Collecting and Interpreting Qualitative Materials 4 Norman K. Denzin Jniversity of Timois Yvonna S. Lincoln Texas ASM University Editors @SAGE gi an Net ‘oto largoPreface ‘Norman K. Denzin and ¥vonna S. Lincoln About the Editors About the Contributors 1. Introduction: The Discipline and Practice of Qualitative Research Norman K. Denzin and Yeonna S. Linco PART I: METHODS OF COLLECTING AND ANALYZING EMPIRICAL MATERIALS. 2. Narrative Inquiry: Still a Field in the Making, Susan E. Chase 3. Critical Arts-basedl Inquiry: The Pedagogy and Performance of a Radical Ethical Aesthetic Susan Finley 4. Oral History Linda Shopes 5. Observations on Observation: Contin Michael Angrosino and Judith Rosenberg 6. Visual Methodology: Toward a More Seeing Research Jon D. Prosser ies and Challenges al Embodiments and Possi 7. Performative Autoethnography: Tami Spry 8. The Methods, Politics, and Ethics of Representation in Online Ethnography Sarah N. Gatson 43 55 19 1st 7 23 24510. ‘Analyzing Talk and Text AnssiPerikyla and Johanna Ruusuvuori Focus Groups: Contingent Articulations of Pedagogy, Politics, and Inquiry George Kamberelis and Greg Dimitriadis PART Il: THE ART AND PRACTICES OF INTERPRETATION, EVALUATION, AND PRESENTATION, " 2, 14, 15, 16. 7. 18. Qualitative Research, Science and Government: Evidence, Criteria, Policy and Poli Harry Torrance Reflections on Interpretive Adequacy in Qualitative Research David L, Altheide and John M, Jolson Analysis and Representation Across the Continuum Laura I. Ellingson Post Qualitative Research: The Critique and the Coming After lisaberh Adams St Pierre Qualitative Research and Technology: In the Midst of a Revolution Judith Davidson and Silvana di Gregorio ‘The Elephant in the Living Room, or Extending the Conversation About the Politics of Evidence Normars K. Denzin Writing into Position: Strategies for Composition and Evaluat Ronald J Plas Evaluation as a Relationally Responsible Practice Tineke A. Abma and Guy A. M. Widdershoven Author Index Subject index 7 309 345, 355 381 413 447 481 3I7 347 569 595 on aNarrative Inquiry Still a Field in the Making Susan E. Chase uch has happened in narrative inquiry since the third edition of this handbook. Many books have been published, including Michacl Bam- berg’s Narrative—State of the Art (2007); D. lean Clandinin’s Handbook of Nar- ‘ative Inquiry (2007); aber Gubrium and James Holstein’s Analyzing Narrative Reality (2009); Mary Jo Maynes, Jennifer Pierce, and Barbara Laslett’s Telling Stories: The Use of Personal Narratives in the Social Sciences and History (2008): ‘Dani McAdams, Ruthellen Josselson, and Amia Lieblich’s Mdentty and Stary: Cre- ating Self ix Narrative (2006); and Catherine Koblet Riessman's Narrative Meth- ‘ads for the Human Sciences (2008). The journal Narrative Inquiry continues to thrive. So do research centers, such as the Life Story Center at the University of Southern Maine: the Center for Myth and Ritual in American Life at Emory University; the Narrative Therapy Centre of Toronto; the Centre for Narrative * Practice in Sheffield, United Kingdom; and the Dulwich Centre in Adelaide, Australia, Digital collections of written, audio, and video narratives are expand- ing, including National Public Radio's StoryCorps project, the September 11 Digital Archive, and the Voices of the Holocaust Project. Clearly, narrative inquiry is stl flourishing. It is also still evolving. In this update of my chapter in the fourth edition of this book, I focus on recent contributions as 1 present multiple approaches to narrative research, address ‘methodological issues, and explore how narratives and narrative research make personal and social change possible. I also sketch some ideas about the future of narrative inquiry. 35Multiple Approaches Part |_ METHODS OF COLLECTING AND ANALYZING EMPIRICAL MATERIALS Narrative inquiry is a particular type—~a subtrpe—of qualitative inquiry.' What distinguishes narrative inquiry is that it begins with the biographical aspect of C. Wright Mills’ (1959) famous trilogy—biography, history, and society. Narrative inquiry revolves around an interest in life experiences as narrated by those who live them, Narrative theorists define narrative as a distinct form of discourse: as meaning making through the shaping or ordering of experience, a way of understanding one’s own oF others’ actions, of organizing events and objects into a meaningful whole, of connecting and seeing the consequences of actions and events over time, Narrative researchers highlight what we can learn about anything—history and society as well aslived experience—by maintaining a focus on narrated lives. ‘Nahin ths framework, However, researcher’ iterets differ subtly ‘Without claiming to be comprehensive or exhaustive in my categories, [outline several approaches within contemporary nartative inquiry: THE STORY AND THE LIFE Some researchers focus on the relationship between people's life stories and the quality of their life experiences. These researchers usually emphasize what people's stories are about—their plots, characters, and sometimes the structure lr sequencing of their content.’ In explaining this approach, D. Jean Clandinin and Jerry Rosick (2007) argue that everyday experience itself—that taken for ¢granted, immediate, and engrossing daily realty in which we are all continuously immersed—is where narrative inquiry should begin and end, They implore researchers to listen to people's stories about everyday experience “with an eye to identifying new possibilities within that experience” (p. 55). Beginning and end- ing with experience means tempering the actdemic impulse to generalize from specific stories to broader concepts, or to impose theoretical concepts (such as false consciousness) on peoples stories. Rather, the goal of this approach is to work collaboratively with research participants to improve the quality of their everyday experiences.‘ This approach can be thought of as pragmatic or applied. ‘Along similar lines, psychologists who conduct narrative research focus on the relationship between people's stories and their identity development or personal well-being.’ In Identity and Story: Creating Self in Narrative, editors McAdams, Josselson, and Lieblich (2006) summarize Erik Eriksow’s classic theory of Chapter 2 Narrative Inquiry identity development and then demonstrate narrative inquiry’s contribution to an understanding of identity. They define narrative identity as “internalized and evolving life stories” (p. 5),and they present research focused on three questions: whether people’ identity constructions through storytelling reveal the self’s tunity, multiplicity, or both; how self and society contribute to people's construc tions of narrative identity; and how people's stories display stability, growth, or both, in their identities” ‘The question of how narrative makes personal growth possible grounds the field of narrative therapy (Adler & McAdams, 2007; Baddeley & Singer, 2007; Cohler, 2008; Josselson, 1996; McAdams, 2006; White & Epston, 1990). While acknowledging that biographical, social, cultural, and historical circumstances condition the stories people tell about themselves, narrative therapists propose that the stories people tell affect how they live their lives. The aim of narrative therapy is to “help people resolve problems by discovering new ways of storying their situation” (Lock, Epston, & Maisel, 2004, p. 278).” STORYTELLING AS LIVED EXPERIENCE Some researchers study narrative as lived experience, as itself social action. ‘These researchers are as interested in how people narrate their experiences as in what their stories are about. These researchers treat an understanding of story- telling practices as essential to grasping what narrators are communicating. In this approach, narration is the practice of constructing meaningful selves, identi- ties, and realities, Many of these researchers use in-depth interviewing as their method of gathering narrative data, Some produce detailed transcripts oftheir interviews to pay close attention to the narrator’s linguistic practices (such as word choice, repetition, hesitation, laughter, use of personal pronouns) and to how storytelling is embedded in the interaction between researcher and narrator (Bell, 2009; Chase, 1995, 2010; Riessman, 1990, 2002a, 2002b, 2008). Whether or not they produce detailed transcripts, however, these researchers are inter- ested in how narrators make sense of personal experience in relation to cul- tural discourses."In this approach, researchers treat narratives as a window to the contradictory and shifting nature of hegemonic discourses, which we tend to take for granted as stable monolithic forces. Unlike Clandinin and Rosiek, whose pragmatic approach resists theoretical abstraction, these researchers view identifying oppressive discourses—and the ways ia which narrators d rupt them—as a worthy goal of narrative inquiry. These researchers show thatPart 1 METHODS OF COLLECTING ANI jeaple create a range of narrative strategies ia relation to cultural discourses, red aha individual? storie are constrained but aot determined by those onic appro to narrative inquiry has been used to explore a broad range of topies, Rachelle File (2007) examines how Deaf women construct their identities through incorporating and resisting cultural narratives about difference, nor rmaley, passing, and Deaf culture. Helena Austin and Lorelei Carpenter (2008) explore how mothers of children diagnosed with ADHD resist dominant cultural assumptions about mothering—which are expressed in friends’ and professionals’ juelgments about them as troublesome and troubled mothers. Sunil Bhatia (2008) shows that first-generation Indian immigrants’ stories about their lives after September {1, 2001, embody disruptions in their sense of race, place, and safety in the United States, thus challenging mainstream psychology’s concept of accul- tration as linear process. Alexandra Adame and Roger Knudson (2007) argue that people in the psychiatric survivors’ movement resist the dominant psychiat- ric discourse of chemical imbalance, “broken brains” and individual normaley, and offer an altemative discourse, That alternative is about striving to lve a good life through “a collective journey of peer-suppert and political activism” (p. 175). NARRATIVE PRACTICES AND NARRATIVE ENVIRONMENTS Some researchers focus specifically on the relationship between people's nar- rative practices and their local narrative environments. Gubrium and Holstein (2009) describe that relationship as a reflexive interplay, which means that peo- ple’s narrative practices are shaped by and shape their narrative environments. ‘These researchers are more interested in understanding narrative reality in any local context—what does and doesn’t get said, about what, why, how, and 0 whom—than they are in understanding individuals’ stories pet se. They argue that understanding narrative reality in any cortext requires substantial attention both to narrative environments and narrative practices. Thus, this approach depends on “ethnographic sensibilities” that i, systematic consideration of “the communicative mechanisms, circumstances, purposes, strategies, and resources that shape narrative production” (pp. vii-vii). Gubrium and Holstein do not dismiss the use of in-depth interviews or a focus on broad cultural discourses, bute they propose that understanding what gets said requires an ethnographic understanding of local contexts and interactional circumstances. Gubrium and Holstein suggest that narrative environments. include such diverse entities as intimate relationships, local cultures, occupations, and organizations, Each of these environments provides myriad circumstances and resources that condition but don't determine the stories people tell (and don't tell). Ethnographic sensibilities are needed for understanding narrative environ- ‘ments, but they are also needed for understanding narrative practices: the mechanics of how stories are activated, how storytellers create and develop meaning through interaction with each other, how speakers collaborate with cach other or struggle for control over narrative meanings, and how narrators perform their identities for specific audiences and with specific (but not always intended) consequences. Gubrium and Holstein define a “good story” not in ‘terms of linguistic criteria, but as any communication—even a word or a nod— that people treat as “narratively adequate in the circumstances, functioning to smoothly facilitate casual yet consequential interaction” (2009, p 201). Comparative ethnography lends itself to this approach. For example, in his study of addiction and mental illness, Darin Weinberg (2005) conducted field- ‘work at two residential centers based in the samme treatment model. Both centers aimed to “empower clients as agents of their own recoveries” but each center developed a distinct therapeutic orientation, One program addressed insanities and addictions as resources for understanding clients’ past problems, but the other program addressed insanities and addictions in terms of clients’ plans for their immediate futures (pp. 13-14). Comparative ethnography makes it possi bleto explore how narrative realities differ from place to place or shift over time THE RESEARCHER AND THE STORY Some researchers treat their stories about life experience {including research itself asa life experience) asa significant and necessary focus of narrative inquiry. Sometimes their aim is to create a more equitable relationship between the researcher and those she or he stadies by subjecting the researched and the ‘researcher to an analytic lens. And sometimes researchers’ aim i to explore a topic cr research question more fully by including the researcher’ experience of it. Barbara Myethoff pioneered this approach in Number Our Days (1979/1994), an ethnographic study of a community of elderly immigrant Jews in California, Since Myethoff’s groundbreaking study, many researchers have become more explicit about theit experiences as they work to understand the others voice life, and culture. in her study of Esperanza’ (a Mexican woman's) life story, Ruth Behar (1993/2003) writes about her comadre relationship with Esperanza and dilemmas she encountered as she became an anthropologist. In her portrait of Jewish communities in Cuba, Behar (2007) discusses her roots in Jewish Cuban60. Part METHODS OF COLLECTING AND ANALYZING EN PIRICAL MATERIALS ‘culture and her search for home. As she explores women’s struggles with ano- rexia and the discourses that govern treatment, Paula Saukko (2008) describes her battle with the disease C. J. Pascoe (2007) discusses her self-presentation— her “least-gendered” identity—as a young woman doing ethnographic research ‘on teenagers’ sexual and gender identities in high school. Kris Paap (2006) uses the journal she kept while working asa carpenter's apprentice as the basis for her cultural analyses of interactions at construction sites. Her experiences with ‘coworkers, Bosses, and the work itself feature heavily in her argument that struc- tural insecurity in construction work creates cassed, racial, and gendered labor ‘practices that harm even the white male workers who engage in them. “Autoethnographers develop another version of this approach. They turn the analytic lens fully and specifically on themselves as they write, interpret, oF per~ form narratives about their own culturally significant experiences, In autoeth- rnography, also called interpretive biography (Denzin, 2008), the researcher and the researched are one and the same (Ells, 2004, 2009; Jones, 2005). Recent examples include stories of childhood (Denzin, 2008); stories about September 11, 2001 (Denzin, 2008; Schneider, 2006); and stories about learning about autoethnography (Scott-Hoy and Ellis, 20081, Autoethnographers sometimes present or perform their narratives as plays, as poems, or as novels (Denzin, 1997, 2000, 2003, 2008; Elis, 2004, 2009; Madison, 2006; Richardson, 20025 Saldafia, 2008), Scott-Hoy and Ellis (2008) experiment with painting as an autoethnographic presentation. The goal of actoethnography, and of many per- formance narratives, is to show rather than to rel (Denzin, 2003, p. 203; Saldana, 2008, p. 201) and thus to disrupt the politics of traditional research relationships, traditional forms of representation, and traditional social science orientations to audiences (Langellier & Peterson, 2006; Miller & Taylor, 2006) Methodological Issues No matter what approach they take, narrative esearchers work closely with indi- viduals and their stories. As a result, narrative inquiry involves a particular set of issues concerning the research relationship, «thics, interpretation, and validity. ‘After discussing these briefly, | address two tepics that have come to the fore it recent years: the Limits of interviews asa source of narrative data, and the use of visual narratives as data and forms of presenting research. “When narrative researchers gather data through in-depth interviews, they work at transforming the interviewee-interviewer relationship into one of Chapter 2 Narrative Inquiry narrator and listener. This requires a shift from the conventional practice of ask- ing research participants to generalize about their experiences (as qualitative researchers often do), to inviting narrators’ specific stories (Chase, 2005). It also requires a shift from the conventional practice of treating the interview schedule 4s structuring or even semi-structuring the interview to treating it asa guide that ‘may or may not be useful when one follows the narrator’ story. Amia Lieblich (in Clandinin & Murphy, 2007) suggests that narrative interviewing requires emotional maturity, sensitivity, and life experience, all of which may take years to develop (p- 642). Similarly, Don Polkinghorne (in Clandinin & Murphy, 2007) suggests that narrative interviewing involves an intensive interaction with the narrator and the patience to encourage narrators to explore memories and deeper understandings of their experiences (p. 644). In my undergraduate course on qualitative research methods, as students prepare for interviewing, I ask them what they will do if the interviewee cries. Sometimes a student says that she or he will change the subject, a response that lets me know the student is not ready for narrative interviewing, The latter requires the researcher to be a witness to a wide range of emotions. Specific ethical issues arise in narrative research, Unlike qualitative researchers in general, who usually present short excerpts from interviews or fieldwork in their published work, narrative researchers often publish or perform longer sto- ries from individual’ narratives. This increases the risk that narrators will feel vulnerable or exposed by narrative work. Lieblich (in Clandinin & Murphy, 2007) suggests that because narrative researchers do not know in advance exactly how they will use the narratives they collet, they should return to narrators to inform them—and ask again for permission to use their stories—when they do know how they plan to present, publish, or perform the work. Josselson’s (2007b) article, “The Ethical Attitude in Narrative Research” may bbe most comprehensive discussion of ethical issues in narrative work. She writes about the need to explain narrative research to participants, the particular prob- Jems raised by informed consent forms (which usually assume a researcher can say in advance everything the narrator needs to know), how to work with insti- tutional review boards (IRBs), and writing research reports. Rather than listing specific rules for ethical practice, she implores researchers to develop an “ethical attitude,” which must be carefully developed in each research situation. ‘When narrative researchers interpret narratives heard during interviews, they begin with narrators’ voices and stories, thereby extending the narrator-listener telationship and the active work of listening into the interpretive process (Chase, 2005). This is a move away from a traditional theme-oriented method of analyz- ing qualitative material. Rather than locating distinct themes across interviews,62. Part) METHODS OF COLLECTING ANO ANALYZING EMPIRICAL MATERIALS narrative researchers listen first to the voices within each narrative (Riessman 2008, p.12). For Polkinghorne, this is what distinguishes narrative inquiry from {qualitative inquiry generally (in Clandinin & Murphy, 2007, pp. 633-634). Martyn Hammersley (2008) notes that all qualitative research needs to be assessed in terms of validity, which means evaluating whether researchers’ claims are sufficiently supported by evidence (2008, pp. 162-163). But issues of validity also take particular forms in narrative research. Polkinghorne (2007) points out that narrative research “issues claims about the meaning life events hold for people. It makes claims about how people understand situations, others, and themselves” (p. 476). The researchers’ primary aim is not to discover whether narrators accounts are accurate reflections of actual events, but to understand the meanings people attach to those events (p 479). Nonetheless, he reminds us that words are not always sufficient to communicate meaning, that narrators are selective in the meanings they narrate, and that context and audience (€.g..an interview situation) shape what meanings get expressed. Narrative researchers do not need to claim that their interpretation is the only possibility, but they do “need to cogently argue that theirs is a viabec interpretation grounded in the assembled texts” (p. 484). Tn diseussing the validity of narrators’ stories—or the trustworthiness of their stories, as she prefers to cal it—Riessman (2008) argues that stories that “diverge from established ‘truth’ can sometimes be the most interesting, indicating silenced voices and subjugated knowledge” (p. 186). Similarly, Josselson (20072) points out that narrative research allows for the study of “people's lives as lived, people whose life experience ha(s] been lost in the search for central tendencies” {p.8). Because much narrative research reveils experiences and meanings that have not previously been exposed by other ty3es of research, narrative research ers must present careful evidence for their claims from narrators’ accounts {Riessman, 2008, p. 186). In addition, narrative researchers can strengthen their arguments by discussing cases that don't fit thir claims and by considering alter- native interpretations (p. 191). They should also document their procedures for collecting and interpreting data (p. 193). BEYOND INTERVIEWS Although narrative researchers have used many sources of data—diaries, letters, autobiographies, and field notes of naturally occurring conversations— in-depth interviews continue to be the most common source of narrative data (Bell, 2009, p. 171; Riessman 2008, p. 26; Hammersley, 2008, p. 89). In recent ‘years tis privileging of interviews has beena topic of discussion and debate. Chapter 2 Narrative Inquiry Big Stories and Small Stories Mark Freeman (2006) cals the narrative material gathered from interviews big stores He argues that their particular value as data is that they allow the nar- tator distance from and thus the opportanity to reflect on significant life events. Narrative researchers also value interviews for the window-—a frequently used ‘metaphor—they offer to the narrative environment external to the interview. ‘Through close attention to both the content of narrator’ stories and how they speak—for example, unseliconsciously, hesitantly, or defensively—a researcher «an hear the influence of narrative environments on narrative practice. Analysis of patterns actoss interviews with similarly situated people contributes to a stronger understanding of those environments and their impact on individuel naratives, But the metaphor of the window also indicates its limits, Looking out at narrative environments from inside the narrative, the narrative as a window limits how and how much ofthe narrative environment can be seen. With this limit io mind, Riessman (2008) argues that ethuographic study of Participants’ settings facilitates stronger understanding of their stories (p. 26), including stories told during interviews. She describes this as the dialogic/ performance approach, which highlights “who' an utterance may be directed to, ‘when, and ‘why’ that is, for what purposes?” (p, 105). Here, “Attention expands from detailed attention to a narrator’s speech—what is said andior how it is said-—to the dialogic environment in all its complexity. Historical and cultural context, audiences for the narrative, and shifts in the interpreter’ positioning overtime are brought into interpretation” (pp. 136-137) Some narrative theorists resist the privileged status of big stories produced daring interviews by arguing for greater attention to small sores, Alexandra Georgakopoulou (2007) defines small stories as a constant and natural feature of ceverytlay life; they include talk about very recent events, stich as what happened this morning, as well talk about what might happen in the near future (2007, . 150), Moreover, “with a small stories perspective in mind, it isnot just tellings ‘or retellings that form part of the analysis: refusals to tell or deferrals of telling are equally important in terms of how the participants orient to what is appro priate... in specific environment, what the norms for telling and tellabilty are” {p.151). This resonates with Gubsium and Holsteins (2009) focus on the reflex- ive interplay between narrative environments and narrative practices, An interest in how stories are produced and received in society “requires that we step outside of nacrative texts” to ask “who produces particular kinds of stories, where are they likely to be encountered, what ate their purposes and consequences, who ae the listeners, under what circumstances are particular narratives more or less accountable, how do they gain acceptance, and how are they challenged?” (p.23) 63Part | METHODS OF COLLECTING AND ANALYZING EMPIRICAL MATERIALS Content Analyses My own narrative work has relied heavily on in-depth interviews (for exam- ple, Chase, 1995), Recently though, { have been influenced by arguments about the limits of interviews and have sought ways to move beyond sole reliance on them. My book, Learning 0 Spe, Leung w Lise: How Diversity Works on Campus (Chase, 2010) offers an example of how it i possible to do this when long-term ethnographic study-—and thus sustained attention to small stories— isnot an option. T conducted «case study of how students engage isues of rae, las, genes, ability, and sexual orientation at City University (a pseudonym), a predomi- nantly white private university. These days, most US. colleges and universities proclaim commitments to diversity (for example, in their mission statements), but this institutionalization of diversity does not always translate into serious engagement with diversity issues on campus What interested me about City University (CU) is that a critical mass of students, faculty, and administrators has succeeded over the years in making organizational and cultural changes that Stongly support students of cols, women stadens and gy esbian, bisexual dnd transgender (GLBT) students. Tis critical mass of people bas succeeded in ‘making diversity isues an integral—if contertious—part of the narrative envi- onment. One consequence is that CU students of color and GLBT students {among others) fel entitled t0—and do—speak out when they perceive injustice fon campas. Another consequence is that someCU students have learned to listen to those whose social identities and social locations dfer from their own. L argue that students’ speaking and listening across secial differences are at once shaped by CU's narrative environment and contribute toi. : In my study focused on events leading up 0 and culminating in a public pro- test by students of color who were frustrated by what they perceived asthe univer- sity’s lack of serious attention to racial issuss. My major source of data was “depth interviews with a wide zange of individual students, groups of students in many diffeent campus organizations, as well as with faculty staff, and admin- isrators. By interviewing people and groups tut are ciferenty situated on cam- pus I was able to get different views (or windows) on CU's narrative environment. But Lalso wanted more ditect access to that narrative environment. { did a limited amount of ethnographic observation, but long-term ethnography was not a practical option for me. Instead | conducted extensive quantitative and qualitative content analyses of key documen's, most notably the student news paper and the student government minutes, but also CU's curriculum, calendar of events, and website ‘The broader understanding of CU's narrative environment that I gained from the content analyses allowed me to interpret puzzling aspects of the interviews. For example, | noticed a certain silence during my interview with Rachelle, one of the students who led the catnpus protest. As Rechelle told me about her personal development during college, she spoke about how she had become more open to GLBT people. As an African American raised in a Pentecostal tradition, this was a ‘major change for her. She explained that while she was growing up, even talking about sexual orientation was taboo, never mind interacting with gays or lesbians. She said that at CU she had become more open-minded with the help of African American friends who showed her that it was possible to interact with—and even become friends with—GLBT people, without losing her faith. Although Rachelle could tell me this story about becoming more open and tolerant, she said little about a related topic. When I asked about her current religious beliefs she stated simply; “[homosexuslity] i just something I don’ feel is right but that’s just for my own personal belief” If my study were only based on interviews, I would have noticed that Rachelle did not expand on this story ‘of continuing to embrace her religious perspective that homosexuality is wrong, bbut I would not have understood why she had nothing more to say about this, ‘The content analyses allowed me to see that Rachelle’ relative silence about her belief that homosexuality is wrong was shaped by CU’s narrative environment, The content analyses demonstrated that at CU an unquestioned acceptance of GLBT people and GLBT rights constitutes the preferred story (Gubrium and Holstein, 2009; Riessman, 2008) about sexual orientation. This preferred story is expressed routinely in articles, editorials, and letters in the student newspaper and in the student government's noncontroversial passage of resolutions in support of GLBT students and GLBT rights. Given that preferred story in CU's narrative environment, Rachelle’s story about how she has become more open- minded about GLBT issues and her relative silence about how she still believes that homosexuality is wrong make sense. Both aspects of her personal narr reflect the influence of that preferred story in CU's narrative environment. ‘The content analyses also showed that in CU’s environment racial issues are much more contentious than are issues related to sexual orientation. The student newspaper, student government, and the administration were proactive and sup- postive in response to anonymous homophobic incidents on campus. By com- parison, these same entities’ responses to racial issues were interpreted by students of color as slow and unsupportive. The difference between the uncontentiousness of sexual orientation and the contentiousness of race in CU’s narrative landscape helped me to understand students of color’s frustration and thus their decision to stage a protest. The content analyses, in conjunction with the interviews, helped66 \NALYZING EMPIRICAL MATERIALS Part | METHODS OF COLLEC me to demonstrate the reflexive interplay between CU's narrative environment and students’ narrative practices—such as Rachelle’s relative silence about her religious belief and the student of color’s public protest BEYOND WRITTEN AND ORAL TEXTS ‘Even when narrative researchers move beyond interviews, their data sources are usually oral or writen texts—such as fed notes about naturally occurring talk or the documents I used in my study, Some narrative researchers, however, challenge the assumption that narratives are found only or primarily in spoken (or written formats. Riessman (2008) contends that visual images are so central to our everyday lives that social scientists must attend to them if they are to understand more fully how people communicate meaning (see also Bach, 2007; Harper, 2005; and Weber, 2008). Narrative researchers who study visual images treat them as socially situated narrative texts that demand interpretation.” Some narrative researchers focus on visual images that others have already made—such as photographs, films, or paintings (Riessman, 2008, p. 14Is Weber, 2008, p. 48). For instance, Susan Bell (2002) analyzes the photographs of Jo ‘Spence, a British feminist photographer who was diagnosed with breast cancer before the emergence of the women's breast cancer movernent. Bel chose three photographs out of hundreds Spence had taken to interpret what Spence was ‘communicating about her illness experience. One photograph is of Spence get- ting a mammogram, another of her breast tne day before surgery, and the third of herself in bed shortly before she died. Bell interprets the three photographs in detail, concentrating on Spence’s face, posture, and bodys the rooms in which she was located, the objects in the rooms (including technological devices and ‘medical equipment); and the way Spence framed the images as photographs and described them in accompanying texts. Through her interpretations, Bell dem- onstrates how Spence resisted having her illness experience defined by the ‘medical world (Bel, 2002, 2006; Riessman, 2008, pp. 153-159). Other narrative researchers collaborate with research subjects in the construc- tion of visual images (Riessman, 2008, p. 1413 Weber, 2008, p. 47), For example, physician and filmmaker Gretchen Berland gave video equipment to three adults with physical disabilities who use wheelchairs for mobility, For 2 years, these adults recorded and commented on their everyday lives, Berland produced the film, Rolling, and appears in it from time to time, but the film foregrounds the three adults’ stories (see http://wwwathirteer.org/rolling/thefilm/ and Riessman, 2008, p. 143). Chapter 2 Narrative Inqui In her ethnographic study of a school program for pregnant teenagers, Wendy Lartrell (2003) discovered that the teens were uninterested in talking about their experiences in an in-depth interview format. So she suggested that they create self- portraits and collages, media that the teens found conducive to self-expression. As they worked on their projects, Luttrell listened to the girls converse with each ‘other about the images they were constructing. When their work was complete, the girls presented the images to each other and engaged in further discussion about them. At the end of the year, Lutrell collected the images in a book format so that each girl could have a copy. Luttell’s data include the visual images, the ‘words that each girl attached to the images she had made, the group's conversa tions about the images, as well as Luttrell’s broader ethnographic observations about interactions in the classroom and the program's place in the school and ‘community: She demonstrates that each giel, in her own way, struggles against demeaning portrayals of pregnant teens within narrative environments (the school and American culture broadly) that make that struggle painful and dif ficult (se also Riessman, 2008, pp. 164~172). In her study of Muslim women's experiences in the United States after the ter- rorist attacks of September 11, 2001, Mei-Po Kwan (2008) uses vistal narrative in yetanather way. She asked 37 women in Columbus, Ohio, to carefully record theit activites and trips outside the home on one particular day. Then she conducted interviews with the women about how their activities and sense of safety have changed since September 11th. She also asked them to indicate on a map where they go during their everyday lives, which areas they considered safe or unsafe before September 11th, and how their feelings about those areas have changed since then, Kwan uses these multiple sources of data to construct a visual narrative that shows changes in time and space in Muslim women’s feelings of fear and safety pre— and post-September I Ith, Kwan uses three-dimensional (3-D) geo- ‘graphical information systems (GIS) to “illuminate the impact of the fear of anti- ‘Muslim hate violence on the daly lives of Muslim women and to help articulate their emotional geographies in the post-September 11 period’ (p. 653). In Kwan's study, the visual narrative is not the data, but a powerful means of presenting Muslim women’s narratives in the post-September 11th world. 67 Narrative Inquiry, Personal Change, and Social Change Like other qualitative researchers, narrative researchers continue to be compelled by the relationship between their work and possibilities for change and social68 METHODS OF COLLECTING AND ANALYZING EMPIRICAL MATE} Part | justice. Some study how narratives make change happen, and some collect and present narratives to make change happen. In either case, there is a sense of Figen ofthe need for personal and soci change. Inthe following, I character igs that urgency in several ways: the urgency of speaking, the urgency of being heard, the urgency of collective stories, and the urgency of public dialogue When narrative inquiry focuses on personal or social change, the relation between narrator and audience becomes centrel THE URGENCY OF SPEAKING ‘Sometimes the act itself of narrating a significant life event facilitates positive change. In discussing a breast cancer survivor's narrative, Kristen Langeller (2001) writes, “The wounded storyteller reclaims the capacity to tell, and hold ton to, her own story, resisting narrative surrender to the medical chart as the official story ofthe illness” (p. 146; see alo Bell, 2002, 2009; Capps & Ochs, 1995; Frank, 1995; Lieblich, McAdams, & Josselson, 2004). Along similar lines, George Rosenvald and Richard Ochberg (1992) claim that self-narration can lead £0 personal emancipation—to “better” stories of life difficulties or traumas, In these cases, the narrator is his or her own audience, the one who needs to heat alternative versions of his or her identity ot life events, and the one for whom changes in the narrative can “stir up changes” in the life (p. 8). Researchers and practitioners in narrative therapy point out that creating alternative narratives of one’s self or life can be extraordinarily difficult. For example, in their discussion of a woman who has been hospitalized multiple times for selfstarvation, Andrew Lock, David Epston, and Richard Maisel (2004) ‘how that it was only when the woman learned to treat “anorexia” as separate from herself that she began to develop a voice that confidently resisted the “voice fof anorexia” In this case, the woman's externalization of anorexia was accom- plished through therapeutic sessions in which one therapist literally spoke the punitive voice of “anorexia” the woman repudiated that voice in her own words, ‘and a second therapist supported her in doing so, ‘The question of whether, how, and under what conditions the tiling of traumatic experiences facilitates healing and emotional well-being is an important topic for narrative researchers (Naples, 2003). For instance, shortly after World War Ii, adult survivors of the Holocaust worked relentlessly to gather and publish child survivors’ testimonies. At that time, some claimed that children’ testimonies had therapeutic value for the children, but they did ce for that claim (Cohen, 2007), Taking a life course not always provide eviden« Chapter 2 perspective, Bertram Cobler (2008) suggests that when in the tes rior tl ther stores shapes tet meaning or suitor and he ae the stories playin survivors Tes. He analyzes the memoirs of two Holocaust survivors, one of whom wrote her memoir right after the war. She descr atrocities she had witnessed, but largely excluded her own experiences, as take could not integrate them into her life story. The other woman wrote her mem- oir half @ century after World War II as an émigré to the United States, She ‘eqounts her experiences before, during, and after the wat forming then iat charaerstic American redemptive acount of successllyovercomin adversity” (Cohier, 2008, p. 1). - Some narrative therapists who work with Hol i a i ho work with Holocaust survivors find that suc- ces thetpy conse not in inerating the taum into one’ ie or, but athe pring the traumatic narrative in a capsule separate from other pats of the He sory” (Sham &Levin-Meygd, 200 p. 632). By defining succes herpy as separation ofthe traumatic story from theif tory, these research counter traditional notions of therapeutic success The diference lest leas in par inthe severity of the trauma, ee THE URGENCY OF BEING HEARD cE sme nvidia nl yroups the ugeny of sorting arises fom the , esire to have others hear one's story. Citing René Jara, John Beverly (2005) describes Latin American testimonios as “emergency” narratives that involue a problem of epesion, power, marginal, expottion, simply survival. The voc that seat the exer through he text. tke] the 1m of an'T that demands to be recognized, that wants or needs to stake a ‘on our attention” (p. 548). — OF course, mote than Latin American testimonios are narrated with th urgent voice. The stories of many marginalized cd people ginalized groups and oppressed people eople (Gisick, 2008 parents of children with dsabities (Goodley & regaskis, 2006); Hmong immigrants to the United States after the Vietnam War (Faderman, 2005); Latino and Asian American college students on pred 2007) and the victims and survivors of gendered ail, ethnic and sexual vio- lence (Hales & oe 2008; Dees, Clsemont, Martel, & While Fale, 2008) indeed, “naming silenced lives” and ” ple ed, “nan giving voice” to marginalized people—or in Riessmans (2008) more collaborative term, “ampliying’ oles" vice 6970 Part | METHODS OF COLLECTING AND ANALYZING EMPIRICAL MATERIALS, {p. 223)—have been primary goals of narrative research for several decades (McLaughlin & Tierney, 1993; Personal Narratives Group, 1989). "The urgency of speaking and being heard drives the ongoing collection and publication of narratives about many forms of social injustice. Examples include the personal narratives of refugees of the war in Bosnia and Croatia (Mertusy "Tesanovic, Metikos, & Boric, 1997); the stories of September 11, 2001, survivors (ww. Idigitalarchive-org); testimonies abou: genocide in Rwanda (http://www woicevofrwanda.org/); and the stories of survivors and witnesses ofthe Holocaust {the Voices of the Holocaust Project {wwwitsdu}s the Fortunoff Video Archive for Holocaust Testimonies at Yale University {httpi/wnwAibrary.yle-edu/testimo nies); Voike/ Vision: Holocaust Survivor Oral History Archive [httpy/holocaust "ume. umich.edu/nterviews: php} and the Univesity of Southern California’ Shoah Foundation Institute's archive [http://college.uic.edu/vhi/))." "The same urgency to get survivors’ voices heard drives the work of Father Patrick Desbois (2008), a French Catholic prest, who has traveled through the Ukraine to find the unmarked mass graves ofa million and a half Jews killed by Nazi mobile death squads during World Wer IL. In addition to honoring the victims with proper burials, he films the testimonies of eyewitnesses who were children atthe time. These acts of genocide ate not well known, and many of the eyewitnesses have never before spoken publidy about their experiences."* The act of speaking to be heard references an “other” who needs to hear, 0 listen, to pay attention, Mary Gergen and Kenneth Gergen (2007) state, “hudiences who listen toa story from a witness become themselves second-order witnesses. They create for themselves the vsual images, sounds, and visceral responses of the witness. One might say that they engage in empathetic listening, jn which they come to feel with the storytelle:”(p. 139), When the story is about pain, trauma, and injustice, listening itself can be painful. Listening requires the willingness to put the other’s story at the center of one's attention, to resist defensive reactions, and to acknowledge the kits of one's ability to put oneself in another’s shoes (Chase, 2010). THE URGENCY OF COLLECTIVE STORIES Stories about injustice are often more than individual stories. Laurel Richardson defines collective stories as those that connect an individual’ story to the broader story of 2 marginalized social group (Richardson, 1990). In dis- cussing the collective stories of sexual abuse survivors and gays and lesbians, Kenneth Plummer (1995) writes, “For narratives to flourish, there must be @ ‘community to hear... For communities to heat, there must be stories which Chapter 2 Narrative Inquiry n weave together ther history, thet identity, ther politics. The one—co feds upon adit the oes" oe en survivors or marginalized or oppresed groups tll ther collective sto- ries, they demand soil change Itmay bea demand hat people never forge the atrocities ofthe past. it may be a demand that educational curricula be tran. formed so that young peopl lean how to prevent what previous generations have suffered. t may bea demand that people who hold legal, cultura or other. forms of power take action to bring about justice, Thus, coletive stories become ing t sac movements Gea Dav, 20 ‘Along thes ines, Bel (2008) shows how women's personal narra 4 ole in sccesly hllengingconventonl meiclncsteatneat of tote ‘who were exposed prenatally to DES (a drug linked toa rate vaginal cancer and oor reproductive results). Bll gathered DES daughters narratives through in- depth interviews 2s well as eters to the editor they had writen in various me (othich were collected and published in DES Acton Voie. Through clone atten. tion to how DES daughters narated their experiences, Bell shows how some of them became activists who created a feminist, embodied health movement And through close examination of the proceedings ofa Nationa instittes of Health sponsored workshop, Bell demonstrates how DES daughters and biomedical scientists collaboratively “destabilized the discourse of science a usta” (p. 10) In To Plead Our Ow Cause Kevin Bales ani Zoe’ Tod (2008) present verba- tim the oral and writen narratives of men, women, and children wi have been enslave in countries across the glbe as soies in prison camps in workplaces and as sexual objects. Some of these narrators have become activist, working, with aio onions gether ves ear Mayo then in the Doak wee gay cel yo we i alos and Ruan eh cbc awareness campaigns, and congressional sessions am sary. tlt bills Indeed thse teximonia were intumera in etng he Vio of ‘Tralficking and Violence Protection Act passed into US. law in 2000.0 THE URGENCY OF PUBUC DIALOGUE William Gamson (2002) writes, “Deliberation and di nson (2002) writes, “Deliberation and dialogue in a narrat tod lends ine more eal [than abstract argument] othe exesion of ‘oral complexity” In this sense "storytelng facitates a healthy, democratic public life” (p. 197). Many narrative researchers hope their work will timate aloe abou complex mere matters ad aout the ned or soci dng Took for creative ways to present their work to the public (Barone, 2107; Knowles & Coe, 208; Madison 8 Hamers, 2008; Mang. 200).Part | METHODS OF COLLECTING AND ANALYZING EMPIRICAL MATERIALS Some researchers use ethnotheater—turning narrative data into theater peiformances—as a means of accomplishing this goal. Anna Deavere Smith 1993, 1994, 2004) has been a leader in this regard. In her solo stage perfor. tnances, based on the words of people she interviewed, Smith has explored vents such as the riots in Los Angeles after the acquittal of the police officers Scho beat Rodney King, and the riots in Crown Heights, Brooklyn, after a car Carrying a Hasidic spiritual leader killed a black 7-year-old child from Guyana, Tn her most recent one-woman show, Let Me Down Easy, Smith performs the narratives of many different peopl, all of whom address “the fragility and resi jence of the human body" (Isherwood, 2008), In this show, she presents people's Mories about “the steroid scandal in sports, cancer therapies, African folk heal~ ing, the genocide in Rwanda, the tragedy of Katrina and the ailing American health-care system? (Isherwood, 2008). In such performances, Smith presents 2 vwide array of voices, and in so doing, attempts to create public dialogue about ‘emotionally and politically charged issues and events During three years of ethnographic fieldwork in Ghana, Soyini Madison (2006) studied the debate surrounding 2 tradition of sending girls to a village Shrine for years or even a lifetime to atone fora crime or violation committed by 4 (usually male) family member. Local human rights activists view that practice ds tantamount to the girls’ enslavement, Traditionalists view it as @ matter of moral and cultural education and as protecting the girls from the shame of their fanly members action, Traditionalists poirt out that the gil “are esteemed a8 “quechs with special powers” (p. 398)- On the basis of her fekdworks Madison 006) wrote, “Is It a Human Being or a Girl” a play revolving around three ‘major themes: the debate between the humaa rights activists and the traditional- jes; critiques of cosporae globalization, which produces the poverty underlying the traditional practices and Madison's socal location as an African American teademic and how that shaped her ethnographic interests. Inthe play, five per- formers acted and spoke the various voices, based largely on narratives Madison collected during in-depth interviews. Madison's aim in presenting her fieldwork sn the form of ethnotheater was to stimulate public dialogue in the local com munity about the moral issues involved. ‘Moisés Kaufman, a leading proponent and practitioner of ethnotheater, writes, “There are moments in history when a Farticular event brings the various ideologies and beliefs prevailing in a culture into sharp focus. At these junctures the event becomes a lightning rod of sorts, attracting and distill Jing the essence of these philosophies and convictions. By paying careful attention in moments like this to people’ words, one is able to hear the way Narrative Inquiry these prevailing ideas affect not only individual lives these preva ly lives but also the culture at Kaufman's play, The Laramie Project, is based i , Project is based on one such moment in history: of Katinas Tectonic Tester Peet raved to Laramie, Wyoming tint view may ofthe people ino at ella ter ownspeopl.A yer and hal en Inte, the Tectonic Tester Project performed the fist of many productions of the play in which actors played the people the cin pakGg ace ce Ten years lat, Kanan and hie collegues returned to Laramie and intr viewed many of . sume people again. One interviewed Aaron McKinney, who rently serving two life sentences for the murder of Matthew Shepar staged in donens of theses acres the United Sates and in other countries ‘on October 12, 2008, the 11th anniversary of Shepard’s death. The Tecton Teer goin eng to Taam at Hid ot wt ha ard a in the community during those 10 years. The new play shi The new play shows that man munity Interesting, Wyoming’ hae cine leiation il exudes sexual orientation, but on October 28, 2009, President Barack Obama si into law the Matthew Shepard and James Byrd, Jt. Hate C pam xd and James Byrd, Jr. Hate Crimes Prevention Act According to the Human Rights Campaign, a {This av gives the Department of fstce (DO)) the power to investigate and prosecute bias-motivated violence by providing the DO} with jurisdic on ofr eine of viene whet «perpetrated 2 vicin cause of the person's actual or perceived race, color, religion, national origin, gender, sextal orientation, gender identity or disability. Whether or not The Laramie Project had a direct impact on the federal legisla tion, it certainly created public dialogue i “ son ten ly created public diatogue in theater venues across the country and As I worked on this update to my original chapter in the i ths book T found, bets tht tense voidetly completes nad Still a Field in the Making aper eerereeneaeeaneseeaaeae eae 74. Part} METHODS OF COLLECTING AND ANALYZING EMPIRICAL MATERIALS multiplicities in the field of narrative inquiry than itis to identify commenali- ties, As I think about the future of this field, I suspect that this will continue to bbe the case. One small but poignant indicator of increasing complexity and multiplicity lies in how I changed the definition of narrative, Inthe original chapter, wrote, “Narrative is retrospective meaning making—the shaping or ordering of past experience” (emphasis added]. In this update, wrote that narrative is “meaning ‘making through the shaping ot ordering of experience.” I deleted “retrospective” ‘and “past” because of recent developments in this field. As noted earlier, in the last few years, some researchers have focused on “small stories” in everyday situ- ated interaction (Bamberg, 2006; Georgakopoulou, 2007) and on the need for ‘ethnographic sensibilities for understanding iow small stories are produced in and organize social interaction (Gubrium & Holstein, 2009). These researchers demonstrate that the definition of narrative as retrospective meaning making is partial They influenced me to broaden the definition. { suspect that complexity and multiplicity will also persist in ideas about what narrative inquiry is. A number of researchers present overviews of and distine~ tions within narrative inquiry concerning its interests, goals, and methods (Bamberg, 2007; Clandinin & Rosiek, 20975 Gubrium & Holstein, 20095 Polkinghorne, in Clandinin & Murphy, 2007; Riessman, 2008). I have been influ- enced by their categories and yet I still came up with my own. Summarizing their conversation with Elliot Mishler about the future of narrative inquiry, D. Jean Clandinin and M. Shaun Murphy (2007) write, “Elliot notes that we cannot police the boundaries of narrative inquiry. For him, the field... will be defined from within the different communities of narrative inquirers with researchers picking up on each others’ work that helps them address issues salient to their ‘own research problems” (p. 636). This emphasis on different narrative research ‘communities strikes me as an accurate descrigtion of what is happening and will continue to happen. ‘Yet the boundaries of narrative research communities are also fluid, Lieblich (in Clandinin & Murphy, 2007, pp. 640-641) notes that graduate students inter- ested in narrative research still have trouble nding support for work they want to do, Mishler (in Clandinin & Murphy, 2007, p. 641) notes that even established narrative researchers often feel alone in theirdepartments. As narrative research ters look outside their departments disciplines, and across national boundaries to find colleagues with whom they share interest, narrative research communi- ties will change and evolve. Furthermore, it is not always clear which communities we should belong, to, which colleagues we need {0 converse with, which conversations we need to Chapter 2 Narrative inquiry cultivate, still wonder sometimes who my colleagues are, Colleagues who ws the same marave methods but won recast coves dirt ope? Colleagues who work on the same topics, but who don’t use narrative methods or even qualitative methods? Practitioners in the fields for whom my research aight provide fal insights idea of course, I woudl converse wih al of ese colleagues, but sometimes one has to choose, Because narrative inquiry is sila eld the making {suepet that arative researchers will continue ok these questions about colleagues, conversations, and communities As discussed earlier, the lst fev years have seen an expansion in the kinds of dota narrative researchers use in their studies. This will probably continue as wel Examples presented in this chapter speak to the value of combining interviews and ethnographic observation (Riessman, 2008); photographs and autobiograph- ical writings (Bell, 2002, 2006; Beha, 2007); interviews eters fo the itor, ato. biographical film, and’ workshop proceedings (Bell 2009); ethnography and participants’ collages and self-portraits (Luttrell, 2003); activity diaries, in-depth interviews, maps, and geographical information systems (GIS) (Kwan, 2008); and interviews and content analyses of documents (Chase, 2010). Using multiple sources of data underscores that any view is partial and that narrative environ ‘ments are multiple and layered. Given the explosion of nevr technologies, narra tive researchers are likely to seek new data sources, adding to the complexity and multiplicity of narrative research. And with these new data sources, new ethical issues will arise. Mishler points out that the increased use of visual narratives raises questions about how to protect the rights of those whose images we use (in land Murphy, 2007.61), For example preseting or pushing photos that include people's faces makes it impossible to conceal their identities, ‘Another issue that is close to my heart has to do with the generally critical chatacter of narrative research. Like qualitative research generally, narrative research often critiques cultural discourses, institutions, organizations, and interactions that produce social inequalities. Narrative researchers frequently Jook forthe collusive or resistant strategies that narrators develop in relation to the constraints of their narrative environments. As Plummer (1995) demion- sete soil movements research revel estat narrative that develop in activist communities. Narrative researchers note that those resistant narratives change then’ sl tds ad tos aoe arise y to study the audience side of this narrative process. The urgency to speak toget heard to develop collestive narratives and to eet ble logue al of these are about the need to influence an audience. What does it look like when the audience is influenced. What does an audience’ listening look like? A focus on these questions would encourage a hopeful aspect in narrative research,pmrrceesececeseeeeesaeeeeseaeeesraeeeaI cease Along similar Lines, suggest that we need toknow more about narrative envi- ronments that make possible and even encourage creative explorations of self, identity, community, and reality. In this vein, some researchers study the inti- imate environment of therapy and some study the macro environment of social mnovements. I would also like to see studies of the mundane environments of everyday life, Even as they constrain, some families, friendships, classrooms, workplaces, and organizations also provide members with narrative resources for creating strong relationships and vibrant communities. in other words, I suggest that we have as mech to learn from narrative inguiry into environments where something is working as we do from inquiry into envi- ronments where injustice reigns. And I don’t believe we have to give up intel- fectual skepticism to ask these questions. When something is working —when individuals, groups, or communities marshal ordinary resources in their ever day lives to strengthen their relationships and their commanities what is go ton narratively in those environments? Karen Gallas (1994) offers an example. As 4 teacher, she did ethnographic research on sharing time in her own first-grade lassroom. She discovered that certain sharing time (narrative) practices hin- dered and others supported a homeless students social and language develop” iment. (See Riessman’s {2008, pp. 125-136] znalysis of Gallas’s research.) Such esearch makes both a theoretical contribution to social science and a practical ‘Contribution to the field of education. Listering to and observing this child in interaction with her peers allawed Galas to figure out what facilitated the child’s tfective speaking practices and the other students’ listening. An interest in what ‘works requires a focus on the urgency of speaking and the urgency of being hear, as well a5 on what it means to listen. Here, attention includes the recipi- ents of stories, the audiences for performances. ‘The complexities and multiplicities in comtemporary narrative inquiry ‘offer novice and seasoned researchers 2 great deal of freedom in the topics and interests they pursue and the methods and approaches they use. At the same time, it is impossible for anyone to Eeep up with the field as a whole. Josselson (2007) notes the proliferation of narrative studies, the “array of fascinating, cichly-detailed expositions of life as lived, well-interpreted studies full of nuance and insight that bef the complexity of human lives” (p. 8). She also points out thet itis impossible to read them all, an observation I share, having attempted to follow developments in this field over the years. Given this situation, Josselson (2007a) suggests that one important issue for con- temporary narrative inquiry is “the challenge of accumulating knowledge” She argues that we need a meta-analysis of the vast array of narratives studies (pp. 7-8). Chapter 2 Narrative Inquiry According to Josselson (2007a), a meta-analysis would include the compari~ son of narrators’ language structures across studies, the search for patterns and differences across studies on the same topic, the creation of criteria for determin- ing what constitutes a pattern or a difference, the assessment of whether similar findings across studies of the same phenomenon give us confidence in those findings the search for patterns across studies of empirically different phenom- ‘ena, and the articulation of “the frontiers of ignorance,” what researchers do not yet understand, Finally, a meta-analysis would attend to the practical implica- ee studies, what te ndings of ou studs tell us about how actin the social world and about the kind of soci people int ibout the kind of social world we all are creat- 1 especially like Josselson’s idea that this meta-analysis requires conversation among oat rears reqs new colages and communes Notes 1 tn ny caper in he hid edton ofthis handbook, covered historical background, and analytic lens n pa ane sol gn nde ee a dpe Wn) 98), Pipe 195 an a nak dninctions among types of nate reer in he cil scence ut they exclude some kinds of work that I want to include ind that rth want fo cde (and ince ome Kind tat ‘want to exchde), [constrict my own categories here. ted 3 Reson earn war astosceotppoesh ae 1. in ouning thir pproach to naa ? 3 naratve ng Clann and Rok (20 ae anyone janet pres ht ea dt Tey ss dare te bor ten th apron a seta er tee gms (posta, Mates or cated eo and ponsrocralon), 5 Bese gant ns fing ae dom nology se cholo et narrate Ingiryo syonyinos wih quate ing Bu he Prrchologit Ite rcv outa din oarative apron 6. Jouclon, Lech ad chdans are ete orate book . ited for ote book in the American tela aa ne, he Neate Sof ie wt, ath ams ; ‘icblich, McAdams, and Josselson_ )s ar ds Josselson, and Lieblich (2001). ee aia ender 7, Several ere cones focos speccaly on narrative the ‘Therapy Centre of Toronto; Centre for Narrative Practice in Shefield, Uni fa and the Dulwich Centre in Adelaide, Australia. . _—References ILLECTING AND ANALYZING EMPIRICAL MATERIALS Part |_ METHODS OF Ci 4 Rin ams apposite angiags nl spect oir ee eres ol comprtve etopaphis se Guim and Holsin (20) and Hostin and Gaba (200, = Tat neat ee pra, 1 hea 09 Ri “Vaal Ana calecionsreonine his ens hy ae aaieto the oe Sr orien * Fa ae un rn tea re sntnachtcna tt ates, errata gt ae en meta nage : tn ce php Ser aso itp:/feommunitylaremiepejecogconten/Aboul and bipslarsvet ey paler organs letion/S60 Ne san's (2008) Chapter 6, runter-narrative: Exploring alter lame, AL e Knudson, R. M. 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