Person or Persons who can rightly comprehend the names of all
publick Denominations according as they are spelled in the atest Grants, should be
appointed by Authority.’

[1]S, ‘denomination.’

[2]S, ‘Although I know almost nothing of the Irish Tongue, yet I have collected the
following Words, by the composure of which one with another the Names of most
lands in Ireland are constituted, vizt.

The Dictionary.’ This paragraph, not printed in A or B, is followed in S by a large

blank space.

[1]S, ‘Mackenbuoy.’ The last three letters added in Petty's hand.

[2]Fitzmaurice says that Petty had iron and copper works at Kenmare. P. 149.

[3]‘Petty in his writings makes mention of Allum Works having been formerly
erected in this county. But in what particular part of it I could never learn.’ Charles
Smith, Antient and present State of the County of Kerry (1758), p. 398.

[4]Cox, ‘That ye Clothing Trade is not arrived to wt it was before ye rebellion, is

certainly a mistake now, what ever it was in 1672.’

[5]S, ‘where…. Tuns.’

[6]S, ‘and…. in one season.’

[1]See the Note to the Observations upon the Dublin Bills.

[2]Robert Wood was born at Pepper Harrow near Godalming, Surrey, about 1622. He
was educated at Eton and at New Inn Hall, Oxford, and became B.A. of Merton
College in 1647. He was a parliamentary fellow of Lincoln, a ‘retainer’ of Henry
Cromwell in Ireland and a frequenter of the Rota club. It is therefore probable that
Petty and he had been long acquainted. He became mathematical master at Christ's
Hospital School, and subsequently accountant general of revenue in Ireland, and
contributed several papers to the Philos. Trans. Wood, Athena Oxon., 11. 780;
Burroughs, Register, 508; Foster, Alumni Oxon.; Fitzmaurice, 264. Since Petty failed
to give the promised diagram “it is not known what particular quality of the circle is
here referred to as demonstrated by” Wood.—General Larcom in Petty's Hist. of the
Down Survey, 323.

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[3]In S half a page is left blank, apparently for the insertion of the diagram.

[1]State Papers, Ireland, Charles II., vol. 337.

[2]Cf. Fifteenth Report Hist. MSS. Com., appendix, pt. II., p. 317, also pp. 2, 153, 175,
176, 180, 181.

[1]H omits ‘at.’

[2]A lower estimate than that made in 1672. See p. 187.

[3]H had ‘300,000,’ altered by Petty to ‘1,1001000.’

[1]Later estimates of the houses in Dublin are made in the Observations and the
Further Observations upon the Dublin Bills.

[1]H, ‘House-Rents.’

[2]H, ‘the.’

[3]H, Petty substituted ‘Forces’ for a word which he blotted, perhaps 'scores.’

[4]Probably an allusion to the farm of the Irish revenues which expired Christmas,
1675, and to the new farm concluded in December of that year. See Essex to the
Lords Justices, 4 December, 1675, in the Capel Letters, 418.

[1]H, ‘Wall.’

[1]H, ‘Garden.’

[2]17 & 18 Charles II., c. 9, Ireland, An Act for the Advancement of the Trade of
Linen Manufacture, provided that tenants of cabins outside cities should have not less
than one Irish acre of land each, and sow one eighth part of it with hemp or flax.

[3]H, ‘little above 2000,’ altered by Petty to ‘about 3000.’ The correction obviously
represents Petty's intention for he goes on to speak of 500 requisite and “25 Hundred
superfluous Churchmen.” Cf. also p. 164.

[4]H, ‘Manufacture.’ The blunder was not corrected by Petty.

[1]H has ‘a’ inserted by Petty.

[2]H, ‘Tythes,’ corrected by Petty to ‘Titles.’

[1]H, ‘nor suffered.’

[2]H, ‘bring.’

[3]H, ‘Ireland.’ The blunder was not corrected by Petty.

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[1]See note 2, p. 186.

[2]H, ‘we estimate.’

[3]? successfully.

[4] H, ‘The.’

[5]H, ‘bound,’ altered by Petty to ‘forced.’

[1] H, ‘and’ is inserted by Petty.

[2]20 Charles II., c. 20, Ireland.

[1]In H Petty inserted after ‘Penalty,’ ‘viz. of Nine Pence per Sunday payable by the
Statute; and likewisé to make.’

[2]See note 2, p. 218.

[3]H, ‘Finis. Dublin, 24 March, 1676.’

[1]The long descriptive title was probably supplied by Lord Shelburne; neither the
Southwell, the Rawlmson, nor the Sloane MS. has it. In line six ‘Manufacture’ should
be ‘Manufactures,’ an ‘s’ has dropped out.

[1]Fitzmaurice, 318.

[2]P. 185.

[3]Happy future State (written 1680), p. 106.

[4]Polit. Anat., note, pp. 122–123, cf. p. 197.

[5]Letter to Anglesea, 17 Dec., Fitzmaurice, 158.

[6]Pp. 252–253.

[7]P. 271.

[1]P. 304.

[2]Archcologta, XII. 281–282.

[3]P. 272, note, cf. Anatomy, p. 142, note.

[4]Life of Petty, p. 273, also preface, 6–7. Lord E. Fitzmaurice slips in saying that the
volume contains the Political Anatomy The Neligan, or Southwell, MS. of the
Political Anatomy is a separate volume, B. M. Addl. MS., 21, 127.

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[5]P. 123.

[6]Thorpe's Cat. lib. MSS. bibl. Southwelliana, no. 712, p. 410.

[7]Cat. of books sold by Sotheby, 17 Aug., 1855, no. 306.

[8]The characteristic water mark of the Pol. Arith. occurs also in an Order in Council
dated 21 May, 1680. State Papers, Dom., Charles II. 413.

[9]See Facsimile.

[10]Fitzmaurice, 262.

[1]Rawlinson MS. D 25.

[2]MSS. E. 2 : 20. Fourth Rept Hist. MSS. Com., 596b.

[3]Eighth Rept. Hist. MSS. Com, III. 39a.

[4]Sloane MS. 2572.

[5]Wood, Athena Oxon., 11. 810.

[6]Ib.

[7]Pett, Happy future State, 106, 193.

[8]Dated 5 Oct., 1678.

[9]Thorpe, Cat. lib. MSS. bibl. Southwelliana, p. 403.

[10]P. 4.

[1]Fitzmaurice, 262.

[2]“Had not the Doctrins of this Essay offended France, they had long since seen the
light.–Dedication of 1690 edition, p. 240.

[3]Ibid, 250–253; Birch, IV. 168, 173, 196.

[4]Note on p. 239.

[5]Bibliography, 11. Several readings from England's Guide (G) are given in the
footnotes to the Political Arithmetick in order to show how corrupt the text of the
Guide was.

[6]Lady Petty to Sir R. Southwell, 18 Feb., 1688, quoted in Thorpe's Cat. lib. MSS.
bibl. Southwelliana, p. 409.

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[1]R and S have the following original dedication to Charles II. (from S):

To the Kings most Excellent Majestie

May it please your majte.

As few dare venture their Discretions wholly to Disparage Arithmetick, So few doe
think much practice of it very necessary in matters of State, otherwise then in what
concerns the Revenue. I have therefore for the Sake of severall Young Noblemen who
are now fitting themselves for your Majtes Service adventured to shew the vse of
comon and easie computations in the ten Political conclusions mentioned in this
Treatise, And doe now humbly beg your Majtes Pardon, for having presumed to
practice a Vulgar Art upon Matters of so high a nature, and so much beyond my owne
calling and Capacity. But since whatever is firm and high must have low and euen
foundations, I hope I have done no incongruous thing, nor what your Majte will
blame, being the Candid Endeavours of

[2]Petty appears to have been the inventor of this famous phrase. It occurs in the
following passage, quoted because it throws light on Petty's conception of his new
science, “My Lord Ogle being now about to carve a significant figure upon my Lord
his Son, by his careful Education of him, I thought it a service to his Lordship, as well
as an expression of my Thanks for his former Endeavours, to call upon him, not only
to instruct my Lord his Son in some Mathematicks, but also to store and stock him
with variety of Matter, Data and Phænomena, whereupon to exercise the same; since
Lines & Numbers without those, are but like Lute-strings without a Lute or Hand.
For, my Lord, there is a Political Arithmetick and a Geometrical Justice to be yet
further cultivated in the World; the Errors and Defects whereof, neither Wit, Rhetoric,
nor Interest can more than palliate, never cure. For, Falsity, Disproportion, and
Inconsistence cannot be rectified by any sermocinations, though made all of figurate
and measured periods, pronounced in Time and Cadence, through the most
advantageous organs; much less by Grandisonous or Euphonical Nonsense, farded
with formality; no more than vicious Wines can be remidied with Brandy and Honey,
or ill Cookery with enormous proportions of Spice and Sugar: ‘Nam Res nolunt male
administrari.’ Epistle to the Duke of Newcastle prefixed to Petty's Discourse of
Duplicate Proportion (1674). This has been considered the earliest use of the term
“Political Arithmetick.” S.Bauer, History of Political Arithmetic, in Palgrave's Dict. of
Polit. Economy, 1. 56. Petty, however, had devised the phrase at an earlier date. He
employed it in a letter to Lord Anglesea, 17 December, 1672 (Life, 158), and in his
preface (p.244) he describes the book as “a Specimen of the political Arithmetick I
have long aimed at.”

[1]Cf. Davenant, Works, 1. 128.

[2]Charles, Sir William Petty's eldest surviving son, born 1673, was created Baron of
Shelburne in the peerage of Ireland in 1688 and died in 1696.

[1]S, R, ‘The Preface.’

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[2]On the idea that England's industries were declining during the regin of Charles II.
see Roscher, Engl. Volkswirthschaftslehre, 74. The formidable list of ‘trades lost’ in
the preface of Child's New Discourse of Trade, though not printed until 1693 was
written before 1669 and doubtless reflected current opinion.

[1]On rent as a criterion of prosperity see Cunningham, English Industry, II. 191;
Patten, Interpretation of Ricardo in Qu. Jour. of Economics, VII. 324.

[2]S, ‘but that now.’

[3]S. ‘power, That the French.’

[4]Petty's whole paragraph is almost a summary, as its closing sentence indicates, of A

Treatise Wherein is demonstrated, That the church and state Of England, are in equal
danger With the trade Of it. Trcatise I. By Roger Coke. London, 1671, 4°. The book
comprises two treatises, with continuous pagination and signatures, but with a second
title, at p. 91, Reasons of the increase of the Dutch Trade. Wherein is demonstrated
from what Causes the Dutch Govern and Manage Trade better than the English;
whereby they have so far improved their Trade above the English. Treatise II. Coke
declares that the peopling of the American plantations has diminished the valuable
trades of England. Before the accession of the plantations England lost £480,000
yearly in woolen manufactures for want of men to do them, and above £1,372,000 in
the fishing trade, and “now we have opened a wide gapp, and by all encouragement
excited all the growing youth and industry of England, which might preserve the
trades we had herein, to betake them to those of the Planatations"—p. 16. Ireland also
is a disadvantage to England for similar reasons—pp. 19–20. The Dutch sell more
commodities in trade cheaper and with much more gain than the English, so as now
they are swelled to be of such a prodigious greatness by sea that it is a question
whether they can be controlled by any power in the world—pp. 128–129. Coke has,
curiously, little to say of the rivalry of France under Colbert. Sir Roger L'Estrange's
Discourse of the Fishery (1674) says that the cod, herring and ling taken in his
Majesty's seas by the Dutch and other nations are valued communibus annis at no less
than ten millions of pounds sterling, “which computation has been often published
and constantly received for current without contradiction.” (In A small Collection of
valuable Tracts relating to the Herring Fishery (1751), p. 45.) Cf. p. 257, note.

[1]Refers to the presence of the Dutch fleet in the Thames, the attack on Chatham,
and the burning of the English ships there 10 June, 1667. Mahan, Influence of the Sea
Power, 132.

[2]Among the ‘nonconformists’ Petty may have included Roman Catholics. In the
Further Observations he numbers them among the ‘dissenters.’

[3]Edward Arber, in his ed. of the Polit. Arith. inserts an ‘all’ in brackets.

[4]Coke admitted that the superior durability of English timber had theretofore offset
the advantage which the Dutch enjoyed in being able to build ships for half what the
English could. But he held that all the best English timber was at length wasted and

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destroyed and still more must be in rebuilding the City of London. He could not
therefore, understand how, for the future, the English could possibly build as good
ships as either Dutch, Dane or French for three times the price. Treatise II, p. 115.

[1]S, R omit 'so’ and ‘as that Men refuse to have it cheaper, by admitting of Irish
Cattle.’ Cf. p. 160, 161, note.

[1]“Albeit there appears no certainty of years in the lease, yet if by reference to a

certainty it may be made certain it sufficeth, Qura id certum est quod certum reddi
potest.” Coke upon Littleton, 45 b.

[2]S, ‘the,’ altered to ‘that’ by Petty, R, ‘yt.’

[1]S has not the list of ‘principal conclusions,’ R has it.

[2]R omits ‘near.’

[2]This was a favourite idea of Petty's friend, Hartlib. Cf. note 3, p. 250.

[1]A list of ‘Experiments to be made relating to Land-Carriage proposed by the

learned Sir William Petty, Kt.,’ is in Philosophical Transactions, no. 161, 20 July,
1684, vol. XIV. pp. 666–667. These experiments, if performed, would yield data
concerning traction similar to those which Petty here assumes.

[2]S, ‘now are,’ the ‘now’ inserted by Petty.

[3]The relations of Weston's Discourse of Husbandrie used in Brabant and Flanders,

1652, to Hartlib's Discourse, to Hartlib's Legacy, and to the Directions left by a
Gentleman to his Sons for the Improvement of barren and heathy Land, 1670, are
much involved. They appear to be all substantially the same book. Cf. A biographical
Memoir of Hartlib with bibliographical Notices of Works published by him. By H.
Dircks (1865), p. 62–87.

[1]The Paris bills began in 1670 (see note on the subject near the end of Graunt's
Observations, post) and from that time to 1676 the births in the two cities always
differed more than a twentieth, and the burials differed by more than a twentieth each
year save in 1672.

[2]S, ‘9,’ altered to ‘8’ by Petty; R, ‘8.’

[1]This estimate, again alluded to on p. 297, is much less than Fortrey's figures of
English imports out of France, quoted on p. 309. The well known “Scheme of the
trade at present carried on between England and France,” dated 1674, made the total
English imports from France £1,136,150, as against total exports to France of only
£171,021. Reprinted Somers’ Tracts, VIII. 30–31, and Parl. Hist., IV. appendix, p.
cxvii. When printed in King's British Merchant, 29 November, 1674, this estimate
was said to have been calculated as exactly as possible, in obedience to the commands
of the commissioners for the treaty with France, by sundry London tradesmen.
Merchant, 1721 ed., vol. 1. p. 181. But in vol. 11. p. 407 the same figures are said to

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be taken from a report of Sir George Downing, commissioner of customs, to the Privy
Council, dated 9 March, 1675. Whatever their true source, the figures were known at
the time when Petty wrote and may have some connection with his estimate of
imports at “not above one million two hundred thousand pounds per annum” (p. 297).
The Mercator alleged that the calculation as printed by the British Merchant was
disingenuous, the exports being those of 1668, the year after Colbert's great increase
of the French duties, while the imports were those of 1674. Taking its figures,
apparently, from Davenant's Report to the Commissioners for Stating the public
Accounts (Works, v. 353), the Mercator of 26–28 May, 1713 gives its own estimate
for 1668–69, imports £541,584, exports £108,699.

[2]The present State of France containing the Orders, Dignities and Charges of that
Kingdom. Written in French [by Nicolas Besongne] and faithfully Englished. London.
1671. 12°. I can find no English edition of 1669, but L'état de la France, ou l’ on voit
tous les Princes, Ducs & Pairs was printed at Paris by Jean Rinom in 1669. The
English State says that the taxes and subsidies amount in the whole to 50,359,208
livres. “It is not to be doubted that during the late disorders there were many
insolvents, for weh reason this Estimat was not of the last year, but of the years
before: in the year 1648 his Majesty by his Declaration remitted the fifth part of the
said taxes, but since the said declaration has been revoked, and the taxes advanced
above a third.” P. 457–458. De l’ Etat present de la France [par Paul Hay du
Chastelet]. À Cologne [? Amsterdam, see Weller, Falsche und fingirte Druckorte, 11.
25], 1672, was not set forth by authority.

[1]S, ‘about’ inserted by Petty, R ‘about 1460,000 p Ann or above 800 thousand.’

[2]“It is commonly reported that in the general contribution of the Provinces toward
the War, Holland gives 57 in a 100, and Amsterdam alone gives above 27 of the 57;
from whence may be inferred what are the riches of that Town. The revenue of the
said City comes to above 4000 pound a day.” The present state of the United
Provinces of the Low-countries…. Collected by W[illiam] A[lbigony]. The second
edition. London, 1671, p. 360.

[3]1691, ‘the rent,’ cf. errata on p. 248.

[1]1691, ‘a part,’ cf. errata.

[2]S, ‘nothing,’ altered to ‘little’ by Petty.

[1]See Die Nachamung der niederlandischen Handelsbluthe in Roscher, op.cit. p.57.

[1]S, ‘or estimat’ inserted by Petty, not in R.

[2]S, R, ‘is,’ S altered to ‘I suppose to be’ by Petty.

[1]S, ‘made by ye sea & Trenches’ was inserted by Petty and then stricken out, not in
R.

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[2]S, R, ‘themselves, being as some say,’ S altered to ‘themselves as many have

affirmed, being as the same say’ by Petty.

[3]See John Keymour's Observations made upon the Dutch Fishing, about the year
1601, demonstrating that there is more Wealth raised out of the Herrings and other
Fish in his Majesty's Seas, by the neighbouring Nations in one Year than the King of
Spain hath from the Indies in four, London, 1664, 4°. Also Sir John Burroughs, The
Sovereignty of the British Seas, London, 1651, 12°, p. 115; Evelyn, Navigation and
Commerce in McCulloch's Select Collection of Tracts on Commerce, 95, and note 4,
p. 242.

[1]S, R, ‘mutual interest and,’ S altered to ‘natural and’ by Petty.

[2]Luikland or Luykerland, i.e. Liege.

[1]S, ‘Artizans’ inserted by Petty, not in R. Petty neglected to make a corresponding

alteration in ‘three of these four,’ three lines further down.

[2]Cf. P. de la Court, Aanwysing (1669), Engl. transl., p. III.

[3]S omits ‘or there,’ R has it.

[1]S, ‘nor so mutable as other Comodityes’ inserted by Petty.

[2]1691, ‘and for,’ cf. errata.

[3]On Petty's experiments in shipbuilding and his writings on the subject see
Introduction, part III. and Fitzmaurice, 109–115, 256, 266, et passim.

[1]S, R, 1691 insert ‘moist,’ cf. errata.

[2]S, ‘& not by cripling them’ inserted by Petty.

[1]1691, ‘thirteenth.’

[2]S, ‘principles,’ altered to ‘Opinions,’ R, ‘principalls,’ altered to ‘principles.’

[1]Errata, ‘that.’

[1]S omits ‘all.’

[2]S, ‘and in a moment’ and ‘many years,’ inserted by Petty.

[3]Petty had lost much land of which he once supposed himself the owner.
Fitzmaurice, 137, 138, 151.

[1]S, ‘though some think. from Dealing’ inserted by Petty.

[2]S, ‘profitably,’ altered by Petty to ‘properly, which R has.

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[1]Propositions for the naturalization of aliens were laid before Parliament in 1664,
1667, 1670 and 1672. Commons’ Jour., VIII. 555, 557; IX. 22, 29, 33, 175, 250, 267,
274, 275; Parl. Hist., IV. 577. Cf. Child, New Discourse of Trade, ch. VII.;
Cunningham, Engl. Industry, 11. 178, 179.

[2]14 & 15 Charles II. c. 13, Ireland, provided that Protestant strangers, merchants,
traders and artizans, who within seven years should transport their stocks and families
into Ireland, there reside and take oath of allegiance, should be adjudged to all intents
free and naturalized subjects, with all the rights of natives. Cf. Mountmorres, Hist. of
the Irish Parliament, 1. 426.

[1]S, 1691, ‘yearly profit,’ ‘yearly’ inserted in S by Petty, obscure, R, ‘ye Profit,’ cf.
errata.

[2]1691, ‘to be the value,’ cf. errata.

[3]S, R, ‘The other Trade’ begins a paragraph.

[1]S, ‘or worse’ inserted by Petty.

[2]S, R, ‘as hath been.’ See p. 259–260.

[1]S, ‘measures.

[1]G has a dash in place of ‘their Wealth.’

[2]See ch. VI.

[1]S, ‘Although,’ altered to ‘Now’ by Petty.

[2]S, ‘Moreover’ inserted by Petty.

[3]S, ‘about,’ altered to ‘near’ by Petty.

[4]These estimates, being larger than those given in the Polit. Anat., p. 141, argue the
later completion of the Polit. Arith Cf. p. 236.

[5]The 8 August, 1662 the Irish Commons, after a long debate, unanimously agreed to
abolish the court of wards and to substitute a tax of two shillings annually upon all the
hearths in Ireland for ever, according to a similar tax in England. Mountmorres, Hist.
of the Irish Parlt., 11. 126, 127; see 14 & 15 Charles II. c. 17, Ireland. The duty was
payable by the occupier at one entire payment on the 10th January each year, and was
recoverable by distress and sale of his goods. No persons were exempt except those
who lived upon alms and widows who procured certificates from two justices of the
peace yearly, in writing, that the houses which they inhabited were of no greater value
than 8s. a year and that they did not have chattels to the value of 4£. Evasions led to
the passage of 17 & 18 Charles II. c. 18, Ireland (1665), which imposed fines for the
concealment of hearths and provided that houses having no fixed hearth should be
charged two hearths. Until 1704 this tax was farmed by counties to the highest bidder.

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Howard, A Treatise of the Exchequer and Revenue of Ireland, 1. 89–91. The tax, was
beyond question, exceedingly oppressive, and evasions must have been so frequent as
to render the returns but an imperfect basis for calculating the population.

[1]S, inserts ‘great plenty of that.’

[2]The original form of S is here represented by Roman type, Petty's corrections by

Italic:

‘tackle, as each man can make, and liveing in such Houses as make wth his own hands
almost every man can build; and euery housewife.’ The interlined correction, which is
much crowded, appears to have been read into the line above it, giving the text of
1690, instead of the sense which Petty intended, viz. such Houses as almost every
man can make with his own hands. R, ‘Tackling as each man can make, & living in
such Houses as (almost) every man can build, & every Housewife.’

[1]The promise was not kept.

[2]S, ‘about 10 s.’

[3]S, ‘extream plentiful.’

[4]The common assumption of economic theory has been precisely the reverse, viz.
that wages will be low when food is plentiful. Petty's assertion, however, is confirmed
by the observant author (?W. Temple, or J. Cunningham) of An Essay on Trade and
Commerce (1770), pp. 14–16, and Ricardo admitted that it was true of Ireland even in
his time. Letters to Malthus, 138. See also Malthus, Political Economy (1820), pp.
382–388, Cunningham, English Industry, II. 689.

[1]S, R, ‘much less that the.’

[2]G, ‘corn.’

[3]S, ‘of their.’

[4]S, R, 1691, ‘fifty,’ cf. errata?

[5]S, ‘(Horse being of speciall advantage in islands)’ is inserted by Petty.

[1]S, ‘and disposed’ inserted by Petty.

[2]S, R, 1691, 'sixteen.’ Cf. errata?

[3]S, R, omit ‘near.’

[4]S, ‘& not 84000’ inserted by Petty, R, ‘about 84000 completely,’ altered to ‘about
72000 completely,’ by Petty.

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[5]G, ‘whereby.’ The 1683 ed. probably was not printed from S or R, as the words
‘were by’ are plainly written in both.

[6]S, ‘of them’ inserted by Petty, not in R.

[1]S, ‘of 24000’ inserted by Petty, not in R.

[2]S, ‘men, the said halfe, together with halfe the Auxiliaryes,’ R, ‘men, together with
the said [Italicized words inserted] halfe the Auxiliaries last mentioned, would upon
emergencies man out the whole Royall Navy, leaving to the Merchants 12 Thousand
of the abler auxiliaries to performe their business in harbour, till others come back
from the Sea. I say that.’

[3]S, ‘all’ inserted by Petty.

[4]S, ‘with 36000’ inserted by Petty.

[5]S, ‘And thus 36000, 24000 and twelve make up ye 72000 above mentioned’
inserted by Petty, not in R.

[1]S, R, omit ‘now are, or may be.’ R, ‘than England or the Dutch,’ altered to ‘or the
low countries’ by Petty.

[2]S, ‘with England’ inserted by Petty, not in R.

[3]S, ‘could,’ R, ‘would.’ 1691, ‘would’ corrected to 'should’ in errata.

[1]S, R, G, ‘Brouage’ altered to ‘Charente’ in S by Petty.

[2]S, R, ‘as’ altered to ‘wch’ in R.

[1]Hydrographic contenant la theorie et la practiqve de tovtes les parties de la

navigation. Composé par le Pere Georges Fournier. A Paris, chez Michel Soly.
M.D.C.XLIII, f°. “Les gens de Mer y sont en telle quantité, que durant le siège de la
Rochelle, la Roy tira d'vn seul Bourg quatorze cents Maletots, Soldats, bien que ce
lieu ne soit pas (possible) le quinzièsme de cette coste en bonté & reputation.” The
estimate that the coast could furnish fifteen times as many is omitted from the second
edition of Fournier (1667), p. 69.

[1]See p. 251, where the French are assigned 100,000 tons.

[2]S, ‘out.’

[3]The fourth way seems to be the general increase of French trade, p. 283.

[1]S, ‘or slighted’ inserted by Petty.

[2]G, ‘exonerate.’

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[3]S, 1691, ‘they.’ See errata?

[1]In margin of S, opposite ‘one hundred thousand Tun,’ stands ‘Qre’ in the hand of
the copyist.

[1]In S, ‘neer’ is inserted and ‘naturally’ is imperfectly erased.

[2]Angliae Notira; or the present State of England. By Edward Chamberlayne, 1672,

p. 251, “the area of England is in comparison to France as 30 to 82.”

[1]S, ‘wth what ye King hath in Asia & AAfrica’ inserted by Petty.

[2]S, R, ‘more territory than France,’ altered in S to 'so much territory as France.’

[3]S, ‘400,’ altered by Petty to ‘500,’ R, ‘500.’

[4]S, ‘Melancholy.’

[1]S, R, ‘that the people of Ireland being saved, that that Island.’

[2]Descartes’ first meditation, Œuvres publ. par. V. Cousin (1824), I. 237–239. Can
Petty have thought that the story of Utopia was narrated in the guise of a dream?

[3]S, R, ‘3 or 4,’ altered in S to ‘4 or 5.’

[4]S, R, ‘4 times.’

[1]S, ‘30l,’ 1691, ‘3l.’

[2]S, ‘yea a proffitable’ inserted by Petty.

[3]Petty returns to his pleasant and profitable dream in the Treatise of Ireland, 1687.

[1]It does not appear that much practical result followed from the recommendation of
clover, sainfoin and lucerne until the eighteenth century. Cunningham, English
Industry, II. 183, Rogers, Hist. of Agriculture and Prices, v. 59, cf. however v. 62.
Aubrey writes (before 1685), “Memorandum. Great increase of sanfoine now, in most
places fitt for itt.” Natural History of Wiltshire, ed. Britton, ch. x. p. II.

[2]S, R, “10… 2… 12,” altered in S to “13… 4… 17.”

[3]S, ‘6’ altered to ‘4.’

[4]S, ‘above 72 millions’ altered to ‘about 69,300,000.’

[1]S, ‘more than the 7 millions for,’ altered to ‘more than the 6½ millions or ye
present value for.’ R, ‘give 3 millions for.’

[2]S, R, ‘10,’ altered in S to ‘13.’

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[3]S, R, ‘72,’ altered in S to ‘75’

[4]S, R, ‘or six,’ altered in S to ‘above 4,’ cf. Errata.

[5]S, ‘Nor is… Flanders’ added by Petty, not in R.

[6]S, R, omit ‘do, nay.’

[1]S, ‘3 mill and ½,’ altered to ‘3600000,’ R, ‘3500000’ altered to ‘3600000.’

[2]R, ‘70000000’ altered to ‘72000000,’ S, ‘70000000.’

[3]S, Petty inserted ‘and hath’ after ‘doth.’

[4]G, omits ‘Thousand.’

[1]The present State of France, p. 455 seq., contains a list of the Généralties, with the
number of parishes in each of them except Amiens and Nantes. The sum of the
parishes accounted for is 24,580.

[2]G, ‘Post-money.’

[3]S, R, ‘9 millions,’ altered to ‘9½ millions’ in S.

[4]S. R, G, ‘50000,’ altered to ‘16000’ in S.

[5]S, R, G, ‘80000,’ altered to ‘24000’ in S.

[6]S, R, G, ‘halfe a million,’ altered to ‘150000’ in S.

[7]S, R, ‘in all the rest of the Plantations there should not be half a million more,’
altered in S to ‘in this and all the other Plantations of Asia, Affrica & America there
should not be half a million’ (‘more’ stricken out).

[8]G omits ‘not.’

[1]S, R, ‘be really no better than 12 or thereabouts,’ S, altered to ‘be less than 13.’

[2]S, R, G, have here the following passage, stricken out but still legible in S: ‘In the
next place it is to be considered, That the Inhabitants of the Inner Parts of France,
remote from the Sea cannot be probably Superlucrators; Now if there be 2 Millions in
the King of England's dominions, more then in the King of France's who—[a word
rendered illegible by Petty's alteration of it to ‘earn,’ which R and G have] more then
they Spend, or if 10 men in England earne more then 12 men in France, then the
Subjects of England, are as effective as to the gaining of wealth and Riches as those
of France.’ The alteration of one word in this passage implies that Petty intended to let
it stand and afterwards decided to strike it out. The passage is in Sloane MS. 2572
also.

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[3]S, R, ‘12,’ S altered to ‘13.’

[4]S, R, ‘12,’ S altered to ‘13.’

[5]‘also’ refers to the (omitted) argument about gaining wealth.

[6]S, R, ‘in England, Scotland and Ireland about 60 thousand,’ in S is inserted ‘and y°
Kings other Territoryes’ and ‘60’ is altered to above ‘40.’ G, ‘60 million.’

[7]S, R, ‘about,’ S altered to ‘not above.’

[1]S, R, 'subjects the equivalent of 90000 husbandmen,’ in S ‘is an advantage’ is

substituted for ‘the’ cancelled, and ‘90000’ is altered to ‘60000.’ G, ‘90,500000.’

[2]S, ‘and all other ye King of England's Teritoryes’ inserted.

[3]G omits ‘Hundred.’

[4]S, R, G, ‘?.’

[5]1691 ed., ‘½.’

[6]G omits ‘thousand.’

[1]G, ‘viz. above four shillings per Annum Rent cheaper the Land carriage; for the
difference (between England and France) of the distance from a port being so much
or near thereabouts.’

[1]R, ‘thereof’ inserted.

[1]S, ‘Perpetuanas’ inserted.

[2]G omits these two paragraphs giving the value of the exports from America, still it
gives the total value 10,180,000l.

[1]S, R, G, ‘m. Fortries Estimates,’ S altered to 'some currant.’ For a possible source
of Petty's estimate, see note 1, p. 252.

[2]Fortrey asserted that a ‘particular’ delivered to the King of France not long before
1663, upon a design he had to have forbidden the trade between France and England,
showed that the yearly value of the English imports from France exceeded the exports
to France by 2,600,000 l. England's Interest, in Whitworth's Tracts, I. 21.

[1]In R this entire paragraph is inserted in the margin by Petty.

[2]S, ‘but the same… by the People’ inserted by Petty, not in R.

[1]S, ‘without account’ inserted, not in R.

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[2]See. Polit. Anat., p. 160, note 5.

[1]The proposal seems to have originated with Cromwell, probably in 1650. Certain
individuals replied to him under date 31 October, 1650, accepting the proffered
transplantation provided their conditions were met. Ellis, Original Letters, 2d series,
vol. III. p. 360–364. But the following year the General Court of Massachussetts
made official answer thankfully declining the proposition. Hutchinson, Hist. of Mass.,
2d ed., 1. 450–452, 175–176. See also Barry, Hist. of Mass. in the Colonial Period, 1
343.

[2]Errata, ‘paying for.’

[1]S, ‘Observater,’ R, ‘observators,’ altered to ‘Observator.’ The variation is

significant in the dispute concerning the authorship of the Observations. See
Introduction. This is the last of Petty's alterations in S.

[2]The assertion is based, apparently, on chapter VII. of Graunt.

[3]R. ‘neer’ inserted by Petty.

[4]R, ‘Bristoll’ inserted.

[1]In 1636–37. See p. 236.

[2]S, ‘trading shipping,’ R, ‘shipping trade.’

[3]In 1615 the Newcastle coal trade employed some two hundred sail of carvels that
served London, besides some two hundred more that served the sea-coast towns
throughout England. The Trades Increase [with address to the reader signed ‘I. R.’]
London, printed by Nicholas Okes, 1615, 4°. p. 10. In 1649 the coal trade had so
increased “that there was more Coales vented in one yeare. than in seven yeares, forty
yeares by-past.” [W. Gray.] Chorographia, or a survey of Newcastle upon Type.
London, printed for J. B. 1649, 4°. p. 26.

[1]S, ‘100000.’

[2]S, ‘man Servant,’ R, ‘maid servant.’

[1]S, ‘the whole stock,’ R, ‘y mass.’

[1]Chamberlayne, State of England, Second part, 1671, pp. 150–151. “In the City of
Norwich it hath of late years been computed and found, that yearly children from six
to ten [not 16] years of age have gained twelve thousand pounds more than what they
spend, and that chiefly by knitting fine Jersey stockings.”

[1]See p. 297, note 2.

[1]R, ‘or 5 millions & a halfe’ inserted.

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[2]See Treatise of Taxes, p. 56, where the expense of the people of England is
estimated at 50 millions, and compare A moderate Computation of the Expences in
Provisions, spent in the… Places within the Bills… observed by a scrutinous Enquiry
into most of the Particulars. By John Seller, sen. London, sold by Richard Baldwin,
1691. Sellers makes the average expenditure £27[Editor: illegible]1749 per capita.

[1]R, ‘p an’ inserted.

[1]R, Petty adds the incomplete sentence ‘other then wch I have no other,’ and then
cancels the last word. Cf. the end of the Author's Preface to the Political Anatomy, p.
130.

[1]Sir Josias (not John) Bodley, youngest brother of the founder of the Bodleian
Library, born about 1550, was engaged in military service in Ireland before 1600, and
was employed in 1605 on fortifications in Munster. In 1609 the survey for the Ulster
plantation was intrusted to him, with others, and was ably performed. He died,
probably, in January, 1618.

[1]S and R have no side notes.

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