Migrant Worker Perceptions

of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait

– A Construction Industry Perspective

Catherine Mary Robertson

A Thesis submitted to Auckland University of Technology

in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of

Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)

2017

Faculty of Business and Law

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Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

Table of Contents

Table of Contents ................................................................................................... ii 

List of Figures...................................................................................................... viii 
List of Tables ......................................................................................................... ix 
Abstract ................................................................................................................. x 
Attestation of Authorship ................................................................................... xiii 
Acknowledgements ............................................................................................. xiv 
Abbreviations ...................................................................................................... xvi 
Ethics Approval.................................................................................................. xvii 
Chapter 1 - Introduction ....................................................................................... 1 

Introduction .................................................................................................... 1 

Why Was This Research Undertaken?......................................................... 4 

Significance of the Research .......................................................................... 6 

Background. ............................................................................................... 10 
Literature review. ....................................................................................... 11 
Methodology. ............................................................................................. 12 
Data analysis. ............................................................................................. 13 
Discussion. ................................................................................................. 13 

Conclusion ..................................................................................................... 15 

Chapter 2 - Background ...................................................................................... 17 

Introduction .................................................................................................. 17 

Political Overview......................................................................................... 19 

Labour and OHS Law .................................................................................. 22 

The New Law of Labour in the Private Sector .......................................... 23 

Population Trends and Patterns of Migration........................................... 31 

Characteristics of the Construction Industry in Kuwait .......................... 37 

Employment Statistics .................................................................................. 37 

The Economic Crisis in the Construction Sector....................................... 39 

Current Status of the Kuwaiti Construction Industry.............................. 39 

OHS and the Kuwaiti Construction Industry ............................................ 40 

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Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

Significant Factors ........................................................................................ 41 

Conclusion ..................................................................................................... 43 

Chapter 3 - Literature Review ............................................................................ 46 

Introduction .................................................................................................. 46 

Migrant Labour Defined.............................................................................. 46 

Growth and Characteristics of Migrant Labour ....................................... 49 

Worker Vulnerability Factors ..................................................................... 51 

What is precarious work? .......................................................................... 51 
Precarious status of subcontracted construction labourers in Kuwait. ...... 53 
Competitive tendering................................................................................ 54 
Blame the victim approach. ....................................................................... 56 
Labour market segmentation. .................................................................... 57 
Willingness to work in hazardous occupations.......................................... 59 
Low education and literacy levels ............................................................. 60 
Lack of legal protection ............................................................................. 60 
Social exclusion and unhealthy working/living conditions. ...................... 61 

OHS Issues in the Subcontracted Kuwaiti Construction Industry. ......... 65 

Models of Analysis ........................................................................................ 74 

Model development. .................................................................................. 75 
The PDR model. ...................................................................................... 78 
The Lamm (2014) model. ........................................................................ 81 
The Gravel, Rhéaume & Legendre (2009) model ................................... 85 
The Sargeant and Tucker (2009) model ................................................. 87 
The adapted Sargeant and Tucker model. .................................................. 88 
Relationship between Layers of Vulnerability and Worker Invisibility. . 95 

Conclusion ................................................................................................... 100 

Chapter 4 - Methodology .................................................................................. 101 

Introduction ................................................................................................ 101 

Research Approach .................................................................................... 104 

Methodological Approach and Conceptual Framework ........................ 108 

Phenomenology. ...................................................................................... 108 
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Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

Triangulation. ........................................................................................... 110 

Research Design .......................................................................................... 112 

Data gathering method. ............................................................................ 112 
Sample location and selection.................................................................. 114 
Locating suitable respondents .................................................................. 114 
Respondent selection criteria. .................................................................. 115 
Interpreter selection and training. ............................................................ 117 
Ethical considerations. ......................................................................... 119 
Interview process. .................................................................................... 122 
Interview planning. ............................................................................... 123 
Access and selection of respondents. .................................................... 123 
Conducting interviews. ......................................................................... 124 
Interview transcription and validation. ................................................ 128 
Data analysis. ........................................................................................... 128 
Data organisation. ................................................................................ 130 
Commonality and dissimilarity. ............................................................ 130 
Development of themes, patterns and categories ................................. 131 

Methodological Rigour............................................................................... 133 

Conclusion ................................................................................................... 135 

Chapter 5 - Data Analysis and Findings Layers 1-2 ....................................... 137 

Introduction ................................................................................................ 137 

Layer 1 - Receiving Country Factors........................................................ 140 

Research question one. ............................................................................ 141 
Socio-economic conditions. ..................................................................... 141 
Regulatory protection/trade union role. .................................................. 143 
Social inclusion/exclusion........................................................................ 147 

Summary ..................................................................................................... 150 

Layer 2 - Migrant Security - Receiving Country..................................... 150 

Research Questions two, three and four .................................................. 150 
Legal status. .......................................................................................... 151 
Nature of contractual legal status/agent and employer role ................ 151 
Treatment of migrants........................................................................... 157 

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Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

Living conditions .................................................................................. 158 

Accommodation. ................................................................................... 159 
Insect infestations ................................................................................. 159 
Poor nutrition. ...................................................................................... 162 

Conclusion ................................................................................................... 166 

Chapter 6 - Data Analysis and Findings Layers 3-4 ....................................... 168 

Introduction ................................................................................................ 168 

Layer 3 - Migrant Worker Factors ........................................................... 170 

Research questions five and six ............................................................... 170 
Reasons for migration........................................................................... 170 
Safety commitment. ............................................................................... 172 
Organisational safety culture ............................................................... 173 

Layer 4 - OHS Management Systems. ...................................................... 176 

Research Question Seven......................................................................... 177 
PMC/Subcontractor hierarchy. ............................................................... 177 
Effectiveness of supervision. ................................................................. 178 
Psychological illness. ........................................................................... 179 
Respiratory issues ................................................................................. 181 
Musculoskeletal issues. ......................................................................... 187 
Noise induced hearing loss ................................................................... 190 
Heat related issues. ............................................................................... 191 
Trauma injuries. ................................................................................... 194 
Communication and training ................................................................ 200 

Conclusion ................................................................................................... 204 

Chapter 7 – Discussion: Conceptual Evaluation - Analytical Framework... 207 

Introduction ................................................................................................ 207 

Theoretical Significance of Findings. ........................................................ 210 

Conceptual insights - framework development. ...................................... 210 
Layering rationale .................................................................................... 210 

Analytical Evaluation - Key Research Questions .................................... 212 

Layer No. 1 .............................................................................................. 212 
Layer No. 2 .............................................................................................. 215 
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Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

Layer No. 3 .............................................................................................. 221 

Layer No. 4 .............................................................................................. 222 

Cultural Indifference and Low-Bid Preference ....................................... 225 

Culture of indifference ............................................................................. 225 
Low-bid preference. ................................................................................. 229 

Solutions to Cultural Indifference and Low-Bid System ........................ 230 

Political inertia. ........................................................................................ 230 
Commercial factors. ................................................................................. 231 
Rising political opposition. ...................................................................... 233 

Conclusion ................................................................................................... 234 

Chapter 8 - Conclusion ...................................................................................... 236 

Introduction ................................................................................................ 236 

Reflection and Chapter Linkages.............................................................. 236 

Chapter 1 .................................................................................................. 236 
Chapter 2. ................................................................................................. 238 
Chapter 3. ................................................................................................. 239 
Chapter 4. ................................................................................................. 240 
Chapters 5 and 6 ...................................................................................... 243 
Chapter 7. ................................................................................................. 244 

Obstacles to the Development of Solutions for OHS Problems.............. 246 

Proposed Solutions ..................................................................................... 248 

Project management role ......................................................................... 248 

Research Limitations ................................................................................. 251 

Dearth of academic literature. .................................................................. 251 
Maintaining researcher anonymity. ......................................................... 252 
Time constraints. ...................................................................................... 252 

Areas for Future Research ........................................................................ 254 

Meso and macro level studies in Kuwait and the GCC. .......................... 254 

Conclusion ................................................................................................... 255 

References ........................................................................................................... 257 

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Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

Appendices

Appendix 1 - Derivation of Kuwait Population Trends by Nationality ........ 275

Appendix 2 - Electronic File E1 ........................................................................ 280
Appendix 3 – Electronic File E2 ....................................................................... 320
Appendix 4 – Interview Question Formats...................................................... 342
Appendix 5 – Information Sheets ..................................................................... 345
Appendix 6 – Consent Forms ............................................................................ 351
Appendix 7 – Confidentiality Agreements....................................................... 354

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Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

List of Figures

Figure 2.1 Kuwait Population Trends by Nationality ............................................... 33 

Figure 3.1 Analytical framework: Managing diversity in the implementation of

occupational health and safety measures in small businesses with an
immigrant workforce. ............................................................................. 86 
Figure 3.2 Relationship between Layers of Vulnerability and Worker Invisibility.. 97 

Figure 4.1 - Stages of the Research ........................................................................ 103 

Figure 7.1. Links between Background, Literature Review, Findings and

Discussion. ............................................................................................ 209 

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Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

List of Tables

Table 2.1 Links Between Revised Private Sector Labour Law No. 6 of Feb 2010
and Labour Related Discriminatory Events........................................... 28 

Table 3.1 Risk Categories Associated with the PDR Model ................................. 79 

Table 3.2 Dimensions of worker precariousness. .................................................. 82 

Table 3.3 Layers of Vulnerability.......................................................................... 95 

Table 3.4 Relationship between Layers of Vulnerability, Key Research Questions

and Emergent Themes ........................................................................... 99 

Table 4.1 Relationship between Layers of Vulnerability, Key Research Questions

and Data Analysis ................................................................................ 132 

Table 4.2 Methodological Approaches towards Rigour Attainment ................... 133 

Table 5.1 Approaches to Themes - Layers 1 and 2 ............................................. 139 

Table 5.2 Commitments of Non-Supervisory and Skilled Worker Respondents 154 

Table 5.3 Commitments of Managerial, Supervisory and Highly Skilled Worker

Respondents ......................................................................................... 156 

Table 6.1 Approaches to Themes - Layers 3 and 4 ............................................. 169 

Table 6.2 Accidents and Injuries ......................................................................... 197 

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Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

Abstract

Construction workers have experienced profound changes in working and living

conditions over the past 30 years due to the rapid expansion of migrant labour,

ineffective management, lax regulatory practices and business cycle downturns. These

changes have impacted negatively on the Occupational Health and Safety (OHS) of

workers and the construction industry is recognised as one of the most hazardous in the

world. The extent to which construction workers’ OHS has been compromised has

particular relevance in Kuwait where, despite the ratification of 19 International Labour

organisation (ILO) conventions, effective implementation of improvements has been

lacking.

The goal of this thesis was to understand the experiences of vulnerable migrant

workers in Kuwait from their own viewpoint. The primary research question was ‘What

are the OHS experiences of vulnerable migrant workers employed in the Kuwaiti

construction industry?’ An adaptation of the Sargeant and Tucker (2009) layers of

vulnerability model was applied to address this question.

The findings revealed that cultural indifference leading to power and control

abuses within the low-bid tendering system has severely compromised the OHS of

migrant construction workers in Kuwait. Coercive practices, deception, dishonesty and

cruelty resulted in high levels of depression, fear, anxiety and a sense of defeat,

exacerbated by poor living conditions, inadequate diets and forced extension of working

hours. Contractual obligations and financial commitments to deceptive and dishonest

labour agents deepened workers’ sense of helplessness and entrapment. This caused

depression and suicide ideation. Their plight was compounded because they could never

get permanent residency in Kuwait.

Abusive and negligent supervisory practices led to fatal and serious injuries and

illness such as severe trauma, heart attacks, heat stroke, falls from height; all due to
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Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

unsafe construction methods. It was also found that workers were exposed to noise

causing hearing impairment and to harmful contaminants like dust and carcinogenic

chemicals which led to respiratory illness. Heavy physical labour in the summer heat

caused cardiovascular and musculoskeletal health problems.

The results revealed that the root cause of compromised OHS practices is the

policy of awarding major contracts to the lowest bidder. Although Project Management

Consultants (PMCs) were concerned about the OHS of subcontracted labourers, they

were prevented by project owners from intervening and implementing best practices.

Consequently most workers were inadequately trained and were unaware of their right

to protection and access to compensation. However workers’ attitudes and commitment

to working safely was not dependent on their educational level.

This research is distinctive because a fieldwork and analytical methodology was

developed to investigate vulnerable workers in hard-to-reach, difficult and complex

settings. The research further differentiates itself by the participation of a skilled

interpreter throughout the data gathering process, revealing the subtleties and idiomatic

nuances of the respondents’ vernacular which enhanced the data derived from truth and

meaning as perceived by workers themselves. The researcher has exposed the numerous

issues faced by previously unreached and unheard subcontracted labourers, explored

through their own perspectives and experiences. The development of such a

methodology is a distinctive feat as few if any Western researchers have been able to

reach these previously invisible groups of workers or to expose the depth of the

problems they face and are helpless to address. Moreover, the researcher has developed

a valuable set of tools that can be extrapolated and generally applied to further global

research on the OHS of vulnerable expatriate workers.

Finally, the analysis revealed two over-riding themes. First cultural indifference

leading to power and control mechanisms and their impact on vulnerable workers was
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Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

directly linked to hierarchical management systems, and second, the lowest bidder

policy has led to profoundly negative outcomes and damage to the OHS of expatriate

subcontracted workers.

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Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

Attestation of Authorship

I hereby declare that this submission is my own work and that, to the best of my

knowledge and belief, it contains no material previously published or written by another

person (except where explicitly defined in the acknowledgements), no material which to

a substantial extent has been submitted for the award of any other degree or diploma of

a university or other institution of higher learning. The following publications and

conference papers relate to work undertaken for this thesis.

Book Chapters

Boocock, M., Hannif, Z., Jamieson, S., Lamare, J.Ryan., Lamm, F., Martin, C.,
McDonnell, M., Robertson, C., Schweder, P., & Shulruf, B. (2011). Occupational
health and safety of migrant workers: An international concern. In M. Sargeant &
Giavonnone, M. (Eds.). Vulnerable Workers: Health, safety and wellbeing (pp.
121-144). London, UK: Gower.
Robertson, C. (2011). Occupational health and safety of contingent migrant labour in
the Kuwait construction industry. In M. Sargeant & M. Giovannone (Eds.),
Vulnerable workers - safety, wellbeing and precarious work, (pp. 243-260).
Farnham, Surrey: Gower.

Conference Papers

Robertson, C., & Lamm, F. (2008). Occupational health and safety in the Kuwait
construction industry: The rationale for research. Proceedings of the 13th
Conference for Labour, Employment and Work, Victoria University, Wellington,
New Zealand. Retrieved from
https://ojs.victoria.ac.nz/LEW/article/view/1650/1493

Catherine Mary Robertson

Date

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Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

Acknowledgements

I would like to convey my sincere gratitude to the following people. Without their

assistance the completion of this thesis would not have been possible.

To the Auckland University of Technology Ethics Committee for granting ethics

approval number 10/313 on the 25th July 2011, enabling this research to be conducted.

To my Supervisor, Associate Professor Felicity Lamm, for her enduring patience,

sound advice, sense of empathy, ongoing support and friendship. It has been a real

privilege to work with one who has passed on so readily her knowledge and experience

with such grace and skill. Her quality teaching and attention to detail has profoundly

influenced my sense of self efficacy through increased self-confidence. She is my

champion.

To Professor Erling Rasmussen, who has had a tremendous calming influence in

providing support, insightfulness and valuable guidance, especially in the last year of

thesis development. He has always made time to help me and encourage me, regardless

of his hectic schedule – an intrepid and courageous captain who steered me through all

the academic storms.

To Professor Malcolm Sargeant of Middlesex University, who encouraged me and

inspired me when we met at an OHS conference and to his co-author of the Sargeant &

Tucker (2009) model, Professor Eric Tucker of York University, Toronto.

To Eathar Abdul-Ghani and the Post-Graduate research team at AUT for their

professionalism, cheerfulness and willingness to assist me to progress my research.

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Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

To my interpreter, my validator and to the manager of the facility where the

interviews took place, for your own safety I cannot name you, but you know who you

are and I thank you with humility and enormous gratitude for your dedication and

support.

Finally, no task of this nature can be accomplished without the understanding of

one’s family. To my dearest husband Atholl, who has endured a multitude of solitary

days and weekends to enable the completion of this mammoth endeavour; I could never

have concluded this research project without his unending love and support. His wit and

intelligence were as bright rays of sunshine, lending strength to my mind and uplifting

my will to continue. I thank him with all my heart.

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Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

Abbreviations

Abbreviations.

AUT Auckland University of Technology

AUTEC Auckland University of Technology Ethics Committee

GCC Gulf Cooperation Council

ILO International Labour Organisation

IT Information Technology

KPC Kuwait Petroleum Corporation. The holding company for Kuwait Oil

Company (KOC), Kuwait National Petroleum Company (KNPC) and

other oil-related operations.

MOSAL Ministry of Social Affairs and Labour (of Kuwait).

OHS Occupational Health and Safety.

PMC Project Management Consultancy

URL Uniform Resource Locator

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Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

Ethics Approval

Ethics Approval Number 10/313

Ethics Approval granted on 25 July 2011

xvii
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Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

Chapter 1 - Introduction

Introduction

Previous research has shown that worldwide there is strong evidence that the

construction industry is one of the most hazardous occupational sectors due to the high

rate of accidents and fatal injuries (Valcarel, 2004). Early studies on the global number

of accidents conducted during 2003/2004 estimate that 60,000 accidents causing injury

or fatality occurred annually in developed nations such as the United States, UK, France

and Japan—however these figures were thought to be far fewer than those in

developing countries (Valcarel, 2004, pp. 4-5). Because Occupational Health and Safety

(OHS) programmes are primarily focused on the prevention of reportable accidents (lost

time injuries, permanent injuries and fatalities), very little is known of the true extent of

work-related occupational illnesses (Holmes, Lingard, Yesilyurt & de Munk, 1999;

Quinlan & Bohle, 2004; Quinlan, Bohle & Lamm, 2010; Valcarel, 2004, p.6). Even in

the absence of reliable statistical data, there is strong evidence that there has been a

significant and steady rise in the incidence of construction related health risks including

musculoskeletal, cardiovascular and respiratory illnesses, skin disorders, and depression

(Valcarel, 2004; Quinlan et al, 2010).

Changes to the international labour market have been characterised by an increase

in the numbers of migrant labourers seeking employment through short-term, flexible

and insecure work arrangements, resulting in negative effects on their lives and OHS.

Migrant workers, many of whom are poorly educated and illiterate, face constant

uncertainty about their future, the terms and conditions of their work, their access to

basic household needs, their access to compensation and their ability to provide for their

families. These workers are increasingly vulnerable and their lives and OHS are

therefore at risk (Hahamovitch, 2003; Quinlan et al, 2010; Sargeant & Tucker, 2009).
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Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

Notwithstanding the health risks for workers employed in the construction industry, it is

widely recognised that the precise extent of occupational injury and disease is unknown

(Quinlan et al., 2010; Quinlan & Bohle, 2004; Lamm, 2014).

The purpose of this research is to enhance our understanding of the experiences

and perceptions of vulnerable subcontracted workers in relation to the quality of their

lives and OHS. Applying the adapted Sargeant and Tucker (2009) model, this research

focuses on the extent to which migrant workers are affected by their inclusion or

exclusion from the Kuwait life and working environment; whether they had access to

representation and regulatory protection; how the legal status of the roles of recruitment

agencies and employers were reflected in their lives and OHS; their reasons for seeking

work in Kuwait and how previous education, language levels and experience affected

their attitudes towards OHS. These factors interlink with the way in which

subcontracted workers are managed. The fundamental research question driving this

study is therefore, “What are the OHS experiences of vulnerable migrant workers

employed in the Kuwaiti construction industry?” The strength and flexibility of the

adapted Sargeant and Tucker (2009) model provides a framework through which the

secondary research questions were developed, thereby facilitating the analysis of the

complexity of interrelated factors and their combined effect on worker OHS. These

interlinking factors are explained in detail in Table 3.4 on pPage 99. The secondary

research questions are:-

 How, and to what extent, is the health and safety of migrant workers affected
by their inclusion/exclusion in the Kuwaiti life/work framework?

 What is the extent of worker access to representation and regulatory

protection?

 How does the legal status of migrant workers affect their lives?

 How do the roles of recruitment agents and employers in the migration

processes affect migrant OHS?
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Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

 What are the reasons for migration and how do these affect worker attitudes
towards safety?

 What are the effects of migrant education, job type, language and training
skills levels on their OHS

 What are the influences of OHS management systems on the lives, experiences
and OHS of migrant workers?

Kuwait is a small country, 17,818 square kilometres in area, on the west shore of

the Arabian Gulf. Formerly a British protectorate since 1899, it gained full

independence in 1961 (CIA World Factbook, 2013). What makes Kuwait more than just

another small country is that it ranks 6th in terms of the world’s crude oil reserves with

104 billion barrels (Worldatlas, 2017).

… a small country in terms of land area, Kuwait holds more than a fair share of

the world’s petroleum oil reserves. Over 5 bbl (billion barrels) of reserves lie

within the Saudi-Kuwaiti neutral zone which Kuwait shares with Saudi Arabia,

while over 70 billion barrels of Kuwaiti oil are in the Burgan field, the second

largest oil field in the world.

Kuwait is also the ninth largest producer of crude oil in the world averaging 2.5

million barrels per day with a potential to produce around 4 million barrels a day (Index

Mundi, 2015). The oil industry is characterised by development – new parts of the

oilfields are continually being developed as production falls off in the established wells;

new gathering centres, pipelines and downstream processing plants are constructed and

older ones expanded in capacity before they are eventually decommissioned.

Supporting infrastructure has to be continually developed both within and outside the

oilfields and processing plants. Operations and maintenance staff are but few compared

to the number of construction workers the majority of who are expatriates. In 2008, at

the commencement of this research, of the total Kuwait population of 3,441,813, 68%

were estimated to be expatriates (Gulf Research Center, n.d.). There is also evidence
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Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

that large numbers of expatriate labourers were employed by subcontractors in the

construction industry (Al-Tabtabai, 2002; Kartam & Bouz, 1998). The limited research

available on issues facing subcontracted workers in Kuwait reveals an exceptionally

high number of accident and injury rates during the period 1994-1996, estimated to be

34% higher than available statistics show for the entire United States of America in

1993 (Kartam & Bouz, 1998). Since that period, however, very few depth studies have

been conducted on the OHS of subcontracted labourers in Kuwait.

Why Was This Research Undertaken?

During my first week as a newcomer to Kuwait, I had stopped at a busy three-lane

traffic intersection in the late afternoon, waiting for the lights to change. I observed a

small open-backed pick-up truck directly in front of me in which around 20 expatriate

labourers were being transported. They sat hunch-backed on the narrow benches which

ran along and across the length and breadth of the truck, their eyes glazed and

bloodshot, staring into space, looking exhausted and dehydrated. These men had

obviously been working all day in the heat. The outside temperature gauge in my car

showed 47 degrees Celsius. What struck me was that no-one else in the surrounding

traffic seemed to be in the least concerned about these workers and their discomfort.

This scenario became an all too common sight during my daily commute from work. I

also observed men conducting repairs atop 10 metre floodlighting poles, wearing no

safety harnesses, dressed in flowing cotton robes or other unsuitable attire and either

barefoot or wearing open, slip-on sandals. I observed bricklayers, plasterers and

stonemasons, standing on ladders crudely made from nailed-together pieces of wood, or

working at height with no fall restraint on flimsy wooden scaffolding, the narrow cross-

pieces bending under their weight. I wondered what underlying issues lay at the heart of

these unsafe practices. More importantly, I wondered what these workers had
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Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

experienced, how they were managed and how they felt about these things. These

observations and unanswered questions served as catalysts for my research into the

factors affecting the OHS of subcontracted labourers.

An exploratory literature search revealed clear international evidence of health

and safety concerns in the construction industry, which has long been considered as one

of the most hazardous industries (Valcarel, 2004). Since the mid 1970’s,

competitiveness, privatisation of services and the growth of flexible human resource

management strategies has occurred in tandem with volatile economic swings, resulting

in the formation of a global industrial environment which has effectively negated the

implicit agreements associated with standard employment relationships. (Lewchuk, de

Wolff, King & Polanyi, 2003; Quinlan, Mayhew & Bohle, 2001; Sargeant & Tucker,

2009; Schenker, 2008; Valcarel, 2004).

International laws which regulate the relationship between worker and employer

and are designed to support the standard employment relationship, such as the right to

minimum labour standards, adequate compensation and the right to bargain, have

become eroded (Lewchuk et al., 2003; Quinlan et al., 2001). In a growing number of

countries there are concentrations of migrant workers in industries with a high

dependence on foreign, disposable workers, so-called “perfect immigrants”—workers

who are prepared to do the dirtiest and hardest work, whose home countries survive on

the remittances of foreign workers (Hahamovitch, 2003, p. 4). Many workers face

constant uncertainty about their future, the terms and conditions of their work, their

access to basic household needs, access to compensation and their ability to provide for

their families, a situation which has been compared by researchers to those which

existed in the 19th and early 20th cCentury (Quinlan, Bohle & Lamm, 2010; Sargeant &

Tucker, 2009; Schenker, 2008).

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Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

Thus, the initial observations of the researcher, together with the information

found in the exploratory review of available literature, clearly indicated the need for

further research to be conducted in the Kuwait-specific context.

Significance of the Research

This research focuses on vulnerable workers specifically in the Kuwait

construction industry; also included in the group of vulnerable workers are migrant

workers from surrounding Arab countries. The qualitative research provides important

insights into the experiences of subcontracted construction industry workers inter-

relating the patterns of cultural indifference, labour stratification and the vested interests

of the Kuwaiti authorities in maintaining tendering laws based on low-bid contract

acceptance. This has led to the development of a pervasive culture of indifference,

causing significant deterioration in the quality of lives and OHS of these workers. Low-

bid preference has been cited as having negative effects on OHS (Johnstone, Mayhew &

Quinlan, 2001; Quinlan, Mayhew & Bohle, 2001). A few local authors embarked upon

the analysis of migrant worker OHS in Kuwait in the late 1990’s and early 2000’s (Al-

Tabtabai, 2002; Kartam & Bouz, 1998; Kartam, Flood & Koushki, 2000; Kazemi & Ali,

2002; Koushki, Kartam & Al Mutairi, 2004). These authors provide some insights for

the preparatory readings for this thesis, but their analyses are limited by a general

reticence to heavily criticise the ruling authorities and the regulatory systems they have

implemented. However since then, there is a conspicuous absence of Kuwaiti based

literature regarding the topic of expatriate subcontracted worker OHS and, in particular,

the OHS of sub-subcontracted migrant workers in the construction industry. Although

all these studies are constrictive in that they have not been updated since the early

1900’s and 2000’s, they serve to initially contextualise the environment surrounding

this research.
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Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

There is only limited literature on the analysis of the employer backlash after the

implementation of labour law changes which attempted to eliminate the traditional

kafala or sponsoring system, outwardly this purported to improve the lives of all

expatriate workers but in reality it had the opposite effect of producing new

discriminatory practices. Shah (2011) tentatively suggested that the elimination of the

kafala system may reduce visa trading but that effective implementation of the law

would not be easy (Shah, 2011, p. 339). However, her analysis neglected to make any

reference to large numbers of arrests and expulsions of sub-subcontracted construction

labourers in the construction industry, nor does it consider the effects which these

expulsions may have had on the worker-sponsored families of expelled labourers,

directly after the implementation of the new law.

This research is significant in that it reveals that these practices reflected an

entrenched culture of discrimination produced through the historical practice of

conducting large scale randomly executed expatriate deportations. Furthermore, this

historical practice was aided and abetted by the tacit agreement of the surrounding Gulf

Cooperation Council countries (GCC) countries, leading to the formalisation of

government policies aimed at the ongoing restructuring of the demographic composition

of Kuwait, underpinned and fuelled by Kuwaiti nationalism and anti-expatriate

resentment.

This research has highlighted the negative OHS outcomes resulting from poor and

repetitive accident reports, non-investigation of accidents, lack of qualitative studies

involving the perceptions of the workers themselves, reactive approaches to safety

planning and control, and the effect of a predominance of small subcontractors and sub-

subcontractors. Exacerbating these problems is the continued existence of a

decentralised, inconsistent and ineffective accident reporting system, the lack of

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Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

knowledge or research on the damage caused by poor supervision and training and,

finally, the lack of safety culture displayed by project owners in relation to

subcontracted and sub-subcontracted labourers.

Moreover, in bringing to light the wide-ranging and detrimental effects of the

official low-bid tendering system on the OHS of subcontracted workers and their sub-

subcontracted employees, this research validates the views of Quinlan and Bohle (2009,

p. 6) who maintain that more qualitative studies on job insecurity as a result of

underbidding are useful “as they are more likely to bring to light subtle processes”

influencing worker OHS.

There has been a steady growth in the precarious nature of employment through

short-term, flexible and insecure work arrangements which have produced a negative

effect on the lives and OHS of workers, thereby increasing their vulnerability (Quinlan

et al., 2010). The shift in employment arrangements has led to the global increase of

migrant labour seeking employment.

The link between precarious work and inferior OHS outcomes is, however, poorly

understood (Quinlan & Bohle, 2004, p. 88). Studies have shown that migrant workers

are right at the end of an extensive chain of owners, contractors, subcontractors and sub-

subcontractors. In this process the risk of injury and illness is transferred from employer

to employee, thereby increasing worker vulnerability and limiting their ability to exert

any influence on the decision making process (Dainty, Briscoe & Millett, 2001; Holmes

et al., 1999; Lamm, 2014; Partrick, 2012; Quinlan & Bohle, 2004; Sargeant & Tucker,

2009). Moreover, there is growing evidence that health and safety problems do not

merely arise from physical hazards in the workplace but are linked to a complex set of

human decision making factors which occur within the context of the psychosocial

working environment (Quinlan et al, 2010, p. xiii; Sargeant & Tucker, 2009). Existing
 9
Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

research has focused on quantitative methods of analysis. Qualitative studies have been

useful in the analysis of the damage to workers’ health caused by long working hours,

work versus non-work conflicts, job insecurity, lack of knowledge of OHS regulatory

systems or protection, and the quality of OHS training, particularly in the construction

industry (Quinlan & Bohle, 2009).

The presence of large numbers of migrants from the GCC, many of whom are not

counted in official census data, serves to prevent the establishment of reliable

population data (Al Nakib, 2014; Al Qudsi & Shah, 1991; Kartam & Bouz, 1998;

Kartam et al., 2000, Kazemi & Ali, 2002; Shah, 2014). A significant effort is made to

rationalise and estimate the effect of the historical problem of lack of accurate statistical

information, against the ongoing existence of covert and deliberate tactics by the

Kuwaiti authorities aimed at obfuscating census data and population trends. These

tactics serve to further increase the invisibility and consequently the vulnerability of

expatriates including a large number of long-term Arab residents from outlying GCC

states and also the stateless people (badu) within Kuwait, all of whom continue to be

subject to diasporic and discriminatory practices (Al Nakib, 2014).

The quantity and quality of data produced reflected the successful development of

the adapted Sargeant and Tucker (2009) model, demonstrating its flexibility in enabling

the analysis of a broad range of factors both in the receiving country and the sending

country, which affect the OHS of workers. In addition to producing deep and

meaningful information, the success of the model has paved the way for future meta and

mesa qualitative analyses to be applied to vulnerable groups of workers in Kuwait and

internationally. The degree to which worker exploitation affects the lives of

subcontracted construction industry workers is shown to have deep and insightful links
 10
Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

to all facets of OHS of expatriate subcontracted labourers in the Kuwaiti construction

industry.

This research is the very first study of the Kuwaiti construction industry adopting

a phenomenological approach in which workers’ perceptions are explored through in-

depth interviewing using a semi-structured format so as not to inhibit or interrupt the

free flow of information elicited from the respondents. The research was additionally

useful in demonstrating the value of interviewing techniques which included the use of

an interpreter who was able to discern the subtleties of the idiomatic nuances of the

respondents’ vernacular at every stage of the research process. By applying a

triangulated research approach, a comprehensive representation of the phenomena being

explored was developed. Primary elements of the integrated literature review, interview

data gathered from workers and stakeholders, material from contractor accident reports,

statistics provided by project management consultants (PMCs) and newspaper reports

were amalgamated to produce significant analyses which revealed the depth and extent

of damage to the lives and OHS of expatriate construction labourers through power and

control mechanisms. Adopting a triangulated approach compensates for the lack of

available qualitative research on vulnerable subcontracted workers in Kuwait,

strengthens the results and confirms the methodological rigour of the research.

Based on the initial literature, this thesis provides a compelling account of the

factors influencing the OHS of subcontracted labourers in Kuwait. An overview of the

thesis chapters follows.

Background. In Chapter 2 the researcher addresses the dearth of information and

lack of in-depth analyses of the root causes of compromised OHS outcomes for

vulnerable subcontracted and sub-subcontracted labourers. Population statistics are

evaluated and the effects of ongoing demographic restructuring through deportations of

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Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

vulnerable expatriate labourers are considered. The stratification of population groups

along geographical and social lines and the development of housing infrastructures are

important causes of the social and political divides in Kuwait. The background chapter

provides insight into the nature of relationships between foreigners and nationals

contextually interwoven against historic, political, economic and legal infrastructures

influencing the status of expatriate workers in Kuwait between August 2008 and 2012,

the period during which the research was conducted and data were gathered. The works

of earlier authors on Middle Eastern socio-political influences provides a theoretical

background of the historical factors determining the socio-political and cultural

development of Kuwaiti society (Crystal, 1990; Longva, 1997; Shah, 1986).

Finally, the characteristics of the construction industry as outlined in earlier

studies of OHS in Kuwait are considered (Al-Tabtabai, 2002; Kartam & Bouz, 1998;

Kartam et al., 2000; Kazemi & Ali, 2002; Koushki et al., 2004).

Literature review. In Chapter 3 the researcher undertakes a comprehensive

review of the existing literature. Compensating for the lack of substantive information

on the OHS effects of vulnerability of subcontracted workers in the Middle East

construction industry, the work of pioneering authors on the topic of labour

vulnerability in the context of subcontracted work provides valuable insights into

factors affecting the health and wellbeing of expatriate labourers (Dainty et al., 2001;

Holmes et al., 1999; Lamm, 2014; Partrick, 2012; Quinlan & Bohle, 2004; Sargeant &

Tucker, 2009). The literature revealed profound changes to the international labour

market during the past three decades.

However, analysing the inter-relatedness and complexity of these factors in

Kuwait required the development of a suitable analytical model which would

incorporate multi-faceted elements affecting the OHS of subcontracted workers whilst

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Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

accommodating regional and geographical contextual differences. Based on the

literature review, a comparison of four key models of analysis was undertaken: the

Pressures, Disorganisation, Regulatory failure (PDR) model of Quinlan and Bohle

(2004, 2009) which relates OHS outcomes to economic, work environment and

regulatory factors, the Lamm (2014) model of the five dimensions of worker

precariousness, the worker-manager dynamics OHS model of Gravel et al. (2009) and

the Sargeant and Tucker (2009) model. The chapter discusses the rationale for adapting

the three-layer Sargeant and Tucker (2009) model. The final model developed and its

four layers are discussed on page 88.

Finally, the literature review explores the relationship between layers of

vulnerability and worker invisibility, linking key research questions to emerging

themes.

Methodology. Supporting the decision to adopt a phenomenological research

paradigm, the epistemological stance underpinning this perspective is discussed in

Chapter 4 and the rationale for strengthening the research process through data

triangulation is provided. The stages of the research process are outlined, emphasising

the iterative nature of the qualitative research. Stage 1 identifies the gaps and emergent

themes devised through reviewing the literature, laying out the process of developing

the research objectives and formulating the research questions using the adapted

Sargeant and Tucker (2009) model.

Stage 2 details the data collection process, the conducting and the transcription of

worker participant interviews, examining legal procedures and triangulating the

information through conducting and transcribing stakeholder interviews, Stakeholders

include owners, NGOs, specialist groups and media representatives.

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Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

Stage 3 details the data analysis stages, linking the outcomes to the literature

review, thereby connecting the literature review, the data analysis and discussion

chapters in an iterative process.

The value of interviewing techniques involving an interpreter in the entire data

gathering, transcription and verification process and also the inclusion of a third verifier

to strengthen the validity and reliability of the study, are presented and discussed.

Data analysis. The research findings are presented in a thematic manner in

Chapters 5 and 6. Repeated statements corresponding with categories within the

overarching themes are detailed and presented. The rich and meaningful data obtained

through the assiduous application of the research methodology, are divided between the

two chapters and analysed under the overarching themes of Power and Control and

OHS outcomes. These overarching themes are shown to correspond with emergent

themes identified during the early stages of thesis development. Details of the final data

coding process are described and distributive weightings between the two data analysis

chapters are developed. The final results produced by the data analysis chapters justify

the methodological approach and research process.

Discussion.

Chapter 7 relates the important factors identified in the literature review to the key

findings. Cultural distancing and social exclusion resulted in withdrawal and

depression. Vulnerability was exacerbated by power and control mechanisms which

affected the perceived status of workers and adversely impacted their conditions and

their access to legal protection and compensation. Negative OHS outcomes including

injuries, fatalities and poor health were related to the low-bid tender system which

inhibited the implementation of best OHS management practices.

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Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

OHS consequences as a result of power and control mechanisms inherent in the

socio-political milieu of Kuwait are discussed as reflective of two root causes, firstly,

indifference towards sub and sub-sub contracted workers’ OHS and secondly, the

official low-bid acceptance law in Kuwait. This concept is discussed within the context

of an entrenched victim blaming approach which forms the basis for discrimination and

results in a cultural climate of fear. An evaluation of the effectiveness of the adapted

Sargeant and Tucker (2009) model is presented. The chapter concludes with a

discussion of the interconnected and multidisciplinary nature of the OHS of

subcontracted migrant workers in the construction industry.

The research journey through which the experiences of migrant workers in the

construction industry were explored and translated into OHS outcomes is outlined in

Chapter 8. The concluding discussion progresses through the revelation of interrelated

social patterns produced by cultural indifference and low-bid acceptance contracts

which have resulted in a significant deterioration of the lives and safety of

subcontracted expatriate workers in Kuwait. The researcher reflects on the entire

research process by linking the chapters and laying out the value which the project has

added to the research whilst achieving the research objectives. Obstacles preventing the

development of strategies to improve the OHS of workers are outlined and solutions are

suggested. A summary is made of the limitations and problems caused by indifference,

the entrenched oil rentier welfare system and political inertia.

It is proposed, firstly, that directors of American PMCs have the power to wield

some leverage as motivators of attitudinal changes towards expatriate subcontracted

labourers as a result of the good relationship which the Kuwaiti authorities have

fostered with America out of gratitude for coming to their rescue after the 1990 Iraq

invasion.
 15
Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

The second leverage point for change arises from political influencers who have

emerged from long standing residents of Kuwait who now form the majority opposition

in Kuwait and originate from the so-called badu (Al Nakib, 2014; Ghabra, 2014) who

have no rights to citizenship, residency or passports and yet have shown deep loyalty to

the monarchy.

Limitations to the implementation of this research project were caused firstly by a

lack of academic research on the OHS of subcontracted expatriate workers in Kuwait,

which was overcome by the implementation of a robust methodology and the capturing

of unstable URLs in pdf format as appendices to this thesis, thereby enabling the direct

scrutiny of pivotal background data gathered from newspaper articles many of which

had either been removed from public view, or had unstable URLs.

Secondly, a detailed account is provided on how the difficult task of maintaining

researcher anonymity during the data gathering process was overcome within the tight

time constraints allowed by the medical facility used as the research base.

In conclusion, avenues for future research are suggested, all of which are made

possible as a result of the proven success of the adapted Sargeant and Tucker (2009)

model.

Conclusion

The purpose of this Chapter was to explain the reasons for embarking on this

research project and to lay out the significance of the results. The primary and

secondary research questions were presented and an overview of the thesis chapters was

developed. A brief background of the growth of subcontracted and precarious

employment giving rise to the vulnerability of expatriate workers was provided,

followed by the rationale for conducting the study. A brief summary of how the adapted

Sargeant and Tucker (2009) model was especially valuable to the research was
 16
Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

presented. The value of the thematic outcomes of this research has demonstrated the

power and theoretical significance inherent in this model.

 17
Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

Chapter 2 - Background

Introduction

The growth of migrant labour employed in the construction industry is closely

associated with a corresponding international interest in worker vulnerability. In

particular, the focus is on the health and welfare of the large numbers of available

unskilled labourers in the Middle East, who work for low wages, and whose plight has

attracted increased international scrutiny of associated health and safety implications

presented by this scenario (Baldwin-Edwards, 2011, p. 16; Chalcraft, 2010; Kartam &

Bouz, 1998; Kartam et al., 2000). However, the question is whether the literature on the

Middle East has paid any attention or gives any insight to the nature of relationships

between foreigners and nationals in the context of historical and prevailing political,

economic and legal infrastructures in Kuwait, and how this might be related to the

extent of discrimination against migrant workers. Indeed, as this research progressed, it

became increasingly apparent that research literature and public information covering

the subject of these relationships are sparse and incomplete as researchers are fearful of

retribution and that official statistics are often misleading and abstruse. It is not the

intention here to discuss the myriad of minutiae of Kuwaiti historical and current legal

enactments as there are many existing texts which provide a detailed historical analysis

of the entire political and legal history of Kuwait in relation to migration. See for

example, Abdulla, (2012); Al Shehabi, (2012); Baldwin-Edwards, (2011); Chalcraft,

(2010); Crystal, (1990); Farques, (2011); Longva, (1997); Longva, (2006); Shah,

(2007); Shah, (2011).

Chalcraft (2010) maintains that migration patterns in the Middle East, including

Kuwait, are rooted in discriminatory practices and the use of people as commodities.

Migrant labourers are considered as dehumanised commodities, or things (Chalcraft,

 18
Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

2010, p.2), also referred to as “stock” (Shah, 2013, p. 36), kept by owners for use or

sale (ILO, 2015, Shah, 2013, p.36). The use of the term stock with reference to migrants

in the literature and in reports on human rights issues, implies that migrant labourers

seeking employment are regarded as items in the labour market to be purchased in order

to complete a project (and then discarded). Researchers on the vulnerability of

expatriate workers in the construction industry agree unequivocally that these workers

are subject to discriminatory practices (Abdul-Aziz, 2001; Amnesty International, 2015;

Baram, 2009; Boocock et al., 2011; Bust, Gibb, Alistair & Pink, 2008; Choudhry, Rafiq

& Fang, 2008; Hinze & Rinker, 2008; Kartam & Bouz, 1998; Lamm, 2014; Loh &

Richardson, 2004; Masi & Cagno, 2015; Quinlan et al., 2010; Robertson, 2011;

Sargeant & Tucker, 2009; Sonmez, Apostolopoulos, Tran & Rentrope, 2011; Takala,

2005; Toh & Quinlan, 2009; Xia, Lu & Liang, 2004). It is important to examine the root

causes of discrimination in Kuwait since this research project relates to the lives and

health of expatriate workers there.

The focus of this chapter is firstly, to discuss areas of influence inherent in the

political background of Kuwait which have resulted in the official stratification of

housing and infrastructure access based on the ethnicity of population groups and is

compounded by the effect of the integration into and later exclusion of the Bedoon from

Kuwaiti society. This process has developed a strong sense of Kuwaiti nationalism and

has resulted in a managerial culture based on tribal values.

Secondly, the effects of changes regarding sponsorship and visas to the Kuwaiti

labour law and their implementation on vulnerable expatriate labour in Kuwait are

discussed. Discriminatory practices which occurred directly after the enactment of the

law culminated in the formalisation of demographic restructuring policies which in turn

resulted in increased levels of expatriate deportations. These effects are presented and
 19
Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

compared to similar practices applied in post-Persian Gulf War (Hereafter referred to as

The Gulf War) expulsions, as noted by Saylor (2011).

Thirdly population trends and patterns in Kuwait are discussed and the problem of

accessing related accurate statistics is outlined. It is argued that during the confusion

following The Gulf War (1990-1991) discriminatory practices and government driven

diasporic events were obfuscated by the exclusion of large numbers of the population

from official statistics.

Finally, the characteristics of the construction industry in Kuwait are presented.

The effects of rapid growth and later large scale redundancies of expatriate construction

labour during the 2004 financial crisis are outlined. The resurgence of the construction

industry after 2005 as a result of substantial financial boosting from the Public Housing

Authority in Kuwait is also discussed. The likelihood that the industry’s resurgence and

renewed demand for labour will translate into increased quality of life and health for

expatriate subcontracted labourers is questioned.

Political Overview

Pertinent to this study is the fact that the majority of the population of Kuwait are

denied direct parliamentary representation or voice, thereby rendering them “invisible”

(Lamm, 2014, p. 161). This includes all residents other than Kuwaiti citizens as well as

foreign migrant workers from all parts of the world including Middle Eastern and Asian

countries, large numbers of whom are employed in the subcontracted construction

industry (Kartam et al., 2000).

The organisational and cultural factors which contribute to the discriminatory

treatment of migrant workers in Kuwait are reflected in the political system and

attitudes of governance. The political infrastructure in Kuwait is characterised by a

strong monarchy which exists in parallel with a democratically elected parliament. The
 20
Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

monarchy has held power by engendering loyalty through the adoption of patrimonial

politics with embedded cultural norms which focus on familial and tribal values (Al

Nakib, 2014; Kartam et al., 2000; Kartam & Bouz, l998; Kazemi & Ali, 2002; Koushki

et al., 2004). A deeper analysis of the longevity of the monarchy, the complete history

of the Bidoon and the effect on historic and present political systems in relation to

expatriate vulnerability and the confusion surrounding Western-styled democratic

initiatives in the Middle East is beyond the scope of this thesis. For further reading

please refer to Al Nakib (2014); Crystal (1990); Herb (2004); Longva (2006); Sager

(2007); Yom (2011); Yom and Gause (2012); Chalcraft (2010).

Loyalty to the monarchy takes primacy over ability and allocation of state

resources and tender awards are largely familial and tribal based. Moreover, the

formation of an entrenched rentier mentality exemplified by the governmental

distribution of oil revenues to Kuwaiti citizens through blanket social welfare programs

including regular cash payments, has served to entrench their sense of entitlement.

Project owners within the monarchical hierarchy therefore exploit expatriate

subcontractors in order to maximise their own profits (Al Nakib, 2014; Chalcraft,

2012). Thus, through the merging of citizenship with state welfare, the Kuwaiti

population has been “homogenized” (Al Nakib, 2014, p. 11) into a manageable,

dependent, loyal whole, leading to the stagnation of Kuwait’s political development and

deeply entrenched racial stratification of the Kuwaiti population (Abdulla, 2012; Al

Zumai, 2013; Ali & Camp, 2004; Al Shehabi, 2012; Chalcraft, 2010; Yom, 2011; Yom

& Gause, 2012; Randeree, 2012; Takala, 2005). Amongst those who have been badly

affected are the Bedoon of Kuwait, or so-called ‘badu’ (Al Nakib, 2014, p. 5).

The badu have arisen from nomadic origins and are regarded as being

sociologically and culturally distinct from the ‘hadar’ (Al Nakib, 2014, p. 5), the settled
 21
Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

descendants of Kuwait city dwellers before the discovery of oil (Al Nakib, 2014). The

distinction between these two groups still persists and is one of the outcomes of the

nation-state building strategies implemented in the years following the discovery of oil.

Citizenship, control of housing policies and infrastructure construction became the

exclusive domain of the hadar.

Not only were the hadar and the badu socially distinct but they were also

deliberately separated by the establishment of geographical boundaries. Despite the fact

that the two groups are separate “ontological entities” (Al Nakib, 2014, p. 6), the terms

are still in use today. Whilst the badu were socially excluded, they were politically

integrated through the implementation of state policies during the 1950’s and 1980’s,

which entitled them to a limited form of parliamentary participation. However, of more

value to them were the social rights afforded them through “blind obedience towards

the power holders, first and foremost the ruling family” (Longva, 2006, p. 173). Longva

(1997) explains that the concept of “citizenship” (Longva, 1997, p. 46) as understood by

Westerners (the democratic viewpoint) is a new concept in the Middle East. From a

tribal viewpoint, citizenship versus non-citizenship is based on “the social privileges

and material benefits it implied” (Longva, 1997, p. 47). Today any protest against the

monarchy in Kuwait stems from these “long-running tensions between parliamentary

factions and the ruling family” (Yom & Gause, 2012, p. 74) and is based on social

inclusion or exclusion rather than any new political demands (Longva, 1997, p. 48).

These patterns of relationships and forces therefore limit and control any potential

forms of opposition. This manifests itself in the Kuwaiti attitude towards migrants and

is directly related to thematic concepts of power and control as analysed in Chapters 5,

6 and 7. However, there are remaining unresolved and submerged tensions arising from

the 1990 invasion of Kuwait.

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Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

The fear of invasion from its neighbouring countries further entrenches the strong

Kuwaiti nationalistic culture and increases focus on internal dissent. Publicly and

outwardly, Kuwait supports the United States and its allies—however, inwardly,

Kuwaitis resent being dependent on Western cultures for their independence. This

resentment has resulted in the development of a nationalistic and autocratic managerial

culture and is characterised by the rejection of Westernisation and the resurgence of

traditional cultural and tribal values based on social inclusion or exclusion (Chalcraft,

2012; International Labour Office, 2001; Metle, 2002). Furthermore, recent Middle

Eastern demands for political reform and Western style democratisation have been

confounded by regional sectarianism and social setbacks. According to Abdulla (2012),

“the fruits of the first wave of political reform…have not been particularly appealing”

(p. 115). The success of human rights agencies and advocates of democratic initiatives

in Kuwait are therefore hindered by internally focused tribally based social complexities

which reduces the urgency to deal with expatriate concerns. Moreover, the invisibility

of expatriate workers is exacerbated through covert exclusion from protection through

the fragmentation and dispersal of OHS regulatory systems amongst different

ministries. It is thus important to present an overview of evolution of the labour law in

Kuwait and its effect on the OHS of subcontracted migrant labourers.

Labour and OHS Law

Until 2010, Kuwaiti employment relations law was covered in three separate

statutes. Kuwait Public Sector Law which applied only to Kuwaiti citizens, the Oil

Sector Law which applied to Kuwaiti citizens as well as government approved gulf

nationals employed in the oil sector; and the Law of Labour in the Private Sector.

On the 21st of February 2010, a new Law of Labour in the Private Sector was

enacted, ostensibly to improve the working conditions for expatriate labour excepting
 23
Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

domestic workers and private Kuwaiti household male taxi drivers, the latter being

covered by decree from the Minister of the Interior appointed by the Emir.

The changes in labour law were partly motivated by extensive external pressures

on the Kuwaiti government from the ILO and human rights groups after it became

evident that Kuwait’s ratification of 19 ILO Conventions had not resulted in improved

conditions for subcontracted workers, particularly in the construction industry

(Robertson & Lamm, 2008). In addition, the adverse publicity by numerous newspaper

and human rights articles and publications citing examples of human rights and labour

malpractices, made it necessary for the Kuwaiti government to begin promoting a more

positive image. The government went to great lengths to pronounce through elaborate

diplomacy, ceremony and media exposure, that international concerns in terms of

management and OHS were being met because of the 2010 law change (Held &

Ulrichsen, 2012). In the context of profit-driven neoliberalism and the need to support

the expensive welfare system it had created for Kuwaiti nationals, this made it difficult

to change the overall approach to migrant labour, as the Kuwaiti government was

heavily dependent on expatriate labour for the development and maintenance of its

infrastructure and continued involvement in multi-billion construction projects (El-

Katiri, Fattouh & Segal, 2012).

The New Law of Labour in the Private Sector

The new law applies to all employees working in the private sector, both Kuwaitis

and non-Kuwaitis and to workers in the oil industry in cases where the new law is more

advantageous to them than the Oil Sector Law. Civil Servants remain covered by the

Public Sector law (ILO, 2010).

Although the new Private Sector Labour law was generally favourably received,

employer associations were concerned about the long-term effect the revised law would
 24
Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

have on the supply of labour (Arab Times, 2013c, 2013d). In addition, they expressed

doubts about the effective implementation of any changes, given the complex system of

administration, lack of communication between ministries and history of suspected

collusion between contract labour agents and employers (Shah, 2011; Shah & Farques,

2011).

The following aspects of the 2010 law change are pertinent to subcontracted

construction workers during the period in which this research was conducted. Firstly,

rules to regulate the sponsorship or ‘kafala’ (Shah, 2011, p. 353) system, which had

been an integral part of labour migration, were reviewed. Under the previous system, a

non-Kuwaiti came to Kuwait either on a visit visa, a work visa, a student visa or a

dependent visa, all of which required sponsorship by an individual or organisation

‘kafeel’ (Shah, 2011, p. 353). The new law was introduced in an attempt to replace the

kafala system with a centralised agency which controlled the hiring of all workers

(Shah, 2011, p. 353). This did not allow for the fact that the practice of visa trading had

become “deeply entrenched” (Shah, 2011, p. 355) and Shah warned of the possible

problems arising from a reduction in demand for labour with a concurrent reduction in

the issuing of work visas. However, this study was limited in that no consideration was

given to the effects of these practices on the OHS of subcontracted workers in the

Kuwaiti construction industry.

Stakeholder interviews and media reports revealed that in the aftermath of the law

change the centralisation of control and the reduction in the number of work permits,

resulted in many workers in the subcontracted construction industry and their families

going into hiding but remaining loyal to their sponsors in the belief that they would be

re-allocated new jobs on private construction sites. This rendered them even more

“invisible” (Lamm, 2014, p. 161). In addition, there is a large amount of missing

 25
Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

information about occupational categories of workers in Kuwait (Shah, 2011, p. 349)

and also a lack of knowledge of the psychological and physical health of migrant

workers (Farques & Shah, 2012, p. 3). There is therefore a significant gap in current

research on the impact of labour law changes in Kuwait and the effect of the

simultaneous employer backlash in response to these more recent changes on the lives,

health and safety of subcontracted construction workers.

Secondly, although the revised labour law did not specify a minimum wage, a

decree was issued by the Minister of Social Affairs and Labour that employees in the

private sector would be paid a minimum wage of 60KD (Shah, 2011). This change was

advantageous to the majority of foreign workers. However, literature and media reports

have revealed the reluctance of subcontractors to raise wages in the light of continued

pressures to deliver projects within tight timeframes and contractual budgets which

could not be adjusted to allow for statutory wage increases (Amnesty International,

2015; Arab Times, 2013d; Calderwood, 2011). In addition, although the revised law

required that employees should not work longer than 48 hours per week and should

receive overtime payment plus double pay for working on public holidays, the literature

reveals that many private sector employers did not follow the rules for limited working

hours, public holidays or overtime payment (Arab Times, 2013d; Calderwood, 2011;

Shah, 2011). One contractor remarked that he would simply get labourers to work two

shifts at night (Calderwood, 2011, p. 15).

Thirdly, Article 11 of Law No. 6 indicated that workers who wished to change to

another position were permitted to do this on condition that they remained in the same

industry or sector. No details were provided on procedures. Thus the law change made

it impossible for non-skilled labourers who had been forced by their sponsors to accept
 26
Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

jobs for which they had neither training nor experience, to move to another sector in

which they had gained previous experience.

Subcontracted workers in Kuwait are also separated from mainstream society

generally being located in camps or remote areas and having no social interaction

except with their peers. Farques (2011) refers to de jure as well as de facto separation of

local and foreign nationals in the development of dual societies (Farques, 2011, p. 278).

De jure separation is embodied in legal provisions which differentiate between

nationals and foreigners (as in the separation of badu from hadar), discussed earlier in

this chapter (Al Nakib, 2014, p. 5). De facto separation, according to Farques (2011), is

embodied in severely limited interaction between nationals and non-nationals.

Therefore, although the provision was made in the law that the transfer of expatriate

labour was permitted within the same sector, the fact that most workers are illiterate,

poorly remunerated and isolated makes it unlikely that they would be aware of the

possibility of leaving their sponsor. Changing jobs would require them to show their

passports to the new sponsor, but it is the norm that workers’ passports are kept by the

sponsors to prevent them absconding, and that further deters workers from taking

advantage of the law changes. This thesis will therefore explore whether subcontracted

workers were aware of law changes which were possibly beneficial to them, and

whether they tried to change sectors or jobs.

Many declarations were made directly after the new law was enacted, which in

effect altered it to benefit Kuwaiti citizens thus contradicting the officially stated

intention that the changes were to improve the lives of all workers in Kuwait.

Furthermore, these declarations served to obfuscate the fact that the implementation

period would simultaneously provide the opportunity to demographically restructure

Kuwait. Indeed the demographic restructuring was announced early in 2013 by MOSAL
 27
Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

(Kuwait Times, 2013a, 2013b). Table 2.1 below illustrates examples from major

Kuwait newspapers (The Arab Times and The Kuwait Times) of the links between

labour related discriminatory events and enactment of the revised Private Sector Labour

Law No. 6 of February 2010 resulting in the private and public sector backlash after its

implementation.
 28
Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

Table 2.1

Links Between Revised Private Sector Labour Law No. 6 of Feb 2010 and
Labour Related Discriminatory Events

Element of Law Change or Effect on labour market / Related incident/practise 

Declaration  construction projects 

Abolishment of the kafala Fear of job losses Police investigation of

(sponsorship) system complicity in Ministry of
Increased illegal visa trading Social Affairs and Labour
(MOSAL) with visa and
people trafficking
Criminalisation of unemployed
workers – punishment not
protection of victims of
trafficking
Withholding of worker passports
by sponsors, when workers
deported

Wage payments – working Redundancies of construction No expat bargaining rights

hours and overtime project workers
Workers paid minimum wage
No enacted minimum wage Simultaneous demand for rate even if lower than
rate. Informal MOSAL contract completion within contracted rate
declaration setting reduced time frame
July 2013 – 4200 official
minimum wage at 60KD
Bogus reports of absconding complaints submitted to
per month
workers by sponsors MOSAL for delay or non-paid
Employers no longer wages, job hazard allowances,
Push by sponsors to fill 170
permitted to delay wage overtime, workplace injury
vacant positions at MOSAL,
payments compensation, official and
especially in labour sector
annual leave, end of contract
Employees to be paid
payments
overtime after 48 hr per
week and double pay for Many low skilled workers forced
public holidays to work continuous overtime
at reduced or normal rates

Transfer of employment Contracted workers forced Many sponsors demand

to accept contracts extortionate fees from
Workers not permitted to
outside their skill workers in return for release
transfer from sector to
parameters unable to letters
another, only within one
transfer to sector in
sector through release Covert MOSAL protection of
which they were trained
documents from current sponsors – no reports of
employer/sponsor No details provided by prosecutions due to bogus
MOSAL on the process absconding reports or visa
through which workers trafficking between sponsors
could transfer from the date of enactment of
Law No. 6 until early 2011
That work permits would be
granted to employers on
an equitable basis
(Continued)
 29
Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

Table 2.1

Links Between Revised Private Sector Labour Law No. 6 of Feb 2010 and
Labour Related Discriminatory Events (continued)

Element of Law Change or Effect on labour market / Related incident/practise 

Declaration  construction projects 

2013 MOSAL Declaration Unannounced crackdown on Thousands of expat workers on

of demographic expat community illegal sponsor visas arrested
restructuring of Kuwait and deported
Project owners warning
MOSAL announcement potential short supply of Covert discrimination – workers
expat labour to decrease skilled labour for unable to visit hospitals due
by 100,000 per annum maintenance of Kuwaiti to working hours, fear of
for 10 years infrastructure arrest
Draft law limiting expats to Kuwait Trade Union
124,000 per country Federation warn that
project costs would rise
Health Ministry ban public
hospital a.m. visits to all
expats

Declaration of intent to Simultaneous deportation of

raise cost of drivers thousands of expats for minor
licences to 500KD for traffic incidents and expired
expats drivers licences
Simultaneous raids of public
transport busses – many
instant arrests and
deportations without
passports or chance to obtain
proof of residence
Arrests include people
attempting to get to hospital
and being transported by
expat taxis

Note. Adapted from Arab Times (2012a); Arab Times (2012b); Arab Times (2013a); Arab Times (2013b); Arab
Times (2013c); Arab Times (2013d); Arab Times (2013e); Bin Talal (1984); Calderwood (2011); Hellyer (2013);
Jabr (2014); Kuwait Times (2013a); Kuwait Times (2013b); Sambidge (2013); Shah & Farques (2011); Shane
(2013a); Shane (2013b); Trenwith (2013a); Trenwith (2013b); Trenwith (2013c); Trenwith(2013d);Trenwith (2014)

For ease of reference, and to view historically accessed electronic newspaper articles no longer available through the
internet, PDF copies of all newspaper articles, whether electronically accessible or non-accessible, referred to in
Chapter 2, are presented in the Electronic References E1 and E2 in Appendices 2 and 3.
 30
Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

Whilst it is not possible to include all information and incidents which occurred

during 2010 and 2014, from the information contained in Table 2.1 it would appear that

changes in the labour law in response to international calls for reform, were

implemented at the same time as large scale deportations. Moreover, there are similar

discriminatory patterns of behaviour on the part of Kuwaiti forces after Kuwait gained

independence in 1961, then again during the demographic restructuring of Kuwait

following the 1990 Gulf War (Rosen, 2012; Alnajjar, 2000), and after the demographic

restructuring which coincided with the 2010 labour law backlash. This implies that

deportations and demographic restructuring exercises as expressions of xenophobia

towards migrant communities in Kuwait, had occurred regularly in the past when any

particular racial group were seen as a threat to citizen jobs and security (Sargeant &

Tucker; 2009). There are no available precise statistics for either period on how many

deportations occurred. Neither are there any available statistics on the total number of

migrant workers who have been employed in Kuwait at any time (Baldwin-Edwards,

2011). Kapiszewski (2006) comments on the paucity of information pertaining to the

size of expatriate communities in the GCC, as follows:

…the exact size of foreign communities in the GCC states is, however, difficult to

establish, as authorities usually do not reveal any information about them, thinking

probably that it is better not to make foreign communities aware of their actual

size (p. 10).

It is therefore important to examine population and migratory trends in Kuwait

and to attempt to rationalise available population statistical data relating to demographic

restructuring exercises which occurred during the period 1960-2010. The following

section provides an explanation of the difficulties raised when analysing population and
 31
Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

migratory trends in Kuwait and how historical patterns of migration are relevant to the

experiences of expatriate workers within the scope and time frame of this study.

Population Trends and Patterns of Migration

The question of presenting analyses on population trends in Kuwait presents a

problem because of the historical lack of accurate statistical information on the

demographic make-up of Kuwait available from the various state departments. This

problem has been encountered by many researchers (Baldwin-Edwards, 2011;

Chalcraft, 2010; ILO, 2015; Kapiszewski, 2006; Shah, 2011; Al Shehabi, 2012).

Shah (2014, pp. 3-6) provides a comprehensive analysis of the discrepancies

between census and civil registration systems in Kuwait. She argues that since 1989,

there have been two principal sources for obtaining data on population and labour force

numbers. Firstly, periodical population censuses which were held every five years

between 1965 and 1985 and sporadically thereafter, conducted by the Central Statistical

Bureau of the Ministry of Planning (CSB) (Shah, 2014, p. 3).

Starting in 1989, the Public Authority for Civil Information (PACI) has developed

an electronic database covering the civil identification for all residents of Kuwait. There

were, however, large discrepancies between the two data sets (CSB and PACI), and

concerns have arisen about their validity and reliability (Shah, 2014, p. 4). This poses a

particular challenge for quantitative researchers who rely on the availability of accurate

data. Moreover, irregular residents (migrants with expired or otherwise invalid

residence permits or visitors’ visas), migrants or residents living in remote areas and

domestic workers, are likely not to have been included in the census (Shah, 2014, p. 5).

Of relevance in terms of this study is that the majority of people directly affected

by the events outlined in Table 1 have been rendered officially invisible. Fig. 2.1

provides a graphical representation of historical population patterns and trends from

 32
Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

1960-2010 but does not and cannot include those rendered invisible. General

explanatory notes follow on pages 15-16. A comprehensive description of the

mathematical derivations applied to the population data in Figure 2.1 is presented in

Appendix 1.
 33
Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

Figure 2.1 Kuwait Population Trends by Nationality

Figure 2.1. Population trends by nationality derived from census analyses by Kapiszewski (2006),
Russell (1989) and Shah (2007). Dashed lines are extrapolations.
 34
Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

Figure 2.1 illustrates the confusion generated by the inaccuracy of officially

available population statistics in developing a graphic representation of the period since

Kuwait gained its independence. This is as a result of conflicting census numbers due to

the inclusion of the Bedoon in the census prior to 1985, their exclusion from census

numbers between 1985 and 2000 and their re-inclusion after 2001. Approximately

210,815 Bedoon were excluded from census data covering the period directly after the

1990 invasion of Kuwait. This exclusion would appear to have occurred during the

same period as the deportation of approximately 200,000 Palestinians from Kuwait

from March to September, 1991 (Rosen, 2012). Moreover, the precise numbers of

Bedoon who were re-included cannot be determined as there is no corresponding

upward step change in the Kuwaiti census numbers in 1985, as shown in Figure 2.1.

This inconsistency has been offset by the application of a standard population growth

formulae in order to extrapolate graph 4 (Original [hadar] Kuwaitis) and graph 7

(Kuwaitis plus [badu] Bedoon). However, this still does not explain where the

deportations directly after 1990 are represented in available population statistics and the

conclusion must therefore be reached that there is no manner in which accurate statistics

on the dynamics of the demographic make-up of Kuwait during that period can be

derived from the available statistical data. The period between 1985 and 2000 has

therefore been highlighted on Figure 2.1 to show when these anomalies occurred.

The fluctuations in the graphs of estimated Asian numbers between 1990 and

1995 reflect further administrative disruptions as a result of the 1990 Gulf War. Based

on the data in Shah (2007, pp. 13-15) Asians (including Iranians), Easterns (Asians

minus Iranians) and Iranians are shown separately in Fig. 1 as graphs 1, 3 and 5

respectively. Graph 6 shows the estimated number of Asians between 1975 and 1980 as

estimated by Russell (1989), which concurs with Kapiszewski’s calculations (2006).

 35
Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

Conclusions drawn using assumed trends and estimates, when considered within

the context of the literature on hegemony in the Arab peninsula during that period, are

that the gulf crisis presented the ruling families with the opportunity to conduct mass

deportations of expatriate Arab workers, including approximately 200,000 Palestinians

(Chalcraft 2010, Rosen, 2012), without having to pay “pay lip service” (Chalcraft,

2010, p. 21) to pan-Arab ideals (Chalcraft, 2010). The Gulf War also provided the

ruling families with the rationale policies of diversification so as to prevent any one

group from controlling the labour market. This also enabled the government to redefine

the demographic make-up of expatriates in Kuwait (Chalcraft, 2010; Russell & Al

Ramadhan, 1994).

What is significant to this study is that many of the deportees were apparently

subjected to abuse and discrimination during the process of expulsion, a scenario which

is similar to the mass deportation events which occurred between 2010 and 2014 as

summarised in Table 1. Discriminatory practices included instant dismissals, inability to

renew motorcar licences, summary deportation and harassment at ubiquitous

checkpoints (Arabian Business, 2015a, 2015b; Arab Times, 2012b, 2013a; Rosen,

2012).

The obfuscation of population and migration trends observed in Kuwait is

common not only in the Middle East but also in many other countries, for example, the

USA, Italy, Spain, Malaysia, Japan and the UK (Castles, 2013, p. 131). Central to this

contradictory migration policy concept is that in order to placate local anti-migrant

sentiments, state and market policy-makers officially seek to admit migrants who are

regarded as economically productive. However, industry demands the availability of all

types and skills levels. Therefore government officials use “crack-downs” (Castles,

2013, p.131) on irregular migrants in order to retain public support and minimise local
 36
Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

frustrations and fears of migrant dominance, whilst in reality, tacit permission is granted

for irregular labour migration in order to meet economic demands. Countries providing

employment to migrants therefore act in “the mind set of buyers in a buyer’s market”

(Fergany, 2001, as cited in Kapiszewski, 2006, p. 8).

Exemplifying the contradictory migration policy during the period 2012-2013,

wealthier countries in the GCC area, such as Kuwait, boosted housing construction in

order to subdue political dissidents (IHS Economics, 2013). However, employers prefer

to employ irregular migrants because they “lack rights, cannot explain to authorities or

trade unions, and are therefore easily exploitable” (Castles, 2013, p. 131). Thus, a type

of self-regulating market has been developed which is part of a global class hierarchy in

which expatriate workers are discriminated against and controlled in a variety of ways.

What is specific to this study, however, is the manner in which the crackdowns have

been carried out in Kuwait, along with the gap in the literature in terms of how

expatriate subcontracted workers in the Kuwaiti construction industry experienced and

perceived these events.

Kuwait, in keeping with developments in the surrounding GCC countries, as

outlined above, has targeted large construction projects, including real estate

construction, as the primary means of promoting economic growth (Al Shehabi, 2012,

p. 519). It is precisely in this area that many small businesses, subcontractors and

expatriate labourers are employed (Al-Tabtabai, 2002; Holmes et al., 1999; Kartam et

al., 2000; Kartam & Bouz, 1988; Koushki et al., 2004; Ringen & Stafford, 1996;

Valcarel, 2004; Xia et al., 2004). As this study involves subcontracted and sub-

subcontracted expatriates in the construction industry, it is relevant to provide an

overview of the construction industry in Kuwait.

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Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

Characteristics of the Construction Industry in Kuwait

The construction industry in Kuwait is similar to that of the GCC region, in that it

is heavily reliant on expatriate labour (Al Shehabi, 2012; Baram, 2009; Randeree, 2012;

Robertson, 2011). In this section, an account of the ebbs and flows in international and

GCC manpower statistics in the construction industry in response to the global

economic environment, is provided. Global employment statistics are compared to

official Kuwaiti statistics and it is shown that, in spite of the anomalies and

inconsistencies embodied in official Kuwaiti statistical information, Kuwait is no

different to other GCC countries with the construction industry being heavily reliant on

expatriate migrant labour. Whilst the rest of the world has struggled to restore the

construction industry to its previous levels following the global financial crisis of 2008,

(IHS Economics, 2013), the industry in Kuwait has been bolstered by considerable

government grants sourced from oil generated revenues (Oxford Business Group, 2015)

and is therefore set to expand in the near future. However, the question is whether the

benefits of this projected growth will be passed on to expatriate workers in Kuwait. In

order to estimate the numbers of subcontracted labourers who are likely to be affected,

an overview of global employment trends and available statistical data on subcontracted

expatriate construction workers is presented and compared with trends in Kuwait.

Finally, an overview of OHS in the Kuwaiti construction industry is provided.

Employment Statistics

The rapid international growth of expatriate migrants in the construction sector

has been well documented (Abdul-Aziz, 2001; Buckley, 2012; Bust et al., 2008;

Choudry et al., 2008; Quinlan et al., 2001; Valcarel, 2004; Xia et al., 2004). In

Malaysia, the number of expatriate workers increased from 500,000 to approximately

2.4 million during the period 1986 to 1998, constituting an estimated 80% of the
 38
Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

number of manual workers employed in construction (Abdul-Aziz, 2001). There are no

readily available statistics on the numbers of expatriate labourers employed by

subcontractors in the Middle Eastern construction industry (IHS Economics Global

Construction Outlook, personal communication, July 28, 2016). One of the reasons for

the lack of comparative data available is that there is “no international agency with the

primary objective of collecting, compiling, publishing and analysing migration

dynamics in this region” (Shah, 2013, pp. 41-42).

Similarly, estimating the number of expatriate workers employed in the

construction industry in the Arab states including in Kuwait, is an arduous task.

Accurate statistics cannot be established, due to the “significant incidence of clandestine

entry as well as the non-documentation of exit for regularized workers” (Abdul-Aziz,

2001, p. 789). Secondly, although the construction industry is identified as one of the

major groups of economic activity in Kuwait in the annual official expatriate manpower

statistics provided by the CSB (Central Statistical Bureau, Kuwait, 2010), there are no

corresponding analyses of specific occupations in this sector (Shah, 2011). The only

skilled labour trades mentioned in the numerical and percentage distribution of

expatriate labour by occupation are painters, bricklayers and carpenters. No breakdown

is given for other occupations normally included in construction, for example,

plumbers, welders, sheetmetal workers, electricians, insulators, grinders, ironsmiths,

lathe workers, masons, riggers, scaffolders and many others. Of note, according to the

CSB (2010) statistics, 233,863 “loading and unloading workers” (CSB 2010 statistics,

p.19) are listed as a single group, and labourers are loosely grouped with 564,127

“production and related workers, transport operators and labourers” (CSB 2010

statistics, p.19). It is therefore unclear whether, and where, expatriate workers and in

particular, labourers employed by subcontractors, specific to the construction industry,

 39
Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

are categorised in official Kuwaiti manpower statistics. Notwithstanding these

anomalies, it is clear that the construction industry in Kuwait, in keeping with trends in

the GCC states, employs large numbers of expatriate labourers.

Estimates provided by Human Rights Watch (2006) show that that the number of

migrant workers in the UAE reached at least 600,000 during the period between 2004-

2005, indicating that the construction industry in the Middle East was one of the largest

and fastest growing markets in the world, so fuelling the growth of the economies in the

entire GCC area.

The Economic Crisis in the Construction Sector.

2008 marked the beginning of an international crisis in the real estate and credit

finance markets which caused the loss of over five million construction jobs (Buckley,

2012, p. 252). The number of temporary workers entering OECD countries declined by

4% in 2008 (OECD, 2010), and in the GCC area, including Kuwait, approximately

150,000 expatriate workers were released (ILO, 2009).

Current Status of the Kuwaiti Construction Industry

Since 2012, the Kuwaiti construction market, particularly in the residential

construction area, has grown in response to public and private sector demands for

housing. This demand has been supported by substantial financial backing from the

Public Authority for Housing Welfare, the Kuwaiti Credit Bank and the Kuwait

Investment Authority, and has increased the numbers of private sector real estate

developers in Kuwait (Oxford Business Group, 2015, p. 1).

The main projects currently under development which directly affect

subcontracted workers in residential construction projects include the Silk City project,

the Pearl City, Jaber Al Ahmad, Al Mutlaa and Saad Al Abdullah residential cities.

These projects collectively require the construction of approximately 120,000

 40
Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

residential and worker accommodation units (Oxford Business Group, 2015, p. 3).

However, due to a lack of infrastructure and because of their distance from Kuwait City,

development has been delayed (Oxford Business Group, 2015). Another project, the

planned South Al Jahra Labour City, which aims to provide “affordable housing for up

to 20,000 male labourers” (Oxford Business Group, 2015, p. 3) will offer large

construction project contract owners the opportunity to rent the land from the Kuwait

Municipality for 40 years in return for the ability to “generate revenue by leasing out

completed housing units” (Oxford Business Group, 2015, p. 3).

These projects may actually have an adverse effect on the labourers’ conditions as

project owners are likely to recover increased project costs such as a 70% increase in

construction material cost in the period from 2003-2013 as well as the initial cost

involved in the compulsory low-bid preferential contract award system applied by the

Kuwaiti government. Historically, project cost recovery has been accomplished through

reducing the number of expatriate site workers, the lowering of accommodation costs to

the contract owner by increasing the number of workers allocated to single housing

units and by reducing the quality of food and sanitation which are obligatory contractual

requirements (Abdul-Aziz, 2001; Farques, 2011; Lamm, 2014; Human Rights Watch,

2006; Mayhew & Quinlan, 2006; Sonmez et al., 2011). It is therefore important to

research the effect of cost reduction initiatives on the OHS of subcontracted

construction labourers.

OHS and the Kuwaiti Construction Industry

Initial themes developed by Al-Tabtabai (2002); Kartam and Bouz (1998); Kartam

et al. (2000); Kazemi and Ali (2002), Koushki et al. (2004) and Al-Humaidi and Tan

(2010) revealed that negative OHS outcomes result from poor and repetitive accident

reports, non-investigation of accidents and the effect of a predominance of small

 41
Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

subcontractors and sub-subcontractors. Exacerbating the problem is the continued

existence of a decentralised, inconsistent and ineffective accident reporting system, a

reactive approach to safety planning and control and the lack of knowledge or research

on the damage caused by poor supervision and training. These themes are discussed in

detail in the critical analysis of OHS issues affecting vulnerable labourers in the

Kuwaiti construction industry, pages 65 to 74 of the Literature Review.

Significant Factors

This chapter has exposed four factors of significance in the study of expatriate

subcontracted labour in the construction industry of Kuwait. Firstly, the influences of

the historical political background which have led to the official stratification of

population groups along geographical and social lines has resulted in the development

of housing and construction policies which reflect the social divides in Kuwait. The

integration of the Bedoon badu into the social structure of Kuwait gave them limited

parliamentary rights, leading to the development of a culture of blind obedience to the

leading families of Kuwait. To the Bedoon, the value of being socially accepted, albeit

in a limited manner, served to discourage any form of real protest, resulting in a period

of political stagnation that enabled the ruling families to create a strong sense of

Kuwaiti nationalism and so control any potential opposition (Chalcraft, 2010; Crystal,

1990). This in turn enhanced the pre-existing autocratic managerial culture founded on

unlimited power and tribal values (Crystal, 1990; International Labour Office, 2001;

Metle, 2002).

Secondly, changes in the labour law aimed at improving the lives of all workers in

Kuwait and advantaging expatriate labourers, have had the opposite effect. An

employer backlash in the form of new discriminatory practices gave rise to increased

levels of deportation and expatriate labour invisibility, as presented in Table 2.1 on page
 42
Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

28. It is argued that the manner in which these deportations were managed bore a

striking resemblance to large scale deportations carried out in the aftermath of The Gulf

War (1991-2). Moreover, discriminatory practices during the aftermath were tacitly

ignored by the Arab community in the Middle East, thereby providing the opportunity

for Kuwait to formalise policies giving the government freedom to redefine the

demographic make-up of Kuwait (Chalcraft, 2010; Crystal, 1990; Russel & Al

Ramadan, 1994).

Thirdly, the problem of accessing accurate statistics on population trends in

Kuwait was discussed. Figure 2.1 on page 33 presents a graphic representation of

population trends and patterns based on official statistics from 1960 to 2010. It is

argued that the confusion during the aftermath of The Gulf War gave rise to the

concealment of discriminatory practices and Kuwaiti-driven diasporic initiatives, so

increasing the invisibility of large numbers of expatriate workers. It has been argued

that Kuwait is not alone in creating a self-regulatory migration system similar to that in

many OECD countries, where the regular expulsion of migrants to placate anti-

immigration sentiments is offset by tacit support for economically-driven construction

projects to be given permission to hire expatriate labour. The relevance of this practice

in the context of this research is focused on the manner in which the deportation of

labour has been managed by the Kuwaiti authorities.

Finally, the characteristics of the construction industry in Kuwait were discussed

in order to contextualise the environment in which this research was conducted. It was

suggested that the rapid growth of employment opportunities for expatriate labour in the

construction sector and the inaccuracy of available employment statistics were a

hindrance to conducting quantitative research. The effect of the economic crisis on

redundancies in the Middle Eastern construction industry during the period 2004-2005
 43
Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

was discussed in the light of the relative buoyancy of the Kuwaiti construction industry,

boosted by substantial financial incentives from by the Kuwaiti Public Housing

Authority. The speed of the resurgence of the Kuwaiti construction industry was a clear

result. However the question has been raised as to whether this positive growth will

translate into increased quality of life and health for expatriate subcontracted labourers.

Conclusion

It would appear that the efforts of human rights agencies and the international

community to improve the plight of expatriate workers in Kuwait have had little effect

on the elimination of discriminatory practices. As an example, in 2011, members of the

Bidoon community demonstrated in protest against government restrictions imposed on

freedom of expression. This culminated in the cabinet announcement of an “iron fist

policy” (Amnesty USA, 2015, p.1) resulting in the closing of media outlets and the

invoking of the nationality law to strip perceived critics of their citizenship.

Recent media reports reveal that the expulsion of expatriate labourers has not

diminished since the revision of the labour law despite its intention to improve the

quality of life of contracted workers. Approximately 21,000 expatriate labourers were

summarily deported during 2015-2016 and Kuwaiti authorities have rejected Amnesty

International criticisms of its human rights record (Arabian Business, 2015a, 2015b;

Arabian Business 2016a, 2016b; Hamdan, 2015; The National, 2016). It is therefore

important that the plight of expatriate migrant labour is explored through their eyes and

perceptions in order to gain insights into underlying forces driving discriminatory

practices in Kuwait, resulting in the reduction in the quality of the working lives and

OHS of these workers.

The gaps in the research which this introductory chapter has revealed are further

discussed in Chapter 3, the Literature Review, which covers the characteristics

 44
Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

determining migrant vulnerability, the characteristics of migrant worker OHS issues,

key themes and debates on migrant workers and culminates in the presentation of an

adapted analytical model based on the layers of vulnerability of migrant workers

developed by Sargeant and Tucker (2009).

The examination of the context in which this research project was initiated, has

therefore provided valuable data indicating the need for in-depth research on the plight

of vulnerable workers in the Kuwaiti construction industry. Moreover, the inaccuracy

and obfuscation surrounding available census and lack of OHS data on expatriates in

Kuwait suggests that, in this study, any in-depth research on the effect of law changes

and discriminatory practices involving expatriate subcontracted construction workers

would be better explored using a qualitative research approach. Significant gaps in the

knowledge of the plight of subcontracted migrant labourers in Kuwait are identified.

Firstly, the employer backlash in response to the implementation of the new labour law

and its effect on the lives and health of workers, their perceptions, experiences and

knowledge of legal changes during this period, is unknown. Secondly, there is little first

hand knowledge of the effects of discrimination against expatriate labour in the

construction industry during that period. Thirdly, there is no documented evidence of

the extent of awareness of subcontracted constructed workers in terms of possible

benefits to them within the revised law. Finally, there are no available research papers

detailing the effect of crackdowns and deportations on migrant workers.

Summarising, migrant labour is of paramount importance to the Kuwait economy

but there are significant gaps in the knowledge of the plight of subcontracted migrant

labour in Kuwait. Research literature and public information covering this subject are

sparse and incomplete, official statistics are mostly misleading and abstruse. There is

also a need for further research such as further qualitative analysis of the backlash to
 45
Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

Labour Law No 6 and the effects of deportations and crackdowns on illegal migrants.

These areas are addressed in this thesis.

 46
Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

Chapter 3 - Literature Review

Introduction

In the previous chapter, the political background, evolution of the labour law in

Kuwait and patterns of migration leading to increased subcontracted worker

vulnerability in the construction industry in Kuwait were discussed. The conclusion was

reached that, despite the efforts of international human rights agencies to improve the

quality of the lives of expatriate workers in Kuwait and to diminish their vulnerability,

little has been achieved in terms of equivalence to Western levels of rights or full

compliance with ILO OHS requirements.

It is therefore important to analyse more closely the nature, growth and

characteristics of vulnerable migrant labour within the context of the Kuwaiti

construction environment. In this chapter a critique of the literature concerning

vulnerable workers and the nature of precarious employment leading to the

compromised OHS outcomes is undertaken. Themes identified in the work researchers

conducted during the 1990’s and early 2000’s are incorporated into a critical analysis of

OHS issues affecting expatriate labourers in the Kuwaiti construction industry. Useful

models through which the lives, health and safety of migrant labourers may be analysed

are developed, followed by a discussion on the rationale for using the adapted Sargeant

and Tucker (2009) model as an analytical framework for this thesis.

Gaps in previous research which were identified in Chapter 2 are elaborated in this

chapter and listed within the relevant parameters of the adapted Sargeant and Tucker

(2009) framework (Table 2.1). Finally, the key questions for this research are presented.

Migrant Labour Defined

Since this research focuses on migrant labour in Kuwait, it is necessary to

examine the broader definitions of migrant labour in the literature and categorise these

appropriately. The term migrant worker has been described as a person who is to be
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Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

engaged, is engaged or has been engaged in a remunerated activity in a country of

which he or she is not a national, and who crosses the boundary of a “political or

administrative” (Castles, 2000, p. 269; UNESCO, 2016) unit for a certain minimum

period (Castles, 2000). The term has arisen as part of an international cultural

environment which regards people who move from their country of birth to another

country as deviants from the norm (Castles, 2000, p. 270). As an example of this

perception, a migrant worker in Germany was called ‘Fremdarbeiter’ (Hahamovitch,

2003, p. 73), or alien worker and, more recently and less harshly, ‘Gastarbeiter’

Hahamovitch, 2003, p. 70), or guest worker, which is still in current use (Toh &

Quinlan, 2009). However, the German word gast can also mean ‘stranger’ with its

underlying connotations of being outside the norm.

The term ‘migrant worker’ as defined above does not take into account the myriad

of categorisations used to describe migrant labour. UNESCO (2016) developed three

sub-categorisations of the term ‘migrant labour’. The first comprises temporary labour

migrants (also known as guest workers or overseas contract workers) who migrate for a

limited period to take up employment and, in most cases, send remittances home. The

second category comprises those highly skilled or qualified and includes business

migrants who seek long-term employment in professional and managerial occupations.

In the third sub-category are the irregular or undocumented migrants who enter or

remain in a country in search of employment without valid documents and permits.

The term Third Country National (TCN) is a human resource management

concept widely used by construction industry managers of Western origin and is defined

by Anders (2015) as “an alien …. a person who is not a national of a given State”

(Anders, 2015, p. 24). The sense of this definition is that the Arab countries’ citizens are

first country, there are defined countries denoted as Western (second country) and all

other nationalities are considered as TCNs. In this thesis, the general definition of the
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Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

sub-category of migrant labour is: ‘A third country national who is employed as a

temporary construction industry labourer and who is permitted entry by the Kuwaiti

government on a fixed term contract.’

Having established some understanding of the term ‘migrant labourer’, and

concluding that the term implies connotations of vulnerability, since migrant labourers

remain employed at the “…whim of their employer or the government that sanctioned

their stay” (Hahamovitch, 2003, p. 70), it is important to analyse the growth of migrant

labour, to crystallise the elements contributing towards their vulnerability, and to

contextualise these within an appropriate analytical framework. In so doing,

consideration has been made of the motivational factors for expatriate workers,

evidenced by the large numbers of expatriate workers seeking employment in the

Kuwaiti construction industry.

However, when seeking to explore the feelings and experiences of migrant

subcontracted workers about the exertion of power and privilege over them,

consideration must be given to the fact that, since the discovery of oil, the Middle East

has been (and continues to be) an important source of employment for migrant workers

(Longva, 1997; 2006). The socio-economic conditions of Kuwait have historically been

defined in terms of the creation of a segmented society in which Kuwaitis benefit from a

rentier state which is supported by the labour and efforts of expatriates (Al Zumai,

2013; Chalcraft, 2010) and this leads to the isolation of the workforce. Subcontractors

and sub-subcontractors in Kuwait are regarded as members of the lower class, and are

relegated to the lower rung of the labour segmentation ladder (Chalcraft, 2010). This is

characterised by a poorly educated workforce, employed in low paid jobs and subjected

to high levels of power and control (Longva, 1997; Al Qudsi & Shah, 1991). Therefore,

included in the proposed analytical framework of worker vulnerability, cognisance has

been taken of the inherent tension created by the importance of the Middle East as a
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Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

valuable revenue source for migrant workers through job availability and worker

vulnerability through isolation and segmentation.

Growth and Characteristics of Migrant Labour

There is a vast amount of empirical and theoretical literature on the causes of

migration (Castles, 2000, p. 271) however, these are complex and are outside the scope

of this research. (For further reading refer to Castles, 2013; De Haas, 2008;

Hahamovitch, 2003; UNESCO, 2016). In the context of this thesis it is important to

examine recent literature on the growth of migrant labour in order to develop an

understanding of the factors leading to worker vulnerability.

Since the mid 1970’s, labour markets of most industrialised countries have

experienced significant changes. Many organisations decreased their numbers of

permanent workers and increased numbers of migrant labour employed in temporary,

part-time or casual contracts. Over the past 40 years such changes have resulted in the

erosion of the labour market conditions which provided a reliable source of full-time

work while offering employees security of employment (Quinlan et al., 2001). The

reason for these changes has been attributed to global competitiveness, privatisation of

services, just-in-time production, the growth of flexible human resource management

strategies and the increased speed of worldwide interconnectedness (Castles, 2000; De

Haas, 2008; Lewchuk et al., 2003; Quinlan et al., 2001; Sargeant & Tucker, 2009;

Tucker, 2002).

All these changes have been characterised by a dramatic increase in the number of

migrant job-seekers. In Canada, the number of migrant workers grew from 60,000 in

1980 to approximately 251,000 in 2008 (Sargeant & Tucker, 2009). According to Bust,

Gibb and Pink (2008), in the period from 2007 to 2008, 50% of the construction labour

force in the UK comprised migrant labourers. The situation is the same in other OECD

countries. In 2005, foreign born workers made up 25% of the labour force in both
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Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

Australia and Switzerland, 20% in Canada, 15% in the USA, New Zealand and

Germany, and approximately 12% in the remaining Western European countries

(Castles, 2011, p.313). The ILO (2015), in an analysis of the distribution of migrant

workers by broad sub-region, estimated that the Arab states employ approximately

16.4% or 24.6 million of the global total of 150.3 million migrant workers. However,

unlike in Western states, the native population of Arab states is small compared with the

number of migrant workers and the proportion of natives economically active is also

comparatively small. International laws regulating the relationship between worker and

employer, designed to support the worker, such as the right to minimum labour

standards, adequate compensation and the right to bargain, have become eroded

(Lewchuk et al, 2003). This situation has been exacerbated by the fact that contracted

workers have no access to citizenship or permanent residence in Middle Eastern

countries (ILO, 2015). There, the growth of available (and disposable) expatriate

migrant labour has led to high concentrations of migrant workers in industries which

depend on foreign migrant workers (Chalcraft, 2010; ILO, 2015).

Kuwait has an approximately 70% expatriate population (Shah, 2007; CIA World

Factbook, 2013) this is a much larger proportion than in Western countries. Employers

typically control migrants’ work and living conditions and expect their workers to

perform in hazardous conditions for meagre wages (Kartam et al., 2000). This scenario

is described by Schenker (2008), as “a situation similar to that in Upton Sinclair’s novel

The Jungle, which exposed the horrific conditions under which immigrants in the

Chicago stockyards were forced to work 100 years ago” (Schenker, 2008, p. 717). There

is evidence that migrant TCN workers are engaged in precarious employment and are

vulnerable (Abdul-Aziz, 2001; Hahamovitch, 2003; Lewchuck, De Wolff, King &

Polanyi, 2003; Quinlan et al., 2010; Sargeant & Tucker, 2009; Quinlan & Bohle, 2004;
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Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

Hannif & Lamm, 2005) and as such it is necessary to examine more closely what the

term ‘vulnerable worker’ means and what factors cause worker vulnerability.

Worker Vulnerability Factors

Leading authors on migrant labour describe a vulnerable worker as a person who

experiences a sense of helplessness and fragility inherent within a working relationship

over which he or she has limited or no control. Such workers are thus precariously

employed (Amable & Benach, 2000; Baram, 2009; Castles, 2000; Eakin, 2010; Gravel,

Rhéaume & Legendre, 2009; Lamm, 2014; Lewchuck et al., 2003; Mayhew & Quinlan,

1997; Porthe et al., 2010; Quinlan & Bohle, 2004; Quinlan et al., 2001; Sargeant &

Tucker, 2009; Tucker, 2002).

Vulnerability is not an internal characteristic of a precariously employed worker

per se but rather a condition which develops as a result of the circumstances

surrounding the employment relationship in which that person is involved. Precarious

employment “connotes the job and income insecurity inherent in many such

arrangements” (Law Commission of Ontario, 2012, p. 1) and refers to the “situation

facing them because they are engaged in precarious work” (Quinlan & Bohle, 2004, p.

81). This research specifically examines the characteristics of precarious employment

and the development of vulnerability related to the Kuwaiti construction environment.

What is precarious work? From the late 1980’s onwards, as standard, permanent

forms of employment became less common, a large number of people entered the labour

market as contracted, subcontracted and casual workers. There has also been significant

diaspora of workers many of whom are employed to undertake dirty, dangerous and

demeaning jobs in particular sectors, such as construction, for higher remuneration.

There are ample studies that show the precariousness of employment, together with

poor wages and conditions and social isolation prevalent amongst migrant workers,

have had a profound effect on the safety and health of these workers (Hannif & Lamm,
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2005; ILO, 2004; Johnstone et al., 2001; Lamm, 2014; Quinlan & Bohle, 2004; Quinlan

& Mayhew, 2001; Sargeant & Tucker, 2009; Tucker, 2002).

There has also been a growth in the number of small businesses. Research shows

that small businesses typically operate on tight budgets and are characterised by shorter

lines of communication, simple reporting structures and reliance on the employer’s

knowledge and experience (Lamm, 2014). Managerial ability thus becomes “critical to

the survival of the business” (Lamm, 2014, p. 162). However, the research shows that in

attempting to implement OHS measures in small businesses, the emphasis is on

changing employee behaviour in order to prevent accidents, with a consequent shift to

blaming the employee for any shortcomings which, if the employer took responsibility

for, would lead to increased compensation costs (Lamm, 2014; Quinlan 1988). This

shift in responsibility and blame to the employee increases the precarious nature of

subcontracted employment.

Amable and Benach (2000) consider the term ‘precariousness’ (Amable &

Benach, 2000, p. 418) as a description of current labour market conditions, viewed as a

construct developed within the context of various unstable employment situations. The

authors consider that job insecurity and its relation to health and safety is an issue which

requires further research in order to expose the social invisibility of vulnerable

employees (Amable & Benach, 2000, pp. 419-420). The temporary nature of work, the

defencelessness of workers employed in the system and the helplessness of workers

who are financially dependent and have no access to social security or legal

representation all of which serve to increase alienation and suffering. The administrative

obstacles to the enforcement of worker rights is therefore one of the key characteristics

of migrant worker precariousness (Benach, Muntaner, Benavides, Amable & Jodar,

2002; Goldring, Berinstein & Bernhard, 2009; Porthe et al., 2010).

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The determinants of precariousness discussed above are now examined within the

specific context of the socio-economic and general working environment of the

subcontracted construction industry in Kuwait.

Precarious status of subcontracted construction labourers in Kuwait. As

noted in Chapter 2, the construction industry in in Kuwait is characterised by its

dependence on foreign workers who comprise the majority of the workforce.

Furthermore, 60% of the workforce in the construction industry is employed by small,

subcontracting firms. Typically, employers control not only migrant labourers’ pay and

conditions but also their living conditions and expect workers to work in hazardous

conditions for meagre wages (Kartam et al., 2000, Abdul-Aziz, 2001).

Significantly higher rates of work-related injury and illness occur amongst

migrant labour in Kuwait, compared to Kuwaiti nationals as a consequence of poor

working and living conditions. In addition, migrant workers often suffer from

psychosocial problems (Kartam et al., 2000). Kartam et al. (2000) claim that many of

the injuries and fatalities of migrant construction workers in Kuwait are the result of

poor communication, different labour cultures and traditions, lack of education and

training, origins in poor communities and consequent willingness to work in hazardous

conditions. Al-Humaidi and Tan (2010) claim that these factors produce an environment

which are a “breeding ground for accidents” (Al-Humaidi & Tan, 2010, p. 21). Apart

from these initial studies, very little research has been conducted in Kuwait on the

nature and extent of occupational illness and injury of unskilled migrant construction

labourers. The knowledge of issues facing migrant labour and the combined effect on

their lives, health and safety is limited. Therefore there is a need to discuss in detail

which factors contribute to the precarious status of subcontracted migrant labourers in

the Kuwaiti construction industry, as identified in empirical research studies (Al-

Humaidi & Tan, 2010; Baram, 2009; Farques, 2011; Holmes et al., 1999; Kartam &
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Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

Bouz, 1998; Kartam et al., 2000; Kazemi & Ali, 2002; McVittie, Banikin &

Brocklebank, 1997; Quinlan & Bohle, 2004; Shah, 2011; Valcarel, 2004; Xia et al.,

2004).

Contributing features identified were:

 Competitive tendering

 Blame the victim approach

 Labour market segmentation

 Willingness to work in hazardous occupations

 Low education and literacy levels

 Lack of legal protection

 Social exclusion and unhealthy working conditions.

Competitive tendering. The tendering system is a major underlying cause of

workers’ precariousness. In Kuwait the large construction projects are mainly for the oil

and petrochemical industry and state-owned infrastructure. Under Kuwait Law No. 37,

1964 as modified by Law No. 18/70 and Law No. 81/77, the Central Tender Committee

prescribes the terms and conditions under which contracts are managed. Tender

documents for large projects can be purchased for bidding by contractors on a list

approved by the project owners and the Central Tender Committee. The awards of

major contracts are administered by the Central Tender Committee and, under Article

43, contracts are awarded to the cheapest bidder.

Although the appointed main contractors are legally required to subscribe to the

safety protocols laid down by the oil and petrochemical companies (which comply with

internationally recognised Health, Safety and Environmental (HSE) standards), portions

of the major projects and smaller fixed price projects are often subcontracted and sub-

subcontracted and smaller companies are therefore heavily involved in construction

projects. Interviews with Project Management Consultant representatives confirmed that

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Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

the approval process for sub-subcontractors is not overseen or directly controlled and

that prequalification for subcontract packages is often cursory or simply waived. The

smaller companies generally have poor management skills resulting in a lack of

awareness, knowledge and commitment to applying OHS practices and regulations

(Kartam & Bouz 1998; Kartam et al., 2000). Many of the owner/managers of

subcontracted firms have limited business acumen and underbid the work resulting in

financial stress which further increases the likelihood of non-compliance with OHS

regulatory standards (McVittie et al., 1997; Lamm, 2014).

These secondary subcontractors are short of working capital and under great

pressure to cut costs at the expense of safety, and therefore do not invest money in

health and safety training and equipment. In addition, they cannot afford, and more

significantly, do not recognise the need for the services of safety specialists or

instructors, resulting in a lack of safety culture either off or on site (Choudhry & Fang,

2008; Kartam et al., 2000; Al Kazemi & Ali, 2002; Koushki et al., 2004).The pressure

to continually cut costs inherent in multi-layered subcontractor arrangements affects the

employment relationship in various ways. Informal and indirect employment via

foremen or intermediaries is common practice in the Kuwait construction industry. The

fact that workers are itinerant and move from site to site significantly increases their

vulnerability. This situation is exacerbated by language and literacy barriers, as migrant

expatriate labourers in Kuwait are mostly uneducated and functionally illiterate and few

if any, understand Arabic or English (Kartam & Bouz, 1998). The lack of a language

common to the workers and employers and the transient nature of the work are often

cited as root causes of many of the work-related injuries and fatalities that occur

globally (Valcarel, 2004; Xia et al., 2004).

The problems with lives and safety emerge at this level as small private

subcontractors instruct labour hire agents to recruit labourers who, after completion of
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Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

the contract for which they were recruited, are subsequently re-allocated to alternative

private contracts. The labour agents extort money by charging workers a fee for

subsequent or, in some cases, simultaneous employment on alternative contracts. This

leads to the emotional vulnerability of workers as they are “working in unsecured

conditions and not on their sponsor’s bail” (Kartam et al., 2000, p. 174).

Little is known about the day to day interactions between project owners and

informal subcontractors and the effect which this has on the lives and health of

labourers who work for them. This is an area which this research will address. The

following are areas of concern when considering the vulnerability of expatriate workers.

Blame the victim approach. Another cause of worker precariousness is that

traditionally, in the Middle East, worker behaviour has been regarded as the primary

contribution to accident causation (Kartam & Bouz, 1998). Accidents are therefore

“attributed to the workers’ fault” (Kartam et al., 2000, p. 171). Most accidents in

Kuwait occur whilst work is being performed by subcontractors (Kartam & Bouz,

1998). The practice of blaming the victim and emphasising the characteristics and

behaviour of workers as the root cause of injury and illness reflects the dominant view

of industrial psychologists in early OHS studies, that accident causation is attributable

to the worker. This “blame the victim” (Quinlan, 1988, p. 190) mentality has extended

itself into the analysis of migrant OHS (Quinlan, 1988). Furthermore, Quinlan (1988),

in his critical assessment of occupational health and safety research, argued that the

dominance of industrial psychologists in conducting early OHS research, created a

general propensity for subsequent OHS researchers to attribute accident causation to the

individual person, who merely reacts to a given set of environmental factors in a manner

determined by their own personal characteristics (Quinlan, 1988, p. 189). In addition,

early studies of accident causation led to the growth of the study of ergonomics

(Quinlan, 1988, pp. 190-191) which is primarily concerned with the relationship of the
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Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

worker with his or her physical working environment and how worker attitudes and

behaviour within this environment can be changed through enforcement of desired

behaviour by managers, through the application of hard law (Quinlan et al., 2010).

The approach in which the victim is blamed has extended itself into more recent

Kuwaiti generated analyses of worker safety. The notion of emotional vulnerability of

individual construction workers has been identified by Kartam et al. (2000) as a

possible cause of unsafe behaviour and is a clear example of a victim blaming approach,

possibly one in which the worker-victim knows that he will be blamed. This approach is

described by Quinlan et al. (2010) as a “more subtle and apparently benevolent fashion

of attributing, for example, migration strain, as a contributing factor to occupational

illness” (Quinlan et al., 2010, p 177).

Labour market segmentation. Segmentation also contributes to worker

precariousness. Subcontractors and sub-subcontractors in the construction industry are

generally at the lower end of the organisational hierarchy in any construction project

and their ability to exert influence on the decision making process concerning the living

conditions, quality of life and health and safety standards, is limited (Holmes et al.,

1999; Lamm, 2014; Quinlan et al., 2001; Quinlan & Bohle, 2004; Sargeant & Tucker,

2009; Yun, 2009). In addition, these firms operate within a multi-layered contracting

system in which construction workers are recruited through main contractors,

subcontractors and labour intermediaries. Yun (2009) refers to this process as

“horizontal contracting out” (Yun, 2009, p. 2). This multi-layered system, in which the

main construction company is hidden behind several layers of subcontractors, has, at the

same time, given rise to layers of vulnerability in OHS for migrant workers as the

process undermines the enforcement and implementation of labour regulations

(Sargeant & Tucker, 2009; Yun, 2009).

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As noted in Chapter 2, the labour market in Kuwait is further divided along the

lines of ethnicity. Westerners tend to be employed in professional occupations, such as

engineering, IT, logistics, human resources and education. The less skilled and manual

occupations tend to be dominated by Egyptian and Asian workers (Al-Tabtabai, 2002).

Although limited, government work-related injury and fatality statistics show that

migrant labourers in the Kuwait construction industry are over represented. Al-Tabtabai

(2002) claims that of the total workforce of 107,463 expatriates in the construction

industry in 1999, 60.33% were unskilled labourers, and that the construction industry

was responsible for 35.9% of total accidents in Kuwait. However, no information is

given on how the number of accidents relate to the 60.33% of unskilled labourers

compared to technicians and skilled labour, owing to the “absence of a reliable accident

reporting and recording system” (Al-Tabtabai, 2002, p. 216). Moreover, there is no

information in Kuwait regarding the extent of mental or physical occupational illness

for expatriate subcontracted labourers and this is therefore an area which will be

explored in this research.

In addition, most foreign workers come from a rural background and have little

experience interacting with different ethnic or social groups. According to Abdul-Aziz

(2001), this is another contributing factor to the unofficial stratification and

segmentation of expatriate labourers by contractors, with a corresponding

discrimination in wages between groups. Common criteria for contractors in

determining wage segmentation are skills variation, docility, nationality and willingness

to work in hazardous conditions. Several authors have rationalised the willingness of

workers to accept lower wage rates based on nationality, claiming that wage structures

reflect the willingness of nationalities to work for different wages (Wells, 1996).

However, 57% of the workers surveyed by Abdul-Aziz (2001) thought that wage

equality prevailed whilst 25% were uncertain. Therefore this research will address how
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Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

the stratification of wages and layering of expatriate labour social status according to

nationality increases the precarious nature of their employment.

Willingness to work in hazardous occupations. Typically, those seeking

employment in the construction industry are young, able-bodied, and in the most

productive years of their lives. They also have the greatest chance of recouping the cost

of payments made to labour agents (Abdul-Aziz, 2001; Schenker, 2008) and are

therefore more willing to take risks. For example, in 1997, foreign male workers in

Malaysia comprised 80% of the construction industry labour force of 130,000,

compared with 60% in 1987 (Abdul-Aziz, 2001; Schenker, 2008). The Kuwaiti

construction industry is similarly dominated by young males partly due to the heavy

work involved (Kartam et al., 2000).

The results of the study by Abdul-Aziz (2001) of Malaysian, Indonesian and

Bangladeshi workers in Malaysia’s construction industry revealed that one of the main

reasons for migration is that ethno-linguistic sub-groups are willing to take any number

of risks because they regard migration as a valuable intrinsic process in attaining

manhood. Other reasons given are parental pressure and the promise of abundant job

opportunities (75%), better work offers, (20%), higher wages (6%). These percentages

concur with a survey conducted by Kassim (1986), revealing that foreign workers

seeking employment in Malaysia valued greater employment opportunities over higher

wages by a margin of 75 percent. This has led to the employment of large numbers of

foreign workers in the construction industry, along with corresponding higher risks of

fatality. In addition, Abdul-Aziz’s (2001) study found that subcontractors applied a

rating scale to their workers in which the willingness to work long hours was rated top

(86%), followed by obedience (74%) low wages (74%) and lack of fastidiousness

(58%). A similar situation exists in the Kuwait construction industry (Kartam et al,

2000).
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Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

Low education and literacy levels. A common finding in the literature is that

worker precariousness is a consequence of the low level of education and literacy of

migrant construction workers (Abdul-Aziz, 2001; Kartam et al., 2000). This has a

negative impact on worker ability to be trained or to understand written OHS

instructions (Al-Tabtabai, 2002). In addition, the lack of ability to interact with

contractors because of language differences leads to miscommunication, loneliness and

depression (Abdul-Aziz, 2001; Kartam et al., 2000; Schenker, 2008).

Al-Tabtabai (2002) when analysing construction site accidents in Kuwait, noted

that 55.8% of workers involved in accidents had less than 10 years of experience, 71%

came from rural areas in their countries of origin. 45% of workers either were

completely illiterate or possessed minimal reading and writing skills (Al-Tabtabai,

2002, p. 226). Moreover, Koushki et al. (2004), in a study of worker perceptions of

noise pollution at construction sites in Kuwait, found that low levels of education

amongst workers had a significant relationship with their perceived safety. 39.5% of

these labourers did not regard noise as a problem, 37.8% did not think that noise

affected their health; 58% thought that quality of work was not affected by noise and

57% did not link noise to accident rates. However it is noted that the statistics

developed by Al-Tabtabai (2002) and Koushki et al. (2004) were derived through

worker interviews conducted by their direct supervisors, which may have had an

influence on the sincerity of responses due to fear of possible reprisals. Worker levels of

education in relation to their perception of OHS and their response to potentially

dangerous working practices will therefore be examined in this research.

Lack of legal protection. Complex legal structures surround accident reporting

and workmen’s compensation and how these are managed by Kuwaiti governmental

bodies. Because health and safety strategies, processes and procedures specifically

aimed at protecting subcontracted and sub-subcontracted non-skilled migrant workers in

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Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

the Kuwaiti construction industry are non-existent, a situation exacerbated by the fact

that in Kuwait workers lack access to regulatory protection because of language and

cultural differences, there is a need to analyse factors preventing precariously employed

migrant workers from gaining access to legal protection. Also, an investigation should

be made into how many cases involving precariously employed migrant workers are

satisfactorily resolved, if and when cases are brought against contractors, and how such

resolutions are affected by cultural suspicion of expatriates.

Moreover, according to Kartam et al. (2000), there is a notable absence of a

unified set of safety regulations in Kuwait which raises the level of difficulty which

workers have to overcome in order to bring a case to court. In 2000, the Ministry of

Public Works developed a safety chapter in its manual for construction practices. The

oil sector had its own manual based on international oil standards, and no safety manual

existed at the Kuwait Municipality during the period in which this research was

conducted. Additionally, as pointed out by Kartam (2000), international standards do

not necessarily apply to the Kuwait working environment, since methods of practice in

advanced countries differ from those in Kuwait. For example, there is no rule against

using wooden scaffolding, secured with twine or rope of unspecified quality and often

lacking the provision of adequate fall protection, in any of the local standards. This is

yet another example of the unsafe and precarious environment for subcontracted

labourers (Kartam et al., 2000, p. 173).

Social exclusion and unhealthy working/living conditions. The social exclusion

of precarious migrant labour from mainstream society has been identified by OHS

researchers as a strong predictor of increased levels of physical and mental illness

contributing to precariousness of subcontracted expatriate labourers. Abdul-Aziz (2001)

observed a strong cultural and linguistic divide and social exclusion produced by the

strong demarcations dividing cultural groups amongst subcontracted construction site

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Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

labourers in living in so-called kongsi, slum areas which are characterised by

dilapidated huts, minimal sleeping space and poor washing amenities. According to

Lay, Nordt and Rössler (2007), this type of social exclusion was evident in Switzerland,

where researchers were puzzled by low admission rates of migrants suffering from

mental health problems. They attributed this to social exclusion, pointing to stronger

social support as an important resource in preventing and dealing with mental health

problems.

Wong, He, Leung, Lau and Chang (2008), found a strong link between migration

stress and increased levels of mental disease in manual labourers in the construction

industry in China, brought about by poor living conditions, general social exclusion,

low social status and exclusion from medical benefits. Their study of psychiatric

symptoms in migrant workers found that 25% of male migrant workers, who were

married and under duress to provide for families in their place of origin, could be

classified as mentally unhealthy. Symptoms included depression, increased

interpersonal sensitivity and phobic anxiety.

Tinghög, Hemmingsson and Lundberg (2007) found that non-Scandinavians more

frequently met the criteria for depression, attributing social causation as a potent

explanation for mental illness.

Xia et al. (2004) claim that construction workers in China are exposed to dust,

gases and fumes from combustion processes and large amounts of toxic chemicals.

Noise is a particular hazard as are extreme heat, vibration, working with inflammable

materials and with compressed air, all of which are comparable to conditions in the

Kuwaiti construction environment. Moreover, Xia et al. (2004) claim that work-related

morbidity rates are exacerbated by the stresses involved in site work such as poor

working and living conditions, low pay, long working hours, unhygienic living

conditions and poor quality of food and water (p. 8).

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Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

In Kuwait, the social exclusion of subcontracted construction labourers has been

entrenched through the unofficial stratification of expatriate labour by occupation and

the housing of migrant labour in compounds or accommodation either on site or in the

isolation of outlying regions of Kuwait. This prevention of the labour force from

interacting socially within Kuwaiti society, exacerbated by poor communication and

language difficulties, has given rise to under-reporting of accidents (Al Kazemi & Ali,

2002; Al-Tabtabai, 2002; Kartam & Bouz, 1998).

Many site operatives in Kuwait live in self-contained areas close to the

construction site. Alternatively, workers are transported to and from compounds or

apartment blocks where sanitary conditions are unhealthy, leading to insect infestations

which may be linked to a number of medical conditions. Anya (2007, p. 828) discusses

the right to health care for vulnerable migrants and claims that, in Italy, 40% of migrant

seasonal farm workers had developed various diseases including skin problems,

intestinal parasites, mouth, throat and respiratory infections, within the first six months

of employment.

Whilst irrefutable links between bedbugs, lice infestations and transmittable

diseases such as human immunodeficiency virus (HIV) and hepatitis B virus (HBV)

HBV have not been clinically established, long-term exposure to infestations of

bedbugs has nevertheless been associated with an increase in acute allergic reactions,

swelling of bite wounds and increased episodes of asthma and secondary skin disease

(Salehzadeh, Tavacol & Mahjub, 2007; Moges et al., 2016).

Cockroach infestations increase the risk of parasitic infections developing as a

result of contamination from polluted water, followed by hand-mouth contact

(Cochrane, 1997). When exposed to human fæcal matter, cockroaches play a

supplementary role in the spread of diseases including diarrhoea, dysentery, cholera,

leprosy, plague, typhoid fever and viral diseases such as poliomyelitis (Cochrane, 1997,
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Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

p. 292). The transmittal vector is parasitic worms and their eggs which host the bacterial

pathogens present in cockroach excretions and regurgitations (Cochrane, 1997; Moges

et al., 2016; Salehzadeh et al., 2007; Tatfeng et al., 2005).The eggs of these parasitic

worms also cause allergic reactions including dermatitis, swelling of the eyelids and

more serious respiratory problems (Cochrane, 1997). It is therefore important for this

research to analyse the extent and possible influences of insect infestations on the OHS

of subcontracted construction industry labourers.

The congested and unhygienic nature of most expatriate labour accommodation,

where up to 20 people are forced to live in one apartment with shared toilet facilities

with other apartments in the same block, provides ideal conditions for the transmittal of

disease and this exacerbates the stress levels caused by low pay, long hours, and poor

quality of food and water. Isolation leads to the spread of diseases due to low resistance

levels and made worse by heavy smoking and, in non-Muslim countries, heavy alcohol

consumption (Anya, 2007; Kartam & Bouz, 1998; Lay et al., 2007; Valcarel, 2004; Xia

et al., 2004; Tinghög et al., 2007; Wong et al., 2008)

In the absence of any accurate illness or injury and death statistics for sub-

subcontracted labourers in the Kuwaiti construction industry, this research will identify

and analyse the multiple factors leading to their illness and occupational disease. In the

following section, the following definitive areas in relation to specific OHS issues in

Kuwait are discussed:- poor accident reporting systems, non-investigation of accidents,

the effect of a predominance of small subcontractors, a reactive approach to safety

planning and control, a decentralised accident reporting system, poor supervision and

lack of training. These major factors relate to a wide range of OHS issues involving

subcontracted construction industry labourers in Kuwait which have not hitherto been

explored in depth and which are addressed in this thesis.

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Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

OHS Issues in the Subcontracted Kuwaiti Construction Industry.

Poor quality of accident reports. The investigation of OHS issues in Kuwait

have mainly focused on mortality rates or lost time accidents with primacy given to the

project costs arising from occupational accidents and not to the amount of damage to

the OHS of the workers involved (Al-Tabtabai, 2002; Kartam et al., 2000; Kartam &

Bouz, 1998). These initial studies also reveal that from 1992 to 1996, accident reports

compiled by the Kuwaiti Municipality showed that the majority of safety engineers in

Kuwait describe the accident, the name of the injured person and the name of the

subcontractor concerned but fail to record any other personal information on the victim

or what safety procedures were in place on site at the time of the accident (Kartam &

Bouz, 1998, p. 807). This shows a gross lack of concern for the workers involved and

an attempt to conceal lack of safety procedures from the authorities concerned. The

accuracy and nature of accident reporting mechanisms relating to subcontracted workers

in the period in which this research was conducted is therefore a prime area of

investigation as are the effects of non-investigated accidents.

Non-investigation of accidents. The international OHS research community has

widely acknowledged that, the OHS of vulnerable workers is seriously under-reported

and there are “conspicuous errors” in officially provided statistics (Quinlan et al., 2010,

p. 45). It has been estimated that in 2005 the global “burden of death” (Quinlan et al.,

2010, p. 3) stood at 113,000 unreported work-related fatalities due to under-reporting

alone (Concha-Barrientos, Nelson, Fingerhut, Driscoll & Leigh, 2005). Thus, the long-

term effects arising from accidents and injuries are incomplete in their representation of

the true dimensions of damage caused to the OHS of subcontracted and sub-

subcontracted workers (Concha-Barrientos et al., 2005; Quinlan et al., 2010; Sargeant &

Tucker, 2009). International studies show that long-term accident related occupational

illnesses include musculoskeletal disorders and lower back pain, hypoxia, solvent
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Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

poisoning, chemically related skin diseases, cardiovascular disease and cardiac failure,

spinal injuries, disorders due to vibration, heat exhaustion and heat stroke, respiratory

diseases, asthma, various types of cancer, stress-related disorders and depression

(Holmes et al., 1999; Quinlan et al., 2010; Valcarel, 2004; Xia et al., 2004).

However, although early research efforts by Kuwaiti authors have called for the

deeper analysis of accident causation in the construction industry there is a paucity of

information relating to wider health related issues. Al-Tabtabai (2002) briefly

mentioned that 22.3% of expatriate workers suffered from diabetes, high blood

pressure, heart related problems or “other diseases” (Al-Tabtabai, 2002, p. 227).

Unfortunately this study used questionnaires completed under the supervision of the

Kuwaiti managers of the respondents and therefore the results may not be a true

reflection of their perceptions and experiences, as data discussed in Chapter 2 shows

that expatriate workers in Kuwait are fearful of revealing any illness out of fear of

deportation. It is therefore essential to conduct an in-depth examination of whether any

deeper OHS issues affecting accident victims have been revealed in reported accidents

in Kuwait. These issues also relate to the manner in which safety planning and control is

approached.

Reactive approaches to safety planning and control. The construction industry

has traditionally taken a reactive approach to safety planning with the result that little

attention has been given to assessing the importance of human behaviour in the context

of organisational safety programmes and accident prevention processes, with the result

that the impact of occupational risk factors leading to accidents and occupational

disease is “greatly underestimated” (Concha-Barrientos et al., 2005, p. 470), as

confirmed by Albert, Hallowell and Kleiner (2014); Quinlan et al. (2010) and Wachter

and Yorio (2014). Studies show that the quality of an accident investigation could be of

more value than the length of time taken to investigate in contributing to the underlying
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Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

knowledge about accident causation and the reduction of injuries and illnesses.

Investigators should therefore approach accident reporting as a “research project,

designed to extract as much information as possible” (Burgoyne, 1993, p. 402).

However, these processes are costly and investigators have to balance the need for in-

depth evaluation of the deeper issues surrounding accidents against increasing pressures

to produce zero incident projects (Albert et al., 2014, Burgoyne, 1993; Quinlan et al.,

2010; Wachter & Yorio, 2014).

In the Kuwaiti context, the achievement of effective safety programmes faces

several barriers. Firstly, migrant labourers in the construction industry are spread

between different contracts and often work for subcontractors who are also employed at

other sites. As a result, they are not included in any risk management programmes

(Kartam et al., 2000). Secondly, project owners consider themselves to be in less

vulnerable legal positions if they distance themselves from contractor safety

programmes, protecting themselves by the inclusion of the so-called ‘hold harmless’

clause included in most safety contracts in Kuwait (Kartam et al., 2000, p. 179). This

clause states that the contractor will obtain adequate insurance for damage, theft,

personal injury, damages to property, its officers, agents and employees or any other

person, arising from the contractor’s performance of the contract (US Embassy, 2017).

Since the main contractor is covered by insurance, subcontractors and their labourers

are not made aware of potential hazards, and their possible consequences (Albert et al.,

2014). Thirdly, as a direct consequence, these workers underestimate the risk associated

with projects and perceive a false level of security, thereby increasing the likelihood of

accident occurrence. Kartam and Kartam (2001) confirm this notion. In their analysis of

risk management from a contractor perspective, results indicated that “the application of

formal risk analysis techniques in the Kuwaiti construction is limited” (Kartam &

Kartam, 2001, p. 325). Moreover, they argue that contributions from the construction
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Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

industry for research are limited and, in tacit acknowledgement that concern for the

OHS of contracted and subcontracted labour is also limited because of racial

discrimination, they associate the lack of research into the construction industry with the

fact that “almost all the workforce” (Kartam & Kartam, 2001, p. 325) in the

construction industry “consists of non-Kuwaitis” (Kartam & Kartam, 2001, p. 326). It is

therefore necessary for this research to examine the issues facing the large numbers of

subcontracted workers who are employed by subcontractors in Kuwait.

Predominance of small subcontractors and sub-subcontractors. As previously

outlined, the Kuwaiti construction industry is dominated by the existence of many small

subcontracted firms. Little, however, is known about the OHS issues affecting the

expatriates who are employed by them (Kartam & Bouz, 1998; Kartam et al., 2000).

Pressures placed upon small operators through owner power wielding mechanisms are

largely determined by their position in hierarchal managerial structures (Lloyd & James,

2008). As discussed in Chapter 2, subcontractors are dependent on the whims of their

superiors in the supply chain who demand increased productivity for the same monetary

output (Lloyd & James, 2008; Benach et al., 2002; Mayhew & Quinlan, 2006).

A parallel can be drawn between subcontracted construction workers in Kuwait

and a survey conducted on the economic pressures facing long-haul truckers in

Australia (Mayhew & Quinlan, 2006). These studies show that small subcontractors are

placed under severe economic stress to continue producing, resulting in a tendency to

continue working with minor and sometimes major injuries (Mayhew & Quinlan, 2006).

Moreover, chronic illnesses are likely to develop from untreated injuries—however

small subcontracting companies normalise these injuries because of financial pressures

(Mayhew & Quinlan, 2006, p. 219), resulting in long-term physical, chemical,

biological and psychological health problems as a result of exposure to poor working

conditions, vibration, loud noises, hazardous products and repetitive tasks (Benach et
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Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

al., Lloyd & James, 2008; Underhill & Quinlan, 2011). Workers who are employed in

construction related activities such as demolition, painting, welding, masonry,

stonework, plastering and tile setting are at high risk of developing respiratory and lung

illnesses, lung cancer being the largest single work-related cancer (Field & Withers,

2012; Quinlan et al., 2010). Quinlan notes that cancer globally accounts for 50% of all

construction worker mortality (Quinlan et al., 2010).

Another under-researched, under-reported physical problem is hearing

impairment. Damaged hearing is a widespread occupational hazard in the building and

construction industry (Koushki, Kartam & Al Mutairi, 2004; Quinlan et al., 2010;

Leensen, van Duivenbooden & Dreschler, 2011). Prolonged exposure to noise leading

to hearing impairment affects OHS in several ways. Firstly, workers may be unable to

hear shouted warnings or other sounds indicating danger; secondly, noise exposure

leads to physiological stress; thirdly, prolonged exposure to noise can be

psychologically stressful and negatively affect behaviour, which could lead to unsafe

behaviours (Quinlan et al., 2010).

Of significance to this research is that subcontractors are less likely to seek

medical treatment for injury, including serious injuries (Mayhew & Quinlan, 2006, p.

218), and that this is a factor essential to consider in the investigation of incidences of

long-term chronic illnesses of subcontracted workers in the Kuwaiti construction

industry resulting from power and control mechanisms imposed on them through

economic and production related pressures. Subcontractors seeking to avoid reporting

accidents or obtaining medical treatment for injuries and illnesses are implicitly

supported in their intentions because of ineffective accident reporting systems in

Kuwait.

Decentralised, inconsistent and ineffective accident reporting systems.

Empirical studies reveal that the increased growth in precarious labour, job insecurity
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Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

and subcontracting has, as previously discussed, produced a marked increase in the

number of serious accidents involving contractors and a corresponding increase in the

need for extra inspectorate involvement in their investigation (Quinlan et al., 2010, p.

374). The effective enforcement of reporting mechanisms has been weakened,

producing the likelihood of a corresponding decrease in the number of subcontracted

workers who have access to representation or compensation. Moreover, inspectors do

not place any emphasis on worker participation in accident investigations (Quinlan et

al., 2010, Johnstone, Quinlan & Walters, 2005).

In Kuwait this situation is further exacerbated by the exclusion of subcontractors

and their staff from participation in accident investigation, the gross under-reporting of

safety violations as a result of a multi-faceted and highly fragmented accident reporting

system within a rigid and obsolete administrative framework (Kazemi & Ali, 2001), and

the reluctance of Kuwaiti government officials to share information. A study of attitudes

towards knowledge sharing in Kuwait found that 77% of government organisations

guard their knowledge to protect their positions (Al Athari & Zairi, 2001). In addition,

studies by Kartam et al. (2000) found that, out of the “thousands of safety violations”

(Kartam et al., 2000, p. 166) followed by safety warnings issued by the Kuwaiti

Municipality, a mere 100 safety related tickets and fines were issued between 1992 and

1995.

The accident reporting system in Kuwait is further complicated by the number of

different ministries and departments which process accident reports. For example, the

Kuwaiti Municipality, the Ministry of Public Works and the Ministry of Social affairs

and Labour (MOSAL) and the High Committee for Safety and Security are cited as “a

few examples” (Kartam & Bouz, 1998, p. 805) of the number of departments who

process accident related information. To further confound the issue, Kuwaiti

Municipality and the Ministry of Public Works are only concerned with accidents
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Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

occurring at construction sites, whilst MOSAL deals with accidents which occur in all

industries. Whilst the aim of these overlapping layers of accident reporting mechanisms

may serve as a blanketed approach to ensure that all accidents are covered, the system

increases the likelihood of repeated and therefore inaccurate accident reports seen from

a number of different perspectives, all of which exclude detailed information about the

victims themselves or type of safety procedures on site when the accident occurred

(Kartam & Bouz, 1998, p. 807). In addition, inspectors available and qualified to

conduct site visits are limited in terms of their numbers indicating that an independent

review of a construction project and its safety plan would improve the situation (Kartam

et al., 2000). Moreover, insurance officers who act on behalf of the contractor do not

request any written proof of previous safety records, do not have a safety manual to

follow and do not conduct site visits to clients to check whether safety procedures are in

place. To compound the problem, safety records cannot be located if the contractor

subsequently decides to insure with an alternative organisation (Kartam et al., 2000, p.

171).

The accuracy and nature of accident reporting systems and knowledge of any

insurance benefits concerning accidents involving expatriate subcontracted labour is a

area for further research investigation, as is the extent to which their knowledge is

constricted because of poor supervisory practices.

Poor supervision and training. Firms in Kuwait operate within a multi-layered

contracting system in which construction workers are recruited through main

contractors, subcontractors and labour intermediaries. Smaller subcontracted and sub-

subcontracted companies have limited or no management skills and are either

impervious to, or have no awareness of, the deeper issues which affect the quality of the

lives of migrant workers. This increases their vulnerability (Lamm, 2004; Mayhew &

Quinlan, 1997; McVittie et al., 1997; Quinlan & Bohle, 2004).

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Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

In a study conducted by Abdul-Aziz (2001), 43% of Indonesian migrant workers

surveyed had previously been occupied in farming, whilst only 12% had been employed

in the construction industry. 46% of the Bangladeshis had no previous experience in

construction. Thus it is important to determine prior migrant labourer levels of

experience in the construction industry and whether the level and quality of training

provided on site equips labourers to perform effectively on the job. The health and

safety requirements for large projects in the Kuwaiti oil sector are stringent and care is

taken to ensure that Project Management Consultants (PMCs) assume their contractual

responsibility and accountability for ensuring that the workplace is safe for contracted

workers, and therefore there should be no reason why subcontracted workers should not

be widely included in training. However, this method of ensuring the working

environment is safe becomes defective when a breakdown in the chain of command and

control occurs as a result of contractors outsourcing the work to subcontractors who in

turn appoint sub-subcontractors. The relationship between these layers of subcontractors

and the loss of control of OHS policies and practices is an emerging area of research

(Sargeant & Tucker, 2009), and is one of the areas of investigation. Moreover, project

owners and their PMCs, have relinquished their responsibility for ensuring the OHS of

subcontracted firms and their employees through the invocation of the “hold harmless”

(Kartam et al., 2000, p. 179) clause in their contractual arrangements. Thus,

notwithstanding the fact that health and safety requirements for large projects in the oil

sector are stringent and care is taken to ensure that PMCs assume their responsibilities,

the chain of command and therefore communication down the hierarchical line, stops at

main contractor level.

In terms of supervision and training, the OHS of subcontracted workers is affected

in several ways. Although weekly safety meetings are called for by PMCs, only

representatives of main contractors are invited to attend. Any information in terms of

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Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

suspected hazards of risks which have been identified during the previous week is

communicated at these meetings. However, initial interviews conducted with PMC

stakeholders indicate that training of main contractors involved communicating with up

to 23 nationalities involved on the project. The PMCs do try and have translators

present but it is not always possible to communicate effectively to every contractor

represented on site. The situation for subcontracted firms and their employees therefore

becomes untenable as they and their workers are excluded from attending safety

meetings and therefore do not receive any training. Al-Tabtabai (2002) posited that

included in managerial issues related to accident causation were non-attendance at

weekly safety meetings, no training programs for workers involved in the job, and no

provision of written procedures for the assigned job (Al-Tabtabai, 2002, p. 222). In

addition, given the fact that organisations have been shown to regard knowledge as

something private, to be used to “protect their positions” (Al Athari & Zairi, 2001, p.

74), it is unlikely that managers would wish to communicate with subcontracted

labourers to gain their input on improving safety issues, choosing instead to blame the

subcontractor and his workers for any accidents on site, in order to protect themselves.

In addition, workers may be further discouraged from imparting any information out of

fear of reprisals (Quinlan & Bohle, 2004, p. 89).

In Kuwait, owners of smaller subcontracted companies and their labourers have

limited educational and literacy levels and they are therefore ill-equipped to train their

employees (Al-Tabtabai, 2002, Kartam & Bouz, 1998; Kartam et al., 2000). Al-

Tabtabai (2002, p. 225) revealed that between April and August of 1999, 45% of

workers who were injured were functionally illiterate or had, at best, received only a

primary level of education. As these workers were all expatriates appointed on contract

in Kuwait it is assumed that they had been educated in their sending countries. There is

very little information provided in the literature on the way in which these sub-
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Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

subcontracted expatriate labourers were managed, the effect which this had on their

OHS, whether any attention was given to ensuring their feedback on accidents and

hazards and whether they received any assistance or information regarding injury

compensation. The literature thus revealed a broad range of factors affecting the OHS of

subcontracted expatriate construction labourers in Kuwait, one which required the

application of a suitably broad and flexible model of data analysis. Therefore several

models of analysis were considered.

Models of Analysis

As previously explained in this chapter, changes in the labour markets since the

1970’s have meant that reliable sources of full-time work have diminished, leading to a

significant increase in the employment of migrant labourers on temporary and part-time

contracts. The earning capacity of these workers has declined, along with the benefits to

which they had previously been entitled, such as the provision of adequate health and

safety protection and their rights to legal representation and injury compensation

(Castles, 2000; De Haas, 2008; Lamm, 2014; Lewchuk et al., 2003; Quinlan et al.,

2001; Sargeant & Tucker, 2009; Tucker, 2002). The vulnerability of these workers is

therefore encapsulated in the precarious nature of their employment (Quinlan &

Mayhew, 2001; Sargeant & Tucker, 2009).

As outlined in chapter 2, the subject of vulnerable labourers and their OHS has

hitherto been analysed across a broad spectrum of industries and occupations. Existing

literature on the lives and health of precarious migrant workers is presently dispersed

amongst multiple discourses, such as OHS, small business studies, construction,

economics, law and sociology of work and international migration studies. Therefore

this research seeks to narrow the spectrum of analysis by the development of a concise,

yet sufficiently comprehensive analytical framework which has the capacity to be

readily applied to the construction industry in Kuwait (Abdul-Aziz, 2001; Baram, 2009;
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Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

Dainty, Gibb, Bust & Goodier, 2007; Quinlan et al., 2001; Quinlan & Mayhew, 2001;

Sargeant & Tucker, 2009; Schenker, 2008).

Recent literature suggests incorporating psychological, social and workplace inter-

relational influences on management culture and practice in the analysis of how migrant

workers perceive and respond to risks. (Hahamovitch, 2003; Holmes et al., 1999;

Quinlan et al., 2010; Quinlan & Bohle, 2004; Quinlan & Mayhew, 2001; Sargeant &

Tucker, 2009; Schenker, 2008). Relatively few studies have been conducted on the

specific effects which these factors have had on the OHS of subcontracted workers in

the global construction industry, and even fewer studies exist on their effects on the

OHS of vulnerable subcontracted labour in Kuwait, including the influence of

managerial practices affecting their working relationships (Robertson, 2011).

The working relationships of vulnerable migrant workers are generally hidden at

the lower end of the subcontracting hierarchy in the construction industry. With the

burden of risk shifting from employer to employee, worker ability to exert influence on

the decision making process concerning health and safety standards is limited. In

addition, these lower end firms operate within a multi-layered contracting system in

which construction workers are recruited through main contractors, subcontractors and

labour intermediaries. As the focus of this research is on migrant labourers, it was

therefore important to develop an analytical model which was sufficiently broad to take

into consideration those factors influencing migrant workers’ quest for employment

outside their home countries, the conditions in the countries which subsequently employ

them and the cumulative effect on their OHS when applied in a Kuwaiti context (Dainty

et al., 2007; Holmes et al., 1999; Quinlan et al., 2001; Robertson, 2011; Sargeant &

Tucker, 2009).

Model development. In order to develop a suitable model to apply to this study,

several factors were taken into consideration. Firstly, qualitative research studies on the
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Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

experiences of subcontracted construction industry labourers had never been previously

conducted in Kuwait, and the few studies which were available were based on a

positivist epistemological standpoint using quantitative surveys which were controlled

by the managers. These studies failed to take into account the inner views and feelings

of the workers concerned. There were therefore insufficient qualitative data available

upon which a comprehensive, qualitative theoretical model could be built. Secondly,

since this research focuses on workers employed by small subcontractors in the

construction industry, it was necessary to find qualitative research literature concerning

workers in small businesses which could be contextualised within the Kuwait

subcontracted construction industry. Sourcing this literature presented a challenging

task for the researcher because of the exceptionally limited number of qualitative studies

investigating vulnerable workers in small businesses.

Obstacles to conducting empirical research on workers employed by small

businesses can “test even the most competent researcher” (Lamm, 2014, p. 161). Small

businesses are often located at the end of a complex supply chain (Dainty et al, 2001;

Holmes et al., 1999) In addition, these firms operate within a multi-layered contracting

system and are therefore “horizontally contracted out” (Yun, 2009, p. 2). Workers are

recruited through a complex process involving main contractors, subcontractors and

labour agents and are therefore difficult to locate (Lamm, 2014; Nossar et al., 2004;

Sargeant & Tucker, 2009; Yun, 2009). Moreover, not only can researchers have

difficulty locating participants, they are likely to lose them during the period of the

study, particularly when adopting a longitudinal epistemological paradigm, for example,

ethnography, which involves interviewing and observation activities over long periods

(Anderson & Hatton, 2000; Gray, 2014). Compounding the problem is the fact that

small businesses are increasingly being characterised by their cultural and ethnic

diversity and that they often operate within the informal economy (Lamm, 2014, p.
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Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

161). These factors add to workers’ vulnerability because they are increasingly being

precariously employed in poorly paid occupations for which they are unqualified and

untrained (Lamm, 2014; Quinlan et al., 2010; Sargeant & Tucker, 2009). Moreover, as

these workers are generally poorly educated and often functionally illiterate, data

analysis and interpretation presents a challenge (Gerrish, Chau, Sobowale & Birks,

2004; Temple, 2002; Temple & Edwards, 2002; Temple & Young, 2004). Therefore,

prior to commencing the research process, it was essential to find and evaluate useful

models in the qualitative research literature on migrant worker vulnerability and identify

those aspects which were most likely to increase the breadth, depth and value of the

research through their incorporation and adaptation into an integrated model of analysis.

A small number of pioneering researchers conducting studies on worker

vulnerability have developed useful analytical models for the analysis of factors

influencing the lives and OHS of precariously employed migrant labour. Four of these

models were chosen because they were relevant to this research. Firstly, the Pressures,

Disorganisation, Regulatory failure (PDR) model, developed by Quinlan and Bohle

(2004, 2009), which explores OHS outcomes as a result of economic pressures, work

disorganisation and regulatory failure, is presented. Secondly, based on the work of

Tucker (2002), Lamm (2014) developed an analytical model based on five indicators of

precariousness: Certainty of ongoing employment; degree of employee control; level of

income; level of benefits, and degree of regulatory and trade union protection. Thirdly,

Gravel, Rhéaume and Legendre (2009) focused on the elements of worker-manager

dynamics affecting safety management in small business. Access to compensation, fear

of reprisal, language and comprehension problems and reduced employee control over

OHS management structures inter-relate and limit safety management. Fourthly,

Sargeant and Tucker (2009) adopted a three layered approach involving receiving

country factors, migration factors and migrant worker factors. These models are now
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Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

presented and an analysis is made of the manner in which each model added value and

depth to this research.

The PDR model. As previously explained in this chapter, changes in the labour

markets since the 1970’s have meant that reliable sources of full-time work have

become eroded, leading to a significant increase in the employment of migrant labourers

on temporary and part-time contracts. Reliable sources of full-time work have become

eroded, simultaneously increasing the risk factors for contracted workers.

Quinlan and Bohle (2004, 2009) developed an analytical model which assists in

the investigation of the impact which refer to three sets of factors contributing to the

deterioration of worker OHS. As outlined in Table 3.1 below, the PDR model divides

the factors which produce negative OHS outcomes for precarious workers into three risk

categories.
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Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

Table 3.1

Risk Categories Associated with the PDR Model

Economic & Disorganisation at the Regulatory Failure

Employment Pressures Industry & Workplace

Insecure jobs (fear of losing job) Short tenure, inexperience Poor knowledge of legal
rights, obligations

Contingent, irregular payment Poor induction, training, Limited access to OHS,

and supervision workers’ compensation
rights

Long or irregular work hours Ineffective procedures and Fractured or disputed legal
communication obligations

Multiple jobholding Ineffective OHSMS Non-compliance and

/inability to organise regulatory oversight
(stretched resources)
Note: Sourced from Quinlan, M., & Bohle, P. (2004); Quinlan, M. & Bohle, P. (2009) and Underhill, E., &
Quinlan, M. (2011).

Precarious employment is associated with economic pressures on payment and

reward systems for instance, underbidding and corner-cutting by subcontractors. These

economic factors result in work intensification, thereby placing greater pressure on

workers, reducing both their ability and their interest in participating in workplace

safety initiatives. Economic and reward pressures additionally include reduction of

wage payments and overtime rates in relation to work intensification and greater task

loads or longer working hours (Quinlan & Bohle, 2009). This concept is helpful in the

analysis of the changes in the economic conditions of workers in Kuwait as a result of

the employer backlash after the implementation of the Kuwait Labour Law No. 6 which

abolished the kafala (sponsorship) system. Although the new law did not formally set a

minimum wage rate, it was proposed by MOSAL that a minimum wage rate of KD60

per month be set for expatriate labour. However, as shown in Table 2.1 on page 28, the

wages of expatriate construction industry labourers were immediately cut and their

workloads were significantly increased.

The second risk category is disorganisation, which relates to the “weakening of

induction, training and supervisory regimens” (Quinlan & Bohle, 2009, p. 8) and the
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Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

breakdown of communication channels amongst workers, including information on

OHS issues (Quinlan & Bohle, 2009). The value of this analytical concept in the

Kuwaiti context has been shown through interviews conducted with PMC stakeholders

and documentary evidence from project contractual arrangements, revealing that the

project management hierarchy has no connection with the management and OHS

training of smaller subcontractor firms and their labourers.

Regulatory failure is the third risk category of the PDR model and refers to the

difficulty in maintaining labour standards and allocating employer responsibility

through enforcement and monitoring of legislative requirements in a labour market

characterised by a proliferation of small subcontracted firms. Al-Tabtabai (2002)

showed that in 1999 an estimated 60% of the total workforce in Kuwait was employed

by subcontracted firms, many of which are in the construction industry. Therefore the

PDR model would be useful in analysing what labour standards are applied to the

management and subsequent OHS of these workers.

The PDR model is particularly valuable when analysing the factors leading to the

breakdown of bargaining rights of workers through the growth of subcontracted and

outsourced labour in traditionally trade unionised countries. Previous research

conducted by Quinlan et al. (2002) which preceded the development of the PDR model,

exposed the negative OHS effects due to downsizing, growth of temporary employment,

subcontracted and home-based work and the growth of small businesses. This led to the

constriction of organised labour initiatives aimed at protecting the OHS of trade union

members across a broad range of subcontracted industries and occupations (Quinlan &

Bohle, 2009). The model can thus be usefully applied to many countries with a history

of organised bargaining rights which have subsequently been reduced due to the growth

of precarious labour.
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Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

In Kuwait, however, the situation is more complex in that all expatriates are, and

always have been, denied the right to trade unionise (Kartam et al., 2000), and therefore

their right to collectively bargain or participate in decision making has never existed.

Their rights exist only in the context of their daily working relationships with managers

and supervisors, where they are subject to fluctuating whims based on favouritism

(Kazemi & Ali, 2002). The PDR model is restrictive in that it does not include specific

parameters for the analysis of how the managerial and expatriate labour recruitment

agent hierarchy in Kuwait deliberately exploits and entraps subcontracted workers

within Kuwait, leading to severely compromised OHS outcomes. Moreover, it would be

difficult to analyse the extent to which the impact of these practices affects the welfare

of workers’ immediate and extended families in their countries of origin. However, the

PDR model is particularly useful in its consideration of aspects of regulatory failure.

The Lamm (2014) model. Based on the work of Tucker (2002), Lamm (2014)

developed an analytical framework based on five dimensions of worker precariousness

linking the fundamental characteristics of the employment relationship (Lamm, 2014, p.

164), as reproduced below in Table 3.2.

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Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

Table 3.2

Dimensions of worker precariousness.

Note: Sourced from Lamm, (2014) and Tucker, (2002).

The first dimension concerns the degree of certainty of continuing employment.

Precarious jobs are usually those of short or limited duration or there is a high risk of

termination of employment. This bears relevance to the situation for subcontracted

labourers in Kuwait because it allows for the expansion of initial themes developed in

Chapter 2, Table 2.1 including fear of job loss, increased illegal visa trading and

deportations without notice as a result of the abolishment of the kafala system.

Although all expatriate workers of Asian origin initially arrive in Kuwait on fixed term

contracts, those who became dependent on a kafeel often remain in Kuwait at the whim

of their sponsors and are therefore unsure of their futures.

The second dimension concerns the degree of control which the worker has over

working conditions, wage levels and of pace of work. The literature on construction

safety has clearly shown that the degree of control which contracted workers in the

construction industry have over their working arrangements, wages and of pace of work
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Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

is limited (Valcarel, 2004; Xia et al., 2004; Yun, 2009). In Kuwait this situation is

compounded by the contractual and geographical distancing between project owners,

PMCs and subcontracted labourers with severe consequences for their OHS (Al-

Tabtabai, 2002; Kazemi & Ali, 2002). In this system, most employment contracts are

negotiated between main contractors and the subcontracting firms and the project

owners have no part in the process. Expatriate labourers, therefore, have very little

control or bargaining power in terms of contract negotiation.

The third dimension is the question of whether the income earned by the worker is

at or below the minimum wage rate is associated with the ability for the worker to

maintain their own wellbeing as well as the wellbeing of their dependents and therefore

adds value to the analysis of migration factors in the adapted Sargeant and Tucker

(2009) model., a situation which was extrapolated by suspected complicity between

MOSAL and visa traffickers.

The fourth dimension considers what benefits workers have, such as sick leave,

domestic leave, bereavement or parental leave and the opportunity to gain skills through

training. Law No. 6 stipulated that all employees were entitled to 30 days of annual

leave, the right to take accumulated leave after two years with the consent of the

employer, 15 days of paid sick leave with provision for an additional 15 days on pro-

rata basis and 30 days without payment, and 3 days bereavement leave. In Kuwait,

notwithstanding the provisions of the law, many illiterate expatriate subcontracted

labourers were uninformed of the exact nature of any changes or their entitlements

relying on either their sponsors or information from their colleagues. Evidence shown in

Chapter 2, Table 2.1, page 28, reveals that expatriate labourers who remained illegally

in Kuwait were forced to rely on the goodwill of their kafeel (sponsors), who took

advantage of the situation to rid themselves of unwanted workers through submitting

bogus reports of absconding workers, leading to their instant deportation. Moreover,

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Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

MOSAL covertly supported these sponsors and protected them from being prosecuted

for bogus reports. The Lamm (2014) model therefore provides the parameters through

which the extent of information and access to all the provisions made in Labour Law

No. 6 was made known and subsequently applied by their managers. This adds further

depth and value to the study of management and supervisory influences on

subcontracted migrant worker vulnerability.

The fifth dimension of the Lamm (2014) model is concerned with the question of

protection from discrimination, unfair dismissal, unacceptable working practices and

hazardous working conditions, and the provision of social benefits which are afforded to

workers. The Lamm (2014) model is relevant because it enables the analysis of the

extent to which workers are protected, either by law, or through trade union

representation, or through customary practice (Rodgers & Rodgers, 1989, p. 3). As

previously explained, in Kuwait, expatriate workers are forbidden to trade unionise and

have no access to the social benefits enjoyed by Kuwaiti citizens through the oil rentier

system (Chalcraft, 2010). The enactment of Labour Law No. 6 was designed to provide

access to legal representation for workers by submitting complaints to MOSAL.

However, because of the geographical and social isolation of these workers, gaining

access to MOSAL is difficult for the estimated 107,000 expatriate labourers in the

construction industry, particularly for the 45% who are functionally illiterate or have

received only basic education in the languages of their sending countries (Al-Tabtabai,

2002).

The Lamm (2014) model therefore provides the parameters for analysis of the

extent of information and access to all the provisions made in Labour Law No. 6 in

terms of overtime rates and hours of work, whether and how it was made known and

subsequently applied, and whether workers were protected by their supervisors and

managers from the effect of geographical and social isolation which lead to their lack of
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Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

knowledge in terms of their legal rights. The provisions for depth analysis provided in

the Lamm (2014) model have therefore added specificity and contextual depth to the

study of subcontracted worker OHS.

The Gravel, Rhéaume & Legendre (2009) model. The worker-management

dynamics model of analysis proposed by Gravel et al. (2009) is based on indicators of

barriers to the acceptance of the value of retaining and training migrant workers through

the allocation of OHS resources in order to develop a safety culture. Small businesses

focus on survival tactics, and economic factors outweigh any evidence that improved

OHS would benefit their organisations (Gravel et al., 2009, p. 3). Small businesses

therefore tend to focus on replacing injured workers and not on improving their OHS

(Mayhew et al., 1997).

Gravel et al. (2009) further contend that unskilled and low skilled workers put

little effort into OHS since they believe that they have nothing to gain, or indeed to lose

because, unlike the workers in Kuwait, they are not at risk of deportation and destitution

of their families. Moreover, they claim that the manner in which expatriate workers and

managers comprehend OHS instructions and measures is determined by previous

cultural experiences in business environments other than their host society (Gravel et

al., 2009, p. 3; Lamm, 2014). The analytical model is reproduced in Fig. 3.1 below and

focuses on worker-manager dynamics in the appropriation of safety management.

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Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

Figure 3.1 Analytical framework: Managing diversity in the implementation

of occupational health and safety measures in small businesses with an
immigrant workforce.

Figure 3.1 Sourced from Gravel, Rhéaume and Legendre, G. (2009).

The model is useful in that it enables the analysis of the effect on OHS of workers

in small subcontracted firms of the reluctance on the part of managers and owners in

this sector to appropriate the implementation and management of health and safety

measures, in a work environment in which both managers and workers experience

difficulty in “grasping the culture of OHS” (Gravel et al., 2009, p.2). In the Kuwaiti

context, these concepts would add depth to the Sargeant and Tucker (2009) model by

enabling the analysis of the extent of interest demonstrated by owners and supervisors

of subcontracting firms towards their employees’ health and safety. An analysis of the

level of communication and training and support provided to workers by their owners

and supervisors demonstrates whether the firm concerned has completely appropriated

the value of OHS; whether OHS is simply neglected because owners and managers do

not have the level of understanding required to comprehend the value of OHS; whether
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Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

managers simply abandon the idea that ensuring the safety of workers is important for

productivity; and whether they themselves have no comprehension, knowledge or

willingness to be involved in health and safety because of their own cultural

experiences. This applies to Kuwait where, as previously outlined in Chapter 2 and

earlier in this chapter, expatriate workers have always been culturally regarded as

disposable resources in a business environment which treats workers as objects (Afsar,

2009; Chalcraft, 2010; Crystal, 1990; Farques, 2011).

Secondly, applying this model of analysis would have to include exploring the

perceptions of owners, managers and supervisors of subcontracting firms on the value

of appropriating OHS. This concept is interesting in that it enables the development of a

deeper understanding of why small subcontracted firms do not readily adopt health and

safety measures in Kuwait. Although such a concept is beyond the scope of this

research project it opens the opportunity for future research on this phenomenon in the

future.

The Sargeant and Tucker (2009) model. Analysing the causes and extent of

migrant vulnerability is a complex issue, one which requires the application of a

comprehensive analytical model which is sufficiently broad to incorporate the diverse

nature of migrant employment and simultaneously take into account the numerous

factors in the host country and the country of origin affecting the lives and safety of

workers (Boocock et al., 2011; Lamm, 2014; Quinlan & Bohle, 2004; Robertson, 2011).

Sargeant and Tucker (2009) developed a framework applying a three layered approach

which encapsulates the diverse factors affecting the vulnerability of migrant workers

and recognising the heterogeneity of migrant work in different countries (p. 51).

Risk factors for workers are divided into three layers. Layer 1, includes receiving

country factors such as socio-economic conditions in receiving country; employment

sector in which labourers are employed; access to, and strength of regulatory or trade
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Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

union protection; and social inclusion or exclusion. In the absence of the ability for

subcontracted workers to unionise in Kuwait, this layer enables the broad analysis of

legal structures in Kuwait which influence the OHS of subcontracted workers. Layer 2,

migrant security in receiving country includes the existence and nature of legal status;

right to remain; roles of recruitment agents and employers; and treatment of migrants.

In the Kuwaiti context, these elements facilitate the analysis of the broader issues which

influence the decisions by labourers, in the absence of any hope of gaining citizenship

in that country, to accept contracts which are tied to a particular employer, thereby

rendering them highly vulnerable. Layer 3, migrant worker factors, determines the

reasons for migrating; education, language and skills levels; and availability and access

to decent work. This layer broadly examines the factors in subcontracted worker home

countries which drive them to seek work in Kuwait, and contextualises these in terms of

education, language and skills levels.

The adapted Sargeant and Tucker model. The order in which the layers have

been presented in this study differs from that of the original Sargeant and Tucker (2009)

model in that Receiving country factors are presented first, followed by Migration

factors and thirdly, Migrant worker factors. This is due to the fact that it became clear

from the outset of the data gathering process that receiving country factors were the

dominant primary concept encapsulated in OHS related worker responses, from which

migration factors and migrant worker factors such as security and legal status in

receiving country and socio-economic conditions in the sending countries affected

worker OHS, logically flowed.

The Sargeant and Tucker (2009) model is particularly useful in the analysis of the

factors influencing subcontracted worker OHS. Firstly, it recognises the heterogeneous

nature of migrant work and therefore enables the broad analysis of migrant populations

most likely to be at risk (p. 51). Secondly, the model facilitates the comparative analysis
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Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

of the OHS of at-risk migrant populations across different countries including

overlapping combinations of risk factors such as the impact of language differences and

OHS issues. The model’s strengths therefore lie in its ability to set the parameters for

establishing broader political, economic and institutional influences on migrant worker

OHS across countries, continents and groups of industries and is therefore is

unquestionably the most appropriate model to serve as a platform for the analysis of

subcontracted migrant labourers in Kuwait. In order to increase the depth of analysis of

the Sargeant and Tucker (2009) model, and in keeping with the World Health

Organisation EMCONET 2007 report, the model was adapted by the addition of an

additional Layer 4, namely OHS management systems which was developed by

incorporating concepts produced in the comparative models of Quinlan and Bohle

(2009). Lamm (2014) and Gravel et al. (2009) referred to earlier in this chapter.

The Quinlan and Bohle (2009) PDR and Lamm (2014) models were influenced by

the EMCONET (2007) report which included Occupational Health and Safety

Management as an important concept demonstrating the interaction between key

employment conditions and health inequalities. Insights from the PDR model are

associated with economic pressures on payment and reward systems, disorganisation

and the “weakening of induction training and supervisory regimens” (Quinlan & Bohle,

2009, p. 8). In addition, the concept that economic and reward pressure additionally

includes wage payments and overtime rates in relation to work intensification, greater

task loads or longer working hours (Quinlan & Bohle, 2009) is helpful in the analysis of

the economic conditions of workers in Kuwait as a result of the employer backlash and

its effect on the way in which workers were managed and supervised after the

implementation of Labour Law No. 6 in Kuwait.

The Lamm (2014) model is very useful because it adds contextual depth and

specificity to the analysis of migration factors outlined in the original Sargeant and
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Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

Tucker (2009) model, in that Lamm (2014) allows for the depth analysis of the degree

of control which workers have on their working conditions, wage levels, pace of work,

and capacity to maintain their own wellbeing as well as the wellbeing of their

dependents. The question of whether the income earned by the worker is at or below the

minimum wage rate is also associated with the way in which they were managed after

the implementation of Labour Law No. 6. In addition, the model allows for the depth

exploration of whether and to what extent, workers were protected by their supervisors

and managers from the effect of geographical and social isolation leading to their lack

of knowledge in terms of their legal rights. These factors are analysed within the

parameters of Level 4 of the adapted Sargeant and Tucker model, OHS management

systems.

Gravel et al. (2009) add contextual depth to the Sargeant and Tucker (2009) model

by enabling the analysis of the extent to which worker OHS is influenced by the

attitudes and willingness of managers to take on board measures to include health and

safety training, safety communication and support, whether the owners of subcontracted

companies have the level of understanding to comprehend the value of OHS, and

whether owners and managers of these firms simply do not have any interest in workers

other than to use them as disposable resources in the race for profits These concepts are

useful in the analysis of OHS management systems in the Kuwaiti construction

industry, and their effect on subcontracted expatriate labourer OHS.

The insights encapsulated in the Quinlan and Bohle (2009), Lamm (2014) and

Gravel et al. (2009) model have therefore provided a solid, in-depth facet to the analysis

of subcontracted migrant workers in Kuwait through the incorporation of their wisdoms

into the additional Layer 4, which is in keeping with the EMCONET (2007) parameters

of fair employment. The addition of this layer has enabled the analysis of management

and supervisory practices in Kuwait in the context of dimensions of decent work laid
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Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

out in the report. Freedom from coercion, job security and safe employment conditions,

fair income, job protection, respect, non-discrimination and workplace participation are

the key components defining what is considered to be a fair management culture as

practiced within the employment relationship, all of which are shaped by the way in

which expatriate workers are treated within the OHS hierarchical management system

in Kuwait.

In terms of the existence of the provision of safe employment conditions,

preparatory interviews with PMC stakeholders revealed that although project owners

approve or disapprove of proposed employment contracts for senior project

management staff, they prefer to distance themselves from low level appointments at

semi-skilled and unskilled level, therefore expatriate workers are not afforded the

opportunity to negotiate contracts which ensure that their jobs are secure, as preliminary

literature has shown that many contracts are negotiated by labour agents in the sending

countries who are in collusion with contractors in receiving countries (Afsar, 2009).

Table 2.1 in Chapter 2 clearly shows the non-existence of expatriate bargaining rights.

Apart from the fact that expatriates are not permitted trade union membership, even the

limited bargaining power which they may have possessed prior to the employer

backlash through being able to ask questions of the person signing their contract were

eroded. Newspaper reports referred to in Table 2.1, page 28 document the fear created

by simultaneously conducted and orchestrated deportations in Kuwait where

unemployed workers who had been the victims of visa trafficking were subsequently

dumped and labelled as criminals because of bogus reports by their erstwhile sponsors

that they had absconded. It is therefore unlikely that any expatriate worker would risk

the consequences of questioning the decisions or actions of their sponsors, supervisors

or agents.
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Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

Preliminary literature reviewed also pointed towards lack of protection and

discrimination during the period in which deportations occurred. Expatriate workers

were unable to visit hospitals due to law changes prohibiting them from visiting during

the morning. This meant that if they had been injured or were ill for any reason, and

their job requirements were to work until 3 or 4 in the afternoon, they would be forced

to travel to hospital at night using private transport, risking instant arrest and

deportation for incidents such as minor traffic infringements and expired drivers’

licences. Newspaper reports also confirmed that many people travelling to hospitals

during the afternoon on public transport who did not have their proof of residence on

their persons at the time, were instantly arrested and subsequently deported without

their passports and without being given the chance to obtain proof of residency.

Thus, the lack of commitment within the employment relationship as defined by

the EMCONET (2007) parameters of fair employment has been clearly demonstrated,

and fully justifies the addition of the fourth layer incorporating insights from the

Quinlan and Bohle (2009) PDR model, Lamm (2014) model and Gravel et al. (2009)

models.

In summary, of the four conceptual frameworks which were considered in this

thesis, the Sargeant and Tucker (2009) model is most useful in the analysis of factors

influencing the OHS of subcontracted workers in Kuwait because of its ability to

incorporate a broad analysis of all the factors which impact on migrant populations.

Across borders, countries, continents and groups of industries, it “recognises the

heterogeneity of migrant work and facilitates our ability to focus on those populations

that are most likely to be at risk” (Sargeant & Tucker, 2009, p. 51), and includes factors

in migrant worker countries of origin which affect their OHS in the countries to which

they choose to emigrate. However, because migrant workers in Kuwait are additionally

vulnerable in that they are not employed on permanent contracts and therefore have no
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Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

hope of ever achieving permanent resident or citizenship status, this added a whole

dimension of factors which impact on their lives and OHS, and this is where concepts in

the Quinlan and Bohle (2009) PDR model, the Lamm (2014) model and the Gravel et

al. (2009) model enabled the creation of Layer 4 to address this shortcoming and

augment existing concepts contained within the original three layers.

The Quinlan and Bohle (2009) PDR model enables the deeper analysis of what

labour standards are applied by the OHS management hierarchy in Kuwait and its effect

on the OHS of workers, particularly when considering aspects of regulatory failure in

terms of the honouring of measures encapsulated in the New Labour Law No. 6, which

was intended to protect all workers in the private sector, including migrant workers.

The Lamm (2014) model adds value to Layer 2, Migrant security, in that firstly

allows for deeper analysis of the degree of control which workers in the Kuwaiti

construction industry have over their working arrangements, which are effected by the

roles of recruitment agents and employers in the development of their contracts of

employment. The Lamm (2014) model additionally adds depth to the analysis of the

degree of control which the worker has over working conditions, wage levels and pace

of work, once that worker commences his employment, all of which are linked to OHS

management systems, effectiveness of supervision, communication and training,

analysed in the additional Layer 4 of the adapted Sargeant and Tucker (2009) model.

The Lamm (2014) model enables analysis of whether wage levels earned by workers are

sufficient to maintain their own wellbeing as well as that of their dependents, and

whether conditions such as sick leave, domestic leave and bereavement leave are

honoured within the employment relationship. Moreover, the model addresses the

question of whether workers informed of, or given the opportunity to gain additional

skills through training, and whether steps were taken to make up for their lack of
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Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

knowledge of their legal rights due to geographical and social isolation. All of these

factors are linked to OHS management systems.

Finally, the Gravel et al. (2009) model is useful in the analysis of the effect on

worker OHS in small subcontracted firms due to the reluctance on the part of managers

and supervisors to appropriate the implementation of health and safety measures as part

of their management systems, considered in Layer 4 of the adapted Sargeant and Tucker

(2009) model.

The adapted Sargeant and Tucker (2009) model provides a comparative

framework with the parameters and flexibility not only to compare the OHS issues of

various clusters of migrants within any single country but to cross borders and be

applied internationally to reflect the OHS issues in numerous countries and across all

occupations. In addition, through its adaptation, the model enables the micro analysis of

OHS management factors and how these impacted the health, safety and lives of

subcontracted construction industry labourers in Kuwait.

Table 3.3 below presents the adapted and modified Sargeant and Tucker (2009)

analytical framework which will be applied to this research.

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Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

Table 3.3

Layers of Vulnerability

Layer Description

Layer 1 Socio-economic conditions

Receiving country factors Employment sector
Regulatory protection /trade union role
Social inclusion /exclusion

Layer 2 Existence/nature of legal status / contract

Migrant security – receiving country Right to remain
Roles of recruitment agents / employers
Treatment of migrants

Layer 3 Reasons for migrating

Migrant Worker Factors Education, language and skills levels
Availability and access to decent work

Layer 4 PMC / Subcontractor hierarchy

OHS Management Systems Effectiveness of supervision
Communication and training
Note: Adapted from Sargeant & Tucker (2009), EMCONET (2007), Quinlan & Bohle (2009), Lamm (2014) and
Legendre et al. (2009).

Having presented the rationale and benefits of applying the adapted Sargeant and

Tucker (2009) model to this thesis, the way in which workers are rendered invisible in

Kuwait is now discussed.

Relationship between Layers of Vulnerability and Worker Invisibility. Figure 3.2

depicts the effect of pressure and power exerted on workers which renders them

“invisible” (Eakin, 2010, p. 113) when management and OHS practices within the

elements are detrimental to workers (Eakin, 2010). The degree to which workers

become invisible will differ from country to country, depending on the degree to which

they are subject to poor management practices. The concept of invisibility as presented

in this thesis is based on the premise that workers have no real identity other than in

their particular workplaces (Eakin, 2010, p. 116), and that if the OHS management

systems within the employment relationship creates an environment which prevents

workers ideas, opinions and beliefs from being heard in that workplace, the worker, his

quality of health, his safety, and his concerns, his very existence, remains unseen

(Eakin, 2010, p. 116). Chapter 2 revealed how, in Kuwait, the situation for invisible
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Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

workers has been exacerbated by the enactment of laws and policies aimed at the

regular deportment of expatriate workers, in diasporic events reflecting a systemic

denial that Kuwaiti society is heavily reliant on expatriate labour (Chalcraft, 2010;

Randeree, 2012).
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Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

Figure 3.2 Relationship between Layers of Vulnerability and Worker

Invisibility.

Figure 3.2. A representation of the forces rendering the worker invisible.

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Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

Following on from the analysis of the ways in which expatriate labourers are

rendered invisible in the Kuwaiti context and the suitability of the adapted Sargeant and

Tucker (2009) model through which these factors may be analysed, Table 3.4 links the

adapted Sargeant and Tucker (2009) framework to key research questions, showing

emergent themes which will be addressed by this research.

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Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

Table 3.4

Relationship between Layers of Vulnerability, Key Research Questions and

Emergent Themes

Key Research Questions/

Layers of Vulnerability
Emergent Themes

Layer 1
Receiving country factors How, and to what extent, is the health and
Socio-economic conditions safety of migrant workers affected by
Employment sector their inclusion/exclusion in the Kuwaiti
Regulatory protection/trade union role life/work framework?
Social inclusion/exclusion Emergent Themes
Social exclusion
Wage stratification
No legal redress
Employer backlash

Layer 2
Migrant security – receiving country What is the extent of worker access to
Existence/nature of legal status/contract representation and regulatory
Right to remain protection?
Roles of recruitment agents/employers How does the legal status of migrant
Treatment of migrants workers affect their lives?
How do the roles of recruitment agents and
employers in the migration processes
affect migrant OHS?

Emergent Themes
Lack of OHS training
Sub-standard accommodation
Dishonest recruitment agents

Layer 3
What are the reasons for migration and how
Migrant worker factors do these affect worker attitudes towards
Reasons for migrating safety?
Education, language and skills levels What are the effects of migrant education,
Availability and access to decent work job type, language and training skills
levels on their OHS?

Emergent Themes
Effect of levels of education and training on
OHS
Were subcontracted workers allocated the
job and salary they were promised
when employed
(continued)
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Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

Table 3.4

Relationship between Layers of Vulnerability, Key Research Questions and

Emergent Themes (continued).

Key Research Questions/

Layers of Vulnerability
Emergent Themes

Layer 4
OHS Management Systems What are the influences of OHS
PMC/Subcontractor hierarchy management systems on the lives,
Effectiveness of supervision experiences and OHS of migrant
Communication and training workers?
Emergent Themes
Effect of ‘blame the victim’ approach by
management
Relationship between subcontractor layers
and OHS loss of control
Extent of physical and mental illness in
subcontracted labourers
Effect of standard of building materials
permitted

Note. Layers of Vulnerability adapted from Sargeant & Tucker (2009) and EMCONET (2007). 

Conclusion

The aim of this chapter was to examine the nature, growth and characteristics of

vulnerable migrant labourers in Kuwait. A critique was developed of the literature on

vulnerable workers, determinants of precarious employment and the vulnerability of

subcontracted labourers in the Kuwaiti construction industry, and the OHS of

construction workers. Useful analytical models were explored and the rationale for the

application of the adapted Sargeant and Tucker (2009) model was presented.

Preliminary gaps in the research were identified and laid out in Table 2 as a precursor to

the development of firm themes which will be explored in Chapters 5 and 6, Data

Analysis and Findings.

The following Chapter 4, Methodology, provides a detailed analysis on the

development of an effective epistemological and methodological platform for the

further development of this research project.

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Chapter 4 - Methodology

Introduction

The qualitative research community are currently seeking new ways in which to

make sense of the deteriorating conditions that define the daily lives of vulnerable

workers and to gain consensus on an effective epistemological and methodological

platform for conducting further qualitative research of these workers (Denzin &

Lincoln, 2011a, p. ix; Lamm, 2014; Leedy & Ormrod, 2010; Liamputtong, 2009; Taylor

& Bogdan, 1998). Although there are those in the qualitative research community who

question the need for the application of methodological theory to qualitative research

(Avis, 2003; Schwandt, 1996), prominent qualitative researchers nevertheless argue that

it is time to develop new methods and to explore new discourses to find new ways of

“connecting persons and their personal troubles with social justice methodologies”

(Denzin, 2011a, p ix).

As previously discussed, there are few studies on the lives health and safety of

migrant construction workers in Kuwait, and most of these are from a singular

perspective, such as medicine or engineering. Although the empirical study of migrant

workers is increasing, it is nevertheless limited in terms of the effect of migratory and

management practices in Kuwait on the lives and health and safety of subcontracted

migrant workers employed in the construction industry. Health and safety strategies,

processes and procedures specifically aimed at protecting migrant workers in the sub

and sub-sub contracted construction industry are non-existent, a situation which is

exacerbated by the limitation of worker access to regulatory protection in Kuwait. There

is therefore the need for robust analysis of all the factors influencing migrant worker

lives and safety.

The conceptual framework forming the experiential bedrock for this exploration is

based upon the work of Sargeant and Tucker (2009), who developed a layered
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framework for assessing the nature and the extent of the vulnerability of migrant

workers. As outlined in Chapters 1 and 3, an adapted version of this basic framework

has been considered as a platform for this research project, including an added layer

which includes OHS management systems within the Project Management Consultancy

and Subcontracted hierarchy. These layers include, firstly, the effect on migrants of

socio-political conditions and regulatory protection within the receiving country,

secondly, security status linked to employment contracts and thirdly, reasons for

migration, such as the socio-economic conditions, levels of training and availability of

decent work in in migrant countries of origin. The added forth layer outlines the

effectiveness of managerial supervision, motivation, communication and training and

the effect this had on OHS outcomes for subcontracted migrant labourers in the Kuwaiti

construction industry. As outlined in Chapter 3, the fourth layer was added as a result of

valuable insights from pioneering authors on vulnerable migrant labour, namely

Quinlan and Bohle (2009), Lamm (2014) and Gravel et al. (2009), all of which

contributed significantly to the depth of analysis provided for in the original Sargeant

and Tucker (2009) model.

The adapted Sargeant & Tucker (2009) model is also useful because it provides a

comparative framework in order to “better understand the salience of risk” (Lamm,

2014, p. 167), and as “the most effective rendering of the extent to which employment is

precarious” (Lamm, 2014, p.164).

The stages of the research process are presented in Fig. 1, demonstrating the

inductive nature of the research process which evolved over three stages, beginning

with a review of the literature and identification of gaps, so enabling the research object

to be established. Key research questions were formulated during the second stage.

During the third stage, the data were analysed, conclusions were drawn and the

literature review was revisited.

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Figure 4.1 - Stages of the Research

STAGE 1 STAGE 2 STAGE 3

LITERATURE DATA DATA
REVIEW COLLECTION ANALYSIS

Research gaps Key respondent Key respondent data

identified interviews analyses
conducted and
Research Objective transcribed Themes and gaps
developed and identified and
key research Legal procedures literature revisited
questions examined
formulated. Laws and
Stakeholder government legal
Research approach procedures
interviews
and method analysed
conducted and
determined
transcribed
Sargeant & Tucker NGO / Special
(2009) conceptual NGO / Special interest groups /
framework interest groups / Media excerpts
adapted and Media examined analysed
developed with
insights from
other models

CONCLUSIONS DRAWN AND VERIFIED

Figure 4.1. Illustration of the iterative process by which the research was developed.
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The purpose of this chapter is to outline an appropriate methodological research

design which will facilitate answering key research questions as outlined in the Sargeant

and Tucker (2009) layered approach. Firstly, the research approach is outlined,

providing the rationale for the adoption of a phenomenological research paradigm. The

epistemological stance supporting this theoretical perspective, strengthened by data

triangulation, is provided, followed by the research design and the manner in which data

are triangulated to produce a reliable and valid outcome.

In-depth-interviewing as the principal data gathering method is proposed. Due to

the importance of gathering rich data within limited time and respondent accessibility, a

detailed description of the interview process is provided. The role of an interpreter in

the entire interview planning and data gathering process is outlined and the inclusion of

the interpreter in ensuring the rigorous application of ethical protocols is explained.

Given that there are few ground rules for drawing and verifying conclusions in

qualitative research (Patton, 2002), the process through which data were analysed is

detailed. Data organisation, sorting, classification and development into themes is

described.

Finally, the manner in which methodological rigour was attained is presented in

tabulated format.

Research Approach

Conducting research on vulnerable migrant workers is a notoriously difficult

undertaking (Lamm, 2014). As previously discussed, migrant construction industry

workers are particularly vulnerable to abuse in the workplace, as they are generally at

the lower end of the organisational hierarchy in any construction project and their

ability to exert influence on decision making processes is limited (Holmes et al., 1999).

Furthermore, these firms operate within a multi-layered contracting system in which

construction workers are recruited through main contractors, subcontractors and labour
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intermediaries, thus rendering low level workers at sub-sub contracted levels, invisible,

and difficult to access. Thus, existing research at this level is limited. In particular, no

research has been conducted on migrant workers in the subcontracted construction

industry in Kuwait from a worker viewpoint. Empirical research on health and safety

has been characterised by quantitative methodologies based on large sample,

quantitative surveys such as questionnaires (for example, Ali & Azim, 1996; Choudry

& Fang, 2008; Kartam & Bouz, 1998; Koushki et al., 2004). However, there are an

increasing number of qualitative research projects which have been undertaken by

prominent researchers in the health and safety discipline (Eakin, 2010; Lamm, 2014;

Quinlan, Mayhew & Bohle, 2001; Quinlan & Mayhew, 2001). It was therefore

considered appropriate to analyse and clarify the most suitable research approach to

adopt in this particular study.

Prior to establishing the research method, some of the established epistemological

arguments surrounding the differences between quantitative and qualitative methods

were explored. Gray (2014, p. 191) maintains that the epistemological stance is the most

serious issue which researchers need to consider when deciding on a relevant research

method. Quantitative research is viewed, on the one hand, as emanating from an

objectivist position on the part of the researcher, holding that reality exists

independently of the researcher and should therefore be “investigated through the

rigorous process of scientific enquiry” (Gray, 2014, p. 20). On the other hand,

qualitative research is viewed to be more closely related to a constructivist paradigm

which holds that truth and meaning is constructed and interpreted by individuals as a

result of that person’s interactions with the world (Gray, 2014, p. 191). Because

meaning is constructed and not discovered (Gray, 2014, p. 20), two people may attach

their own meaning to the same phenomenon, and both interpretations are therefore

correct in terms of the manner in which they are perceived.

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Two primary epistemological positions in the context of qualitative versus

qualitative standpoints were considered by the researcher, namely the relationship

between researcher and respondents and secondly, the focus of the research.

Firstly, the relationship between researcher and respondents is approached

differently depending on which philosophical stance is adopted. In quantitative research,

researchers distance themselves from those they are researching, making use of

structured questionnaires issued to large samples of people, whereas qualitative

researchers involve themselves directly with respondents, identifying themselves with

the people they study in order to understand how these people see and experience things

(Denzin & Lincoln, 2011b; Gray, 2014; Taylor & Bogdan, 1998). In other words,

quantitative researchers seek to verify theory, whilst qualitative researchers “seek to

establish theory” (Gray, 2014, p. 192).

Secondly, the research focus will determine the philosophical stance to be applied.

As Silverman (2000) maintains, “the choice between different research methods should

depend on what you are trying to find out” (Silverman, 2000, p.1). In this instance, the

research focused on establishing the truth and meaning of interactions within contextual

influences on the lives and OHS of subcontracted workers from their perspective,

constructed from their own perceived interactions with the world in which they live and

work (Green & Thorogood, 2009; Lamm, 2014; Liamputtong, 2009; Patton, 2002;

Taylor & Bogdan, 1998). The quantitative approach in conducting studies on OHS

focuses on the collection of facts and comparing these to a pre-determined set of

variables. These usually lie within a managerially determined framework seeking

solutions to work-related injury rates and health problems, and therefore rooted in the

administrative agenda in relation to the functions, responsibilities and accountabilities

of managers in reducing workplace illness and accident rates (Eakin, 2010; Gray, 2014;

Kazemi & Ali, 2002; Quinlan, 1988).

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Thirdly, in choosing a qualitative approach, the researcher sought to develop a

platform upon which a sufficiently integrative, rigorous and meaningful research design

could be built in order to capture the “ethics of truth” (Denzin, Lincoln & Giardina,

2006, p. 770), a view which is also held by Liamputtong (2009); Patton (2002) and

Taylor & Bogdan (1998).

Most of the worker respondents participating in this research were functionally

illiterate, thus making it impossible to make use of structured questionnaires. In

addition, as this study focuses on examining the perceived quality of the lives and health

of workers from their own viewpoint, a qualitative approach would more effective. In

this respect, the quality of the research is additionally enhanced by the extent to which

the methodological approach and research design produces data which is rich,

informative and trustworthy (Gray, 2014; Liamputtong, 2009; Mays & Pope, 2000;

Patton, 2002; Taylor & Bogdan, 1998). Moreover, as discussed in Chapter 1, this

research is unique in Kuwait in that no other studies have been conducted in that

country which involved adopting a qualitative epistemological stance and applying this

to the investigation of the perceptions of subcontracted workers in terms of their lives

and OHS. This emphasises the need not only to obtain deep and insightful data but that

the synthesis of thematic categories is demonstrably robust to unquestionably

distinguish and establish the relevance of this study as opposed to existing

quantitatively based studies of accident causation in Kuwait which do not take into

account the broader impacts of OHS management systems on the overall OHS of

workers in the subcontracted construction industry. Therefore it was decided that a

qualitative approach would be more appropriate to this study.

The epistemological rationale supporting this choice is now outlined. This

approach was strengthened by the rigorous manner in which the researcher applied a

triangulated research design.

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Methodological Approach and Conceptual Framework

Avis (2003) states that if researchers need methodological theory to conduct

qualitative research they should provide a sound methodological justification for their

choice. This view is echoed by Dew (2007), who claims that the principles underlying

any particular choice of research approach should be regarded separately from a simple

choice of “methods” (Dew, 2007, p. 433). In this way, the researcher creates a

“methodologically convincing story” (Miller & Crabtree, 2005, p. 626). The rationale

for adopting a phenomenological research approach which incorporates elements of

symbolic interactionalism follows.

Phenomenology. This constructivist perspective attempts to develop knowledge

of the manner in which individuals have experienced and lived through events or

circumstances, as described through the perceptions of individuals themselves

(Liamputtong, 2009, p. 5; Patton, 2002, p. 69). Constructivism therefore posits that truth

and meaning are created by the individual’s interactions with the world, and that

meaning is therefore constructed as opposed to being discovered (Gray, 2014, p. 20).

The phenomenological paradigm therefore stems from the individual’s experiences and

understandings of social reality in a particular situation (Leedy & Ormrod, 2010, p.

141). As the most commonly used method of gaining insights into the phenomena being

explored is through conducting interviews (Gray, 2014, pp. 24-25), during which the

researcher gains insight through subtle expressions conveyed during the interview

process, the “heart of the matter” (Leedy & Ormrod, 2010, p. 141) is made clearer,

facilitating a deep and meaningful understanding of what experiences were like for

participants. The researcher is able to understand social phenomena from a perspective

that “the important reality is what people perceive it to be” (Taylor & Bogdan, 1998, p.

3).
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The phenomenological approach, being inductive in nature, enables the

development of insights from the data themselves as opposed to the application of

single-method, survey-based statistical analyses based on large samples which, as

discussed earlier in this chapter, are unlikely to generate data which is sufficiently rich

to adequately represent perceived feelings and perceptions of respondents (Gray, 2014;

Lamm, 2014; Leedy & Ormrod, 2010) The phenomenological approach gives voice to

worker perceptions of social reality through the interpretations of experienced events

(Gray, 2014, p. 24). This perspective lends itself to the incorporation of two elements of

the interpretivist approach embodied in symbolic interactionism.

Firstly, perceptions that people construct through their own interpretation of

meanings is attached to social interaction. People create shared meanings through their

interactions, which “become their reality” (Patton, 2002, p.112). The perceptions of

worker respondents in relation to their social interactions with peers, who are in some

instances also their supervisors, is negatively influenced by the demographic

stratification and geographical isolation of subcontracted migrant workers in Kuwait.

Examining common patterns of perceived reality within this social structure strengthens

the underlying roots of shared meaning in thematic development.

Secondly, “meanings are modified by an interactive process used by people in

dealing with phenomena that are encountered” (Gray, 2014, p. 24). The inclusion of this

element facilitates the deeper analysis of phenomena that workers have to deal with as a

result of power and control mechanisms wielded through hierarchical management

structures which negatively influence their lives, health and safety. These elements of

symbolic interactionism have therefore been included in the phenomenological

paradigm underpinning the proposed research design of this thesis.

The phenomenological paradigm thus matches the phenomena being explored and

forms the basis upon which experiences of subcontracted worker respondents are
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explored, resulting in the production of core, mutually understood meanings “through a

phenomenon commonly experienced” (Patton, 2002, p. 106).

The phenomenological approach was strengthened by triangulating the data.

Triangulation. Triangulation has been suggested by qualitative researchers as a

useful method by which the validity of qualitative studies can be enhanced. This method

requires the incorporation of multiple sources of evidence converging on the same sets

of findings, thereby substantiating the data. As this research concerns the manner in

which stakeholder interactions within the workplace affects the health and safety of

subcontracted construction workers, triangulation of the perceptions of all stakeholders

who were interviewed, was included in the analysis. Through the formation and

reflection on themes developed during the data gathering process, the phenomenon in

question was rigorously analysed (Green & Thorogood, 2009; Liamputtong, 2009;

Patton, 2002; Taylor & Bogdan, 1998). Triangulation in this research was achieved by,

firstly, conducting in-depth interviews with construction industry worker participants.

Interviews conducted with industry stakeholders, legal experts and PMCs formed the

second source of data. Thirdly, data were retrieved from newspaper reports, archives

and information disseminated from official sources such as the ILO, human rights

groups and the OHS community. Material from newspapers provided an especially rich

source of information but posed a difficulty in that the URLs linked to these articles

were unstable and therefore unacceptable as thesis reference sources. In order to

overcome this problem the researcher compiled an electronic reference system by

making PDF copies of the actual newspaper reports, annotating and labelling them

before scanning them in electronic format as Appendices 2 and 3, after which they were

cited in the reference list.

Concepts, insights and understandings from patterns emerging from the collected

data were developed into themes for discussion. Thus, through employing triangulation,
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multiple perceptions of reality were incorporated, converging into focused themes

which capture the essence of the research question, thereby justifying the rationale for

adopting a phenomenological research paradigm.

When adopting a phenomenological philosophical paradigm, the researcher’s own

philosophical paradigm will affect the research (Patton, 2002, Liamputtong, 2009). Any

pre-judgements on the part of the researcher are suspended through gaining an increased

understanding of personal and intellectual biases through continued self-critical

reflection during the data gathering and analysis process. However, these measures, as

valuable as they are, may be insufficient to entirely reduce any influencing factors on

the part of the researcher on the interviewee, and the following measures were taken in

this project to minimise these as far as possible.

The first point for consideration is that the researcher will inevitably have a

natural bias in favour of those being interviewed, in this case, vulnerable subcontracted

labourers in a harsh management and working environment, especially if the researcher

is conducting the research from a sociological perspective (Liamputtong, 2009; Leedy

& Ormrod, 2010; Patton, 2002). Secondly, it is essential that the researcher should

recognise at the outset, the likelihood of gathering biased data and take measures to

ensure that any discrepancies or anomalies are noted and commented on when

transcribing and verifying interviews (Leedy & Ormrod, 2010). Interview data

limitations include the possibility of distorted responses due to personal bias, anger,

lack of awareness or atypical respondent behaviour at the time of the interview, simply

because the interviewee knows that he or she is under observation (Patton, 2002). In

order to overcome these possible reactions, second and third party verification of the

interview data was necessary, as discussed further below in Research Design of this

chapter. In addition, through applying a variety of sources in a triangulated approach,

verifying the interview data through two separate avenues and making notes of possibly
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biased reactions by respondents, the researcher engaged in constant self-reflection along

the continuum of the research project. Please refer to the interview process on pages 122

through 128 and Table 4.2 on page 133 for details on how this was achieved in a

consistent and rigorous manner.

Thus, through adopting these measures, a sincere attempt was made in this

research project to reduce bias due to interviewer effect. Having provided the rationale

for the adoption of a phenomenological research paradigm, the research design is now

considered.

Research Design

It has been posited by leading qualitative researchers that a robust research design

is the key to the effective answering of the research questions in the context of the

epistemological stance adopted by the researcher (Gray, 2014, p. 168). In addition,

design issues such as sampling strategy, analytical approach and confidence in the

findings all influence the ultimate value of the research project as a whole (Leedy &

Ormrod, 2010; Patton, 2002). The following section thus outlines the data gathering

method of depth interviewing, sample location and selection, respondent selection

criteria, the rationale for selecting and training a suitable interpreter, the interview

process, data analysis and means of assuring the methodological rigor of this study.

Data gathering method. It has been widely recommended by leading qualitative

researchers that when the objective of the research is to examine feelings and attitudes

from the viewpoint of the participant, interviewing is the best method to adopt (Gray,

2014; Green & Thorogood, 2009; Liamputtong, 2009; Patton, 2002). Furthermore, this

approach is conducive to early thematic development, reflecting the inductive nature of

the data gathering process which is itself reliant on the strength of contextual

description and analysis (Gray, 2014; Green & Thorogood, 2009; Patton, 2002). The

application of this approach allowed the researcher to probe for detailed answers, and
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receive respondent clarifications on perceived meaning. Respondents were able to

express feelings and discuss relationships, enabling early thematic development and

expansion of the literature review to include any fresh themes developed during the

interview process.

Secondly, in choosing depth interviewing as the most appropriate method of

gathering information, several difficulties were encountered. Firstly, the fact that the

respondents spoke a different language and were, in some cases, illiterate in their home

language meant that a verbal exchange between researcher and respondent through an

interpreter was required. Furthermore, it was necessary to gather worker respondent

data within a restricted time frame as required by the participating facility, although

adding to the complexity of issues facing the research, additionally served to strengthen

the rationale for applying in-depth interviewing as the preferred data gathering method,

as this method allows for early thematic development (Gray, 2014; Green &

Thorogood, 2009; Liamputtong, 2009; Patton, 2002).

Semi-structured interview formats were developed which followed the themes

outlined in the adapted Sargeant and Tucker (2009) framework, allowing for the

exploration of respondent feelings and experiences whilst ensuring consistency in that

the same fundamental lines of enquiry were followed in each interview. Question

formats were developed for both for workers and for stake holders and the format

templates are reproduced in Appendix 4. The use of semi-structured formats

additionally served to ensure that worker respondents could respond at their own pace

and feel free to express themselves, as opposed to the use of structured interview

formats which, given the time constraints imposed by the participating facility, could

have inhibited worker responses. Moreover, the adapted Sargeant and Tucker (2009)

model is sufficiently flexible to allow changes in the order and nature of questions,

depending on the direction the interview took. This additionally allowed for the
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diversion of the interview into expansive, inductive pathways, leading to extended

theme development, and gathering of rich, relevant data, thereby increasing the

effectiveness of the research design as a pathway to meeting the research objective.

Industry stakeholder interviews were conducted using a separate interview

schedule similarly designed around the levels of vulnerability, with the objective of

obtaining stakeholder perceptions of legislation, living conditions, governmental agency

involvement and general issues surrounding the management of migrant workers.

Sample location and selection. Purposeful sampling was chosen as the

appropriate method to use in this study. Also referred to as “purposive, or judgment

sampling” (Patton, 2002, p. 230), purposeful sampling enhances qualitative enquiry

because what would be regarded in a quantitative study as bias in terms of the sample,

becomes an intended focus and therefore a strength in that this approach produces

information rich cases which elicit large amounts of data regarding issues which are

centrally important to the purpose of the enquiry (Patton, 2002). Through studying

information rich cases, an in-depth understanding of the problem is achieved.

Purposeful sampling therefore effectively illuminates the questions under study (Green

& Thorogood, 2009, Liamputtong, 2009; Morse, 1998; Patton, 2002; Teddlie & Yu,

2007). In adopting this approach, the researcher bore in mind that the broader scope of

the research the longer it will take to reach the point at which no further relevant data

can be obtained from respondents, also known as data saturation. Purposeful sampling

was therefore selected as an appropriate method because of the short frame available for

completing the project (Leedy & Ormrod, 2010, Morse, 2000, Patton, 2002).

Locating suitable respondents and gaining access to conduct research on

vulnerable workers presents a number of challenges for the researcher. Vulnerable

workers in the small business sector are notoriously difficult to research. They are

transient, likely to work long hours and are often marginalised through physical and
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social isolation which makes them ‘invisible’ (Lamm, 2014, p.161). Vulnerable workers

in small firms, many of whom are illegally employed, often face work constraints and

conditions of employment which do not allow them to be absent without permission

from their direct supervisors, and are therefore unwilling to expose themselves to any

form of investigation (Valcarel, 2004; Xia et al., 2004). Moreover, Eakin (2010) found

that workers in small companies are largely accessible only through their owners, have

no “collective presence” (Eakin, 2000, p. 116), and are therefore largely invisible.

Anderson and Hatton (2000) stress that investigators may not only have difficulty

locating these respondents, but bear the additional responsibility to prevent their

attrition from the study (Anderson & Hatton, 2000, p. 245). This is relevant to this study

in that the limited timeframe during which the study needed to be completed meant that

particular attention needed to be paid to retaining potential respondents.

This situation was, additionally, relevant in Kuwait where workers are, firstly,

largely unaware of their rights and, secondly, are reluctant to come forward or draw

attention to themselves out of fear of management reprisals which could threaten their

jobs (Kartam & Bouz, 1998; Lamm, 2014; Quinlan & Bohle, 2004; Robertson, 2011;

Sargeant & Tucker, 2009). It was therefore essential that the researcher locate an

organisation within Kuwait which was supportive and willing to protect the anonymity

of the researcher and the respondents. This was successfully achieved, owing to the fact

that the researcher had been a resident of Kuwait for several years and had established a

network of supporters within the OHS environment who had the necessary authority

and willingness to assist in the research.

Respondent selection criteria. The criteria for selection of respondents were that

they were employed as workers on a construction site and had attended the clinic

because they had sustained an injury or were experiencing ill health. It was anticipated

that approximately 20 interviews would be conducted. Bearing in mind the fact that the
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adapted Sargeant and Tucker (2009) framework of analysis involves a broad analysis of

factors influencing migrant workers, the researcher anticipated that a second round of

interviewing may be required prior to data saturation, and gained permission from the

participating facility to return for a second round of interviewing in order to further

explore emergent themes. This action was taken by the researcher to ensure that

sufficient time be given towards gaining rich and deep data, thereby adding to the

validity of the study.

Stakeholder respondents were selected from PMCs, private construction

subcontractors and the legal profession.

Subcontractors’ managers were explicitly excluded from the participant interview

schedule. The most important reason for this was the fact that there was sufficient

evidence produced in Chapters 2 and 3 to suggest that the future employment, and

welfare of subcontracted labourers would be placed in jeopardy. Subcontractors could

find ways to identify and dismiss or deport these workers and because they could

perceive that the continuance of their contracts with clients could be compromised

through worker disclosures. In addition, subcontractors’ managers responses would be

biased because they would be reluctant to admit that they had neglected their workers’

OHS and, more importantly, that they had failed to report or had under-reported injuries

and accidents. This would have the effect of compromising the data because of

subcontractor bias.

Thus the researcher successfully secured the availability of a sample of informants

with whom interviews could be conducted, whilst most rigorously protecting the

anonymity of any individual person involved in the research. In order to ensure that the

research was conducted in an ethically sound manner, Auckland University of

Technology ethics approval was sought and granted prior to commencing the research.

Due to the fact that a large number of subcontracted workers in the construction
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industry have low education levels (Kartam & Bouz, 1998; Robertson, 2011; Valcarel,

2004; Xia et al., 2004), the researcher considered it highly likely that many of the

respondents would be functionally illiterate in both Arabic and English. Therefore it

became essential for the effective continuance of this research to enlist the services of

an interpreter.

Interpreter selection and training. Few studies exist which discuss in detail the

special importance which the role of interpreters plays in cross-cultural studies. Gerrish

et al. (2004), in a study on the importance of the role of interpreters in primary care

nursing, found that nurses who do not speak or understand the language of patients act

as “gatekeepers to interpreting services” (Gerrish et al., 2004, p. 413) for non-English

speakers, thereby disadvantaging their patients. Temple (2002) criticised the “fleeting

and intangible end product” (Temple, 2002, p. 844) of most spoken exchanges between

interpreters and respondents in research efforts which lose meaning and cultural

significance in the “space between spoken otherness and written sameness” (Temple,

2002, p. 844) because interpreters are only employed for brief periods and are not

included in the research process itself.

Although Patton (2002) claims that it is essential to fully understand and interpret

respondent experiences, and therefore the onus is on the researcher to ensure the

trustworthiness of the information gathered during data gathering, little comment is

made on the role of the interpreter in this process. Similarly, Liamputtong (2009), whilst

acknowledging that special consideration has to be given to conducting qualitative

studies, allowing respondents to freely express their experiences in their own words,

does not discuss the possible role of culturally aware interpreters in data gathering and

analysis.

Temple and Edwards (2002) are critical of this shortcoming and claim that the

lack of attention to the role of interpreters by authors on qualitative data analysis has
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compromised research efforts by those researchers undertaking qualitative depth studies

whilst having no knowledge or comprehension of the lexical meanings derived from

cultural nuances by the interview respondents.

In contrast, Gerrish et al. (2004) and Green and Thorogood (2009) stress the

important role which interpreters play, particularly when dealing with matters

concerning their health. For effective interpretation to occur, they claim, it is essential

that the interpreter possess an inherent knowledge of perceived meaning which

respondents express within the emotional, cultural and lexical context of their

responses. Interpreters play an especially important role in an interviewing process

which requires simultaneous interpretation (Gerrish et al., 2004; Green & Thorogood,

2009; Temple, 2002; Temple & Edwards, 2002).

Temple and Young (2004) link effective interpretation to the epistemological

position of the researcher, criticising researchers who regard respondents as if they

“were fluent English speakers” (Temple & Young, 2004, p. 163), thereby treating their

language as irrelevant. Furthermore, they posit that if researchers subscribe to an

epistemology of constructivism in applying a phenomenological research design which

acknowledges that respondents’ views are located in the context of the way in which

they perceive social reality, then interpreters “must also form part of the process of

knowledge production” (Temple & Young, 2004, p.164).

For effective interpretation to occur, it was therefore essential that the interpreter

possess a thorough knowledge of the potential contextual influences of the emotional,

cultural and lexical participant responses (Green & Thorogood, 2009; Temple, 2002;

Temple & Edwards, 2002; Temple & Young, 2004). This necessitated the recruitment

and careful screening of an interpreter who had gained experience and knowledge of the

culture of migrant labourers of Indian origin who live and work in Kuwait, and who

could simultaneously be relied upon to maintain the confidentiality of the research

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project and the anonymity of respondents. The chosen translator’s wife had previously

been employed as a nurse at one of the private hospitals, and the interpreter, who is a

trained counsellor, had made himself available for counselling any patients on her

behalf. He was therefore familiar with local cultural norms and informal cross-cultural

meaning within the Kuwaiti environment. Moreover, his wife’s experience as a nurse

meant that he was well acquainted with health issues related to expatriate workers. The

inclusion into the data gathering and verification process of an interpreter who knew the

cultural memory of workers in Kuwait, and therefore the inference and indirect meaning

attached to participant responses, was therefore of vital importance to the project.

Moreover, because the available interviewing time allocated by the participating facility

was limited, it was essential that the research conduct the interviews effectively, as

cross-cultural short-term interviewing is more vulnerable to miscommunication than

traditional long-term anthropological fieldwork (Patton, 2002).

Prior to the commencement of interviewing, the researcher and interpreter

conducted several meetings in order to discuss the manner in which each question

would be posed, the possible interpretations of these questions by respondents and how

to elicit information rich, valuable data through the use of open-ended questioning

techniques. During this training process the importance of active listening and

clarification during the course of the interview was emphasised by the researcher as a

crucial facet of the interview process. Moreover, for ethical reasons, it was necessary to

provide as much protection to respondents as possible. The following section explains

the crucial role of the interpreter in ensuring that ethical protocols were honoured.

Ethical considerations. The researcher made every attempt to adhere to ethical

principles laid down by AUTEC and based on the ethical guidelines provided by

leading authors on qualitative research. Gray (2014) maintains that ethical issues are

highly important “since confidentiality may be more difficult to maintain in an

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interview than in other forms of data gathering” (Gray, 2014, p.408). The concept of

informed consent is therefore a key consideration when planning to undertake a research

involving interviewing of respondents, as was the case in this project (Gray, 2014,

Green & Thorogood, 2009; Leedy & Ormrod, 2010; Liamputtong, 2009; Patton, 2002;

Taylor & Bogdan, 1998).

The ethical requirements for this project stipulated that the researcher must ensure

the anonymity of respondents, that workers are fully informed of the research process,

the reasons for conducting the research, the need to maintain confidentiality for their

own protection, and the understanding of what benefits the study would provide.

The researcher took every care to ensure that the principles of anonymity and

protection of respondents as laid out by AUTEC were adhered to, and therefore had to

pay most particular attention to the preservation of anonymity of participants, her

translator and herself. Moreover, because the ethics approval process took almost a

year, the available time in which to gather data was further compressed. This placed

much greater stress on the importance of ensuring that respondents were, as stated by

Anderson and Hatton (2000), retained, whilst simultaneously having to go to great

lengths to protect them and their identities. The informed consent procedure is

explained in detail later in this chapter; see the interview process on page 122.

Because many respondents were illiterate, it fell to the interpreter to explain to

potential participants the contents of information sheets, consent forms and

confidentiality agreements. These are reproduced in Appendices 5, 6 and 7.

Respondents were continually assured and reassured during this introductory phase that

any detail through which they could possibly be identified would be expunged from the

written research material, that they were free to withdraw from the interview at any

stage and that the information they had provided would be destroyed. When respondents

returned to be interviewed, the interpreter went through the entire information process
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once again. It was only after the researcher, the interpreter and the worker respondent

were satisfied that worker respondents fully understood all that the research entailed,

that respondents were requested to signify their willingness to be interviewed. Further

details of the informed consent process are provided in the section on access and

selection of respondents outlined further in this chapter.

The role of the interpreter in this initial process was therefore crucial to the

success of the entire project. Anderson and Hatton (2004) emphasised that owing to the

difficulties posed by accessing vulnerable populations in qualitative studies, it is

essential to ensure that once respondents have been located, they are not lost due to

attrition. Rapport was immediately established with respondents because they were able

to converse with someone in their own language who knew their cultural perspectives.

It was this ability to establish initial rapport and trust with respondents which ensured

that there were few withdrawals from the study. Moreover, the informed consent

process included explaining to respondents that although they would not initially

directly benefit from taking part in the research project, the outcomes of the research

could be of benefit to other expatriate subcontracted labourers. From the level of

participation and lack of attrition of respondents, it was evident that they felt strongly

about the possibility of helping other labourers who were in the same position, in the

future, as found by Anderson and Hatton (2004, p. 245). These responses demonstrate

the crucial role played by the interpreter in sharing information relating to the project.

Secondly, the manner in which information was elicited from worker respondents

during the interview further challenged the researcher and interpreter in terms of the

conditions of approval laid down by AUTEC. These requirements stipulated that worker

respondents were not to be asked direct questions in terms of any injury or medical

condition which they had sustained, due to the New Zealand rules of privacy governing

requests for details of medical or accident information. This requirement would have
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severely compromised this research project if it were not for the training period

undertaken between the researcher and the interpreter prior to the commencement of

interviewing. By working through the interview protocols together as a team, the

research questions, as explained later in this chapter, were laid out in a semi-structured

format and manner in which general questions about worker perceptions of their lives

and work in Kuwait were posed, allowing for respondents (having established high trust

levels through the initial interpreter engagement), to engage in a free flow of

information and experiences, during which any relevant information could be further

probed. Furthermore, these steps additionally ensured that workers did not become

distressed through the interview process, owing to the strong rapport which had been

established through involving the interpreter. In addition, this assisted in overcoming

the added dimension of difficulty posed by the need to conduct the research within a

limited time frame in that if worker respondents became unduly distressed during the

interview process they could withdraw, which could result in fewer responses and the

danger of losing rich and informative data from which themes could be built.

The following section outlines the value of the interpreter involvement in the

entire interview process.

Interview process. In choosing the in-depth interview as the appropriate data

gathering method in this study, the researcher was cognisant of the possible difficulties

that would need to be overcome. It has been recommended by leading qualitative

researchers that prolonged engagement with respondents will reduce bias and the

likelihood of participants withholding information, as it allows for a trusting

relationship to develop between researcher and participant (Liamputtong, 2009; Taylor

& Bogdan, 1998). However, prolonged engagement with a few respondents over a long

period was impractical in this case, as it would compromise worker safety and

anonymity through being observed to be continually attending the clinic. In addition, in

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order to attend the clinic their employer was required to give them an entry slip granting

permission to do so. Once the data had been gathered, and the researcher had departed

from the country, it would be impossible to return for any length of time due to the strict

constrictions on visa applications. The success of the entire research project therefore

depended on ensuring that the interview process was carefully planned.

Interview planning. The quality of the interview process relies on the ability of

the interviewer to enter the world of the person being interviewed (Patton, 2002). In

planning the interviews, particular attention was paid to the manner in which the

researcher would produce rich, informative and honest data based on the development

of high trust levels with respondents. In addition, in keeping with the phenomenological

approach adopted in this research project, the researcher planned to undertake more than

one round of interviewing as part of an inductive process during which themes were

developed and visited during the first round of interviewing, refined, new avenues of

exploration determined and revisited during a second round of interviewing (Gray,

2014; Green & Thorogood, 2009; Liamputtong, 2009; Patton, 2002; Taylor & Bogdan,

1998). The interviews were conducted in three stages. Firstly, it was necessary to access

a selection of worker respondents. Secondly, a detailed account of how interviews were

conducted in order to produce rich data is provided. Finally, the manner in which

interviews were transcribed and doubly validated, is presented.

Access and selection of respondents. The researcher and the interpreter travelled

into the desert to the location of the research facility which was isolated from other

buildings and from any construction sites. The researcher anticipated that their arrival

would therefore attract immediate curiosity from bystanders and patients waiting to be

consulted, presenting a challenge in terms of maintaining the confidentiality and

anonymity of researchers and respondents whilst arriving and leaving the clinic. To

overcome this obstacle the arrival and departure of the interview team was carefully
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planned. The researcher and interpreter travelled by different taxis, both arriving

separately as well as at different times. Interviews were rostered to be conducted on

non-sequential days and rotated by interview week, to further reduce visibility. The

facility provided a separate set of offices, away from the consulting rooms, but within

the same building, as an interviewing venue. The facility director appointed the Head

Nurse, a man of Indian origin, under the protocol of confidentiality signed by the

facility, to identify potential participants from India or its close neighbours such as

Pakistan or Bangladesh, who are often resident in India, by sight, but not by name. They

were immediately directed to the interview office prior to registering at the clinic. As

outlined earlier in this chapter for ethical reasons, participants were given time to

consider their participation, having been fully informed through the interpreter, of the

nature of the research, what it entailed in terms of their participation as respondents, the

benefits to them of the research, the right to withdraw from the study at any time

without providing a reason and that their confidentiality and the identity of their

employer, should it arise during the interview, would not be divulged. In addition, the

need for respondents to maintain confidentiality in terms of the interview, for their own

protection, was stressed. Interviewees were asked to consider their participation and to

return to the interview venue after their consultations had concluded, and participate if

they wished to do so. Once they returned, all the information provided during the

invitation to them to participate, was repeated. In this way, the researcher ensured that

the process of full informed consent had been thoroughly adhered to, prior to

conducting the interview.

Conducting interviews. The Interpreter, being a counsellor, was familiar with the

protocols and behavioural norms in Kuwait and how to address the potential

respondents in a non-threatening and culturally appropriate manner. In order to begin

building rapport and trust with interviewees, the researcher and interpreter had prepared
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the interview room seating arrangement with the participants seated at a round table, the

researcher sitting in a non-dominant position slightly separated from, but facing the

interpreter, whilst the interpreter and interviewee indirectly faced one another. This

arrangement demonstrated respect of cultural etiquette within the target group which

prohibits an unknown man to meet alone with a woman and respecting the social norm

requiring that a male holds the authority in discussions involving women. The fact that

the interpreter would explain and translate to the researcher during the course of the

interview was therefore not regarded as any breach of cultural etiquette because the

interpreter was perceived by respondents to be the leader of the interview process,

whilst the researcher, sitting slightly apart and maintaining a non-dominant stance, was

perceived to be in a socially appropriate hierarchical position both physically and

attitudinally.

Prior to conducting interviews, respondents were asked by the interpreter whether

they would object to observation notes being taken by the researcher. During the

interviews the researcher remained cognisant of differing cultural values such as not

making direct eye contact with respondents, and therefore held some eye contact with

the interpreter, whilst occasionally nodding slightly. This non-verbal form of

communication served the purpose of increasing the trust levels of the participants and

re-enforcing the credibility of the researcher and interpreter in the participant’s eyes

(Eunson, 2005).

When applying a semi-structured approach, it is essential to ensure the accurate

capturing of the words of respondents (Temple & Edwards, 2002). To maximise the

effective capturing of data, the researcher remained cognisant that respondents were of a

different nationality and therefore prone to misinterpreting questions, thereby possibly

reducing the quality of the data gathered (Patton, 2002). The researcher clarified and re-

clarified where necessary, through the interpreter, the perceived meaning and response
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which participants attributed to questions, whilst interviews were in progress. This

required close engagement and development of good rapport with respondents,

conveying a sense of respect for the individual, their situation and their feelings and

simultaneously remaining neutrally empathetic and non-judgemental, open, aware and

fully mindful during the interview process (Patton, 2002). The importance of this step

was vital to the success of the project as it was necessary to conclude the worker

respondent interview process within a limited time frame.

Interviews were digitally recorded in conjunction with note-taking in order to

clarify responses and ensure that all the data was collected. In addition, non-verbal

respondent behaviour was carefully noted. This was necessary and important as the

interaction between researcher, interpreter and respondents is a complex one which

requires the researcher to focus on all aspects of the communication process in order to

prevent any misunderstandings or misinterpretations of meaning, particularly at the

commencement of the interviewing period (Gerrish et al., 2004; Liamputtong, 2009)

For example, at the commencement of conducting interviews, the researcher would pose

an open-ended question to the respondent via the interpreter and the respondent would

give a yes or no answer. Through a series of subsequent questions the respondent would

be asked to explain what they meant by their answer, therefore lengthening the time in

which it took to conclude interviews. This problem was subsequently overcome through

intensifying the detailed explanation of the information sheet to potential respondents,

emphasising the value of their contribution to the research and expressing the gratitude

of the research team for their potential participation, thereby establishing a rapport with

them prior to the interview itself. Respondents were, in addition, repeatedly assured of

their anonymity and confidentiality.

When conducting qualitative interviews, non-verbal signals are an important part

of the data gathering process, at times revealing more of the inner feelings of
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respondents than the words which they can express (Green & Thorogood, 2009;

Liamputtong, 2009; Patton, 2002). In this case, respondents communicated in a cultural

environment where “something as seemingly unambiguous as the flick of an eyelid”

(Taylor & Bogdan, 1998, p. 12) is seen as entirely meaningful. Researcher and

interpreter knowledge of subtle nuances and non-verbal language used in Kuwait was

therefore important in assisting the researcher to apply appropriate interviewing

techniques during the course of interviewing. Through probing and re-iterating

questions in different ways, and maintaining a culturally appropriate position and

attitude of humility during the interviewing process, these barriers were overcome.

Often, raw emotions were displayed by respondents through body gestures, voice tones

and crying. At other times, respondents found difficulty in expressing themselves and

remained silent. According to Charmaz (2002), respondents’ silences could be intended

or imposed as a result of awareness in people of the reality of their situation (Charmaz,

2002, p.303). Thus it was important to note the context in which silences occurred

during the course of interviewing. The researcher was careful to remain silent when this

occurred, allowing respondents time to respond and expand on their experiences, whilst

remaining simultaneously cognisant of the importance of keeping the interview on track

and continuing when it became evident that respondents had concluded their answers.

Allowing respondents the time to tell and finish their stories is an essential part of the

process because, however irrelevant their accounts may seem at the time, allowing the

interview to flow as naturally as possible often leads to obtaining more relevant data

later in the interview (Liamputtong, 2009).

Through developing rapport, being aware of cultural norms and lexical nuances,

paying attention to non-verbal communication, ensuring that all data was captured and

allowing respondents to tell their stories, the depth and relevance of the data were
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maximised. Having concluded the interview process, the researcher commenced the

process of interview transcription and validation.

Interview transcription and validation. As suggested by Liamputtong (2009) and

Patton (2002), it is recommended that researchers transcribe their own interviews and

do this as soon as possible after the interview takes place. Data were therefore

transcribed immediately after interviews. This process was personally undertaken by the

researcher in order to protect the anonymity of interview participants and details of the

interview from being viewed, commented on or interpreted differently by any

inexperienced third person. Secondly, as recommended by Patton (2002), personal

transcription provided an opportunity to revisit the data and make note of any emerging

insights and ensuring that notes taking during interviewing, general observations, voice

tone, body language and displays of emotion observed during interviewing were not lost

during transcription. Moreover, this process triggered the initial analysis of the meaning

of data conveyed during the interview (Liamputtong, 2009).

Upon the conclusion of the interview process, the researcher involved the

interpreter in validating the translated data and making further notes and amendments

on interview transcripts. The interview process was thus collaborative in nature, thereby

contributing to the reliability of the information gathered. In order to further validate the

transcribed, translated data, the researcher recruited a third party, a suitably qualified,

culturally experienced academic of professorial standing at a university within Kuwait

and a personal colleague, of the same cultural origin as both participants and the

translator, to verify that the transcriptions were a true interpretation and representation

of recorded interviews.

Data analysis. Analysing qualitative data is essentially a process of noticing,

collecting and thinking, in a non-linear, creative process which is intuitive as opposed to

mechanical. Analysis encodes and transforms data into manageable elements which are
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sorted, sifted and classified into patterns (Green & Thorogood, 2009; Seidel, 1998;

Taylor & Bogdan, 1998). According to Patton (2002) there is no set formula for data

coding. “The enquirer acts as catalyst on raw data, generating an interaction that

synthesizes new substance born alive from the catalytic conversion” (Patton, 2002,

p.32). This process begins, not after the data gathering stage, as in quantitative studies,

but from the point where the researcher starts gathering data. The data analysis and the

data collection process interact in a dynamic process of synergy which gives life to the

research project (Patton, 2002).

However, Patton (2002) notes that “there are few agreed-on canons for qualitative

data analysis, in the sense of ground rules for drawing and verifying conclusions” (p.

432). Notwithstanding the abundance of guidelines and, at times, quite bewildering

number of approaches to data analysis (Gray, 2014; Patton, 2002), even the most

experienced qualitative researchers are daunted by the process of reducing a large

amount of data into manageable portions (Gray, 2014). It is the applied analytical

procedure which defines the manner in which qualitative methodology produces

knowledge about the world (Denzin & Lincoln, 2011b; Gray, 2014; Patton, 2002).

Patton (2002) stresses that applying guidelines in qualitative research calls for

judgement and creativity because each qualitative study is unique (p.433). Therefore it

was necessary to establish appropriate organisational and analytical guidelines which

were best suited for applying a triangulated approach to this study.

Wright (2006) maintains that qualitative researchers should bear in mind that at

the present time there is a strong resurgence of positivist, government-backed

intervention demanding evidence-based research from qualitative researchers. This view

implies that a triangulated approach would strengthen the trustworthiness of this

research because it provides multiple sources of evidence supporting the data findings.

Patton (2002, p. 249) cites Denzin who suggests that sociologists apply a triangulated
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perspective to their research and develop a strategy by which these methods are

meaningfully combined in order to generate grounded and verified theory. Patton

(2002) expands this concept in maintaining that triangulation strengthens a study by

combining methods. Therefore, as valid as the counter-arguments against the

application of mixed-methods may be, the purpose of applying a mixed method

approach and developing theory within the flexibility provided by the Sargeant and

Tucker (2002) framework, is supported by Denzin’s so-called final methodological rule

(Patton, 2002, p. 247) which states that multiple methods be used in every qualitative

enquiry.

In order to prepare for data analysis, the data were divided into their triangulated

sections, namely worker informant interviews, stakeholder interviews and written

documentation. Secondly, commonality and dissimilarities between triangulated data

sets were identified. Thirdly, themes, patterns and categories were developed from the

data and, finally, integrated and explained within the context of the adapted Sargeant

and Tucker (2009) framework.

Data organisation. Each worker interviewee was given a unique numerical

identifier. Transcribed stakeholder interviews with PMCs, subcontractors, and an

employment lawyer were organised in the same manner. The third source of data were

organised into three sets, namely, newspaper articles, published legal documentation

and human rights interest groups reports. This facilitated initial cross-scrutiny and

preliminary theory development.

Commonality and dissimilarity. During this stage, the data gathered from the

worker informants were analysed and notes made, comparing similarities and

differences between individual cases in exploring the relationships to one another and

developing themes. Transcribed stakeholder interviews were examined in a similar

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manner, whilst continually comparing evolving themes to those developed from worker

informant interviews, in a process of constant comparison (Taylor & Bogdan, 1998).

Documentary evidence in the form of newspaper articles were scanned and

included as a separate PDF file in a unique referencing system which was developed to

render them readily available to the reader in viewable format, thereby overcoming the

problem of insecure or obsolete URL article locators. Documentary evidence is included

as Appendices 2 and 3.

Development of themes, patterns and categories. Recurring patterns of data

across the data sets were developed and arranged into themes. Interweaving with the

literature throughout the process strengthened the theoretical background informing the

analysis, exposing gaps in the literature, simultaneously facilitating the analysis of

whether research findings were sufficiently innovative for the development of new

theory (Patton, 2002)

Once thematic conclusions had been reached based on patterns and categories

formed, themes were integrated into the adapted Sargeant and Tucker (2009) framework

for discussion. As demonstrated in Table 4.1 below, the results of each data set were

compared and analysed within the appropriate level of vulnerability.

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Table 4.1

Relationship between Layers of Vulnerability, Key Research Questions and Data Analysis

Note. Layers of Vulnerability adapted from Sargeant & Tucker (2009); EMCONET (2007)
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Methodological Rigour

Morse, Barrett, Myan, Olson & Spiers (2002) argue that “reliability and validity

remain appropriate concepts for attaining rigor in qualitative research” (Morse et al.,

2002, p. 13). Moreover, they claim that qualitative researchers should apply verification

strategies which are integral and self-correcting during the research process. Table 4.2

below outlines the methodological approaches which were undertaken towards ensuring

the attainment of rigour, applying the concepts of reliability and validity as defined

below, within each element of the research process.

Table 4.2

Methodological Approaches towards Rigour Attainment

Reliability Validity

Quality of Data categorisation Credible argument of

truthfulness of findings
Extent to which findings
Research Element Stability/trustworthiness of
map the phenomenon
findings

Ethical standards of findings Generalisability of findings

Sound rationale for research Effective mapping of

approach problem

Phenomenological Clear & succinct illumination Generalisation enabled by

Research Design of social concern applying S & T Model

Openness and flexibility Credible justification for

provided by S & T Model triangulation to strengthen
findings

Purposeful Sampling Establishes closer fit between Enables the gathering of

data and reality rich, deep information

(Continued)
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Table 4. 2
Approaches towards Rigour Attainment (continued)

Reliability Validity

Multiple data sources enhance Extended themes developed

credibility through through extension of
generating increased worker informant
evidence of key themes interviews prior to data
Data Triangulation saturation
Inclusion of unique cases Further validated by
enables exploration of triangulation process
different participant and
stakeholder perspectives
Reflexivity Honest and critical researcher
self-reflection

Successful application for

Ethics Committee approval
Ethics
Adherence to Ethics
guidelines

Effective location and Embedding research

selection of respondents questions in the S & T
and stakeholders. framework enables
accurate mapping of
Semi-structured interviews
phenomenon
allows for deeper
exploration of respondent
Stakeholder member checks
feelings and experiences
further validates data
Skilled depth interviewing
techniques increased Interpreted data validated by
Data Collection participant respondent trust independent third party
Careful and informed
interpreter choice further Increased participant trust
enhanced respondent trust through interpreter
levels inclusion in research
process
Interpreter training and
inclusion as equal in the Added data reliability
interview and data through interpreter
verification process knowledge of cultural and
lexical norms and nuances

(continued)
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Table 4. 2
Approaches towards Rigour Attainment (continued)

Reliability Validity

Meticulous informed theme Increased internal validity

development deepens through establishing clear
analysis link between themes and
literature review
Inclusion of negative cases
Enhanced external validity
Data Analysis further increases depth and
through development of a
strengthens researcher
generalisable set of
credibility
qualitative research
criteria

Strengthened internal
validity by selective and
minimal extension of
research participants prior
to data saturation
Note. Sourced and adapted from Denzin & Lincoln (2011a,b); Gray, 2014; Green & Thoroughgood, 2009; Leedy
& Ormrod, 2010; Liamputtong, 2009; Morse et al, 2002; Patton, 2002; Silverman, 2000; Taylor & Bogdan, 1998;

In this thesis, therefore, rigour, neutrality and ethical values have been applied to

the research process, as outlined in Table 4.2 above. Applying these standards when

analysing the data within the flexibility of the adapted Sargeant and Tucker (2009)

model, renders the study suitable for general research on the vulnerability of expatriate

workers.

Conclusion

In developing the methodology, it has been attempted to develop strong links

between the research process and achieving a high quality result which is representative

of the truth. This has been achieved by reflecting on the way in which vulnerable

workers perceive their situation, and balancing this with the reality of the issues which

they face. The choice of a phenomenological research paradigm enabled the direct

exploration of the experiences of subcontracted migrant workers from their own

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viewpoint. Choosing a targeted group of workers with negative OHS outcomes and

enabling the eliciting of rich, informative data expressed in their own words and

idiomatic meaning represents a methodological breakthrough amidst the many

quantitative studies in Kuwait based on management perspectives and reflecting

management views which have neglected to take into account the experiences of

subcontracted workers from their own perspective. The establishment of a unique

research design, strengthened by data triangulation of these findings enabled the

mapping of factors demonstrating a clear relationship between OHS outcomes and

working and living conditions in the Kuwaiti working environment.

The way in which respondent trust levels were raised through the application of

skilled depth interviewing techniques was significantly enhanced by the incorporation

of an interpreter in the entire data gathering process and served to further differentiate

this qualitative research methodology from prior quantitative studies of accident

causation in Kuwait. Moreover, the inclusion of an interpreter in the entire data

gathering process was crucial to maintaining ethical standards laid down by AUTEC.

Furthermore, the ability to reach a group of respondents whose views had hitherto been

unheard owing to their invisibility caused by the hierarchical management system in the

Kuwait construction industry further emphasises the significance and unique nature of

the ontological stance which informed this research project.

In the following chapter, the data gathered during the interview process will be

developed into firm themes which include gaps identified in the Chapter 2, background,

and Chapter 3, literature review.

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Chapter 5 - Data Analysis and Findings Layers 1-2

Introduction

This chapter presents the data gathered from the interviews of workers and

stakeholders analysed and the findings arranged into the themes developed within

Layers 1 and 2 of the adapted Sargeant and Tucker (2009) model. The themes within

Layers 3 and 4 are discussed in Chapter 6. As discussed in Chapter 4, twenty-five

interviews were conducted with workers; three of these were abandoned because the

participants wished to withdraw from the study. Fourteen stakeholder interviews were

conducted. The accuracy of the response data was checked during the post data

gathering validation process between the interpreter, researcher and the independent

third party.

Using the research questions derived in chapter 4 as a basis for analysis, the

research findings are structured in a thematic manner. The interview process produced

sufficiently rich descriptions of workers’ conditions and experiences to develop

associations with known risk factors. Repeated statements reflecting the experiences of

the migrant worker respondents were collated into categories within emergent themes

and analysed within the layers of the adapted Sargeant and Tucker (2009) model.

The data gathered from these interviews correspond with emergent themes

produced by recurring patterns identified during the early stages of the thesis and

extrapolated during the process of data analysis. This emerging data led to the

development of a second theme, namely OHS issues resulting from the abuse of power

and control, as shown in Table 3.2, Chapter 3. This process is described by Patton,

(2002) as an illustration of the “fluid and emergent nature of naturalistic enquiry” (p.

436).
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In the course of gathering data, ideas about directions for analysis occur. Patterns

take shape and possible themes emerge. Through following wherever the data lead, later

stages moved towards confirmatory data collection—deepening insights into and

confirming (or rejecting) patterns that have appeared (Patton, 2002, p.436).

The coding of data progressed through four stages. After transcribing the

interviews, transcripts were read, often repeatedly whilst listening again to relevant

parts of the recordings in order to gain insight to the nuances of the interviews. The

initial codes shown in Table 5.1 below were generated by examining each line of text,

identifying similar phrases and making notes about each code. Sub-categories were then

developed by identifying clusters of codes and labelling each cluster with a description

of their collective meaning. Clusters of collective meanings were then categorised.

Finally, once all categories had been developed, these were separated into the two

overarching themes of Power and Control Mechanisms and OHS Issues, as shown in

Table 5.1 below. The findings generated from interview observations, worker

respondent statements and stakeholder views made it clear that power and control

mechanisms were linked to a wide range of occupational illness and negative OHS

outcomes. The significance of these findings lies in the fact that for the first time ever, a

qualitative approach has been applied to the analysis of factors affecting the lives of

subcontracted workers in Kuwait as seen through their own perceptions and realities.

This approach has reinforced the value of the adapted Sargeant and Tucker (2009)

model due to its capacity to elicit sufficiently rich and informative data and to reveal

unique themes and insights which demonstrate the depth and extent of damage inflicted

on worker lives and OHS due to power and control mechanisms.

The data gathered from interviews were allocated within specific heading

sequences in the layers, because responses were elicited through semi-structured

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interviews and the interviewing technique was designed to obtain large amounts of free

flowing, rich and informative data. There are many instances where thematic sections of

the data overlap with others, for example, in Table 5.1 below, sleep deprivation caused

by extended working hours is linked to cruelty caused by control mechanisms and also

to depression which is related to psychological illness.

Table 5.1

Approaches to Themes - Layers 1 and 2

Theme: Power and Control Mechanisms

Code Sub-category Category

Acquiescence Coercion Helplessness

Fear and Anxiety
Self blame
Sense of defeat

Low self-esteem Alienation

Feeling abandoned
Feeling imprisoned
Social exclusion
Sadness

Corrupt labour agents Deception and dishonesty No legal rights

Dishonoured contract
agreement

Poor living conditions Cruelty Controlling

Food issues mechanisms
Extended working hours
Physical assault

(continued)
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Table 5.1

Approaches to Themes - Layers 1 and 2 (continued)

Theme: Occupational Health and Safety Issues

Grinding Dust exposure (concrete, marble, Respiratory

Dust storms dust storms) Disease

Hoarseness / voice Inadequate inhalation protection

constriction
Wheezing
Coughing
Grey Pallor
Dizziness

Nausea / vomiting Intestinal disorders Physical injury /

Lack of stamina disease

Lice and cockroach Skin and blood disorders

infestations.
Sleep deprivation Depression Psychological
Alcohol Abuse illness
Suicide

Layer 1 - Receiving Country Factors

The research questions related to this layer consider the theme of power and

control mechanisms applied to the three receiving country factors, namely socio-

economic conditions, available regulatory protection and roles of trade unions, and

social inclusion or exclusion of workers. All respondents responding to the research

questions were engaged in the construction sector, either directly contracted to

government project owners or employed by subcontractors in construction and

maintenance activities within the oil refineries or on oil extraction and pipeline projects.

Seventy-two percent of the workers interviewed were employed by subcontractors;

often they worked for extended hours, days and in some cases, weeks on end, in order

to keep pace with the demands placed on them in order to reduce subcontractor costs

and meet the timeline for project deliverables. Some of these same subcontractors were
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also engaged by private companies owned or part owned by employees of the

government project owners. These subcontracted labourers were forced to work

extended hours often without compensation and have no access to legal recourse. In

particular, the following section aims to answer the following question:

Research question one. How, and to what extent, is the health and safety of

migrant workers affected by their inclusion/exclusion in the Kuwaiti life/work

framework? This question is analysed in the context of socio-economic conditions in

Kuwait, the regulatory/union protection afforded to workers, and their social inclusion

or exclusion, as follows:

Socio-economic conditions. Socio-economic conditions have a significant

influence on health and safety. The socio-economic conditions and class distinctions

which labourers are subject to in Kuwait and elsewhere in the Middle East appear not to

have had any significant effect on the number of workers from mainly Asian countries

(but also from neighbouring countries) who seek employment in that region (Afsar,

2009). Examining the experiences of workers from their own view and interfacing these

with stakeholder perceptions provides insights into the underlying reasons why

subcontracted labourers continue to seek employment in Kuwait:

Worker comments regarding their own status revealed that the degree of perceived

value which they attach to improving their socio-economic status is directly related to

the extent to which their earning power improves the socio-economic status of their

dependents in their home country. Their objective through seeking work in Kuwait is

not as much, therefore, to compete with or compare themselves to Kuwaiti citizens, but

to elevate their socio-economic status in their countries of origin:

My daughter has already passed 10th grade…As soon as I see that all my
problems are finished and I have big money, then I will go to Pakistan, then I can
see my future with my mother, my baby and my wife…I am trying to complete my
house, then I will go back. (Worker respondents 2, 3 and 6).
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Unskilled labourers who had experienced power and control mechanisms because

of unfulfilled contractual promises reported feelings of loss of status both in Kuwait and

in their countries of origin due to perceived inability to adequately provide for their

families:

In India they told me that the contract would be for two years, but they have fixed
it for one year. At home there is peace of mind, here there is no peace of mind. I
feel forced to be here and I do not know what to do about it - the money is not
enough for my family because they are poor. (Worker respondents 14, 15).
Participants who worked in supervisory positions, whilst acknowledging that

although they were not dissatisfied with their job status and earning power in the

Kuwaiti working environment, nevertheless attached a higher value to their own

personal and family status in their countries of origin:

Here we are working only for money - nothing more. We are not with our families
so we have nothing here. Better that we stay with our family. We just live to work
and are only here for the job. I am sending money to my mother, my father, in our
family I send money for 30 people. My two brothers also work, they are in India
and they all send money back to the family. I earn more than everyone else, and I
send the most money out of the three and therefore I am the leading brother. I will
be a big man [in India] because I am the leader. (Worker respondent 11).
[My family] they were happy because … the money will be coming and life will be
better…but they love me. I send them 10,000 rupees monthly. Money is important,
and just 4,000 rupees would be enough for them to have a good life (Worker
respondent 13).
If I go home there is no money, what will I do? Everything needs money. And if
there is no money we cannot buy anything (Worker respondent 15).
I am sending to my home country because I have 3 kids 2 my son and 1 my
daughter….Because I am a worker. I am a hard worker. I don’t want to feel my
children’s like me - wearing the coverall and everything. See? [pointing at his
overalls and worn work boots and giving the interpreter a look of despair] So all
my money I am spending in my country…[voice rising as he spoke] I have given
30 years to this country [Kuwait] - he says give, give, but I am nothing (Worker
respondent 19).
The above workers therefore felt that they were trapped in a treadmill of

dependency, and the only way in which they could justify the predicament they were in
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was to rationalise their position through comforting themselves that they were

improving the longevity and quality of lives of their dependents.

It was also apparent from stakeholder interviews that many expatriate PMCs and

private building contractors are concerned about their own leadership roles. Their

perceptions are that, by contributing to the welfare of subcontracted workers, they act as

benevolent father figures, protecting and enabling workers to achieve status in their

home countries by earning sufficient income to care for their families.

These gentlemen, they come over, they just want to be able to send money home to
their families. (PMC Respondent 2).
A great place to work because the monetary gains are good. (PMC Respondent 4).
Stakeholder responses confirmed that workers’ perceived status in Kuwait was

directly related to the extent to which better remuneration gives expatriates the

opportunity to provide for their families and improve their socio-economic status in

their countries of origin.

It is too sad to see the way they live. I am very happy in this situation [because] I
bring prosperity to these families and I am bringing happiness to these families -
to me this is religious also, with my skills, I am managing 1,600 families and
8,000-9,000 people are eating because of us and sending their children to
university. (Expatriate subcontractor respondent 1).
Regulatory protection/trade union role. As discussed in Chapters 2, and 3, no

expatriate in Kuwait is permitted to join a trade union. Therefore the bargaining power

of expatriate labourers is limited and they rely on contractors and supervisors to protect

their rights. The worker interviews exposed the extent of efforts exerted by

subcontractors to withhold information regarding workers’ rights to regulatory

protection, their knowledge of the existence of workman’s compensation through

contractor insurance and the process through which compensation would be granted.

These perceptions therefore contradict the perceptions of some PMC respondents who

regard themselves as protectors of the workers, this reflects the cultural distancing of
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project owners and their main contractors from sub-subcontracted workers, an issue

which is discussed in chapter 7 of this thesis. When questioned about rights to which

they were entitled, most worker respondents demonstrated little or no knowledge of

their right to legal redress or compensation for injury, let alone any other rights.

Worker responses typically revealed that they had received information relating to

their right to injury compensation from co-workers or their elders who were housed

with them in residences:

I know that if I have an accident I will not receive anything from the Company…
Maybe the Contractor will get compensated from main company and I will get it
from the contracting company…I know only that if I work unsafely I am
responsible for my own accidents…I have heard from seniors, the older workers,
that I will receive some money if I have an accident, that I would get leave at the
end of the year…If you have an accident you are the one responsible so better
take care. (Worker respondents 1, 4, 6 and 14).
Worker responses also revealed that they had feelings of anxiety and fear which

prevented them from seeking legal redress for work-related issues. These responses also

indicate that fear and anxiety are caused by supervisors by using covert means such as

deducting money from any employee who takes time off to approach the employment

court:

When we go to the labour lawyer at the court area - they will decide whether we
have a case. They send 95% of the people back to the company. Just send back to
the company, [so] no-one goes. We will go and complain but we will be sent back.
If I can go I will go but I cannot go! - First they [the company] stop the salary and
don’t give you anything so we have to stay back in the camp - we do not want to
go to the lawyer. (Worker respondent 19).
One worker respondent’s feelings of fear and anxiety became reality when he was

physically assaulted by his supervisors after he tried to ask for a better job:

I was beaten by the supervisors when I…asked to be transferred to another

employer or job…I was beaten for half an hour by two supervisors…on the body
[so that the bruises would not show] … promised [threatened] with harsher
punishment if I ever said [mentioned] this again (Worker respondent 9).
Respondent 9, who was still in his teens, showed considerable signs of distress

when he spoke about being beaten; he hung his head as if ashamed, made cringing
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motions and wiped his eyes several times. After the interview had ended the researcher

asked the interpreter if he was of the opinion that there were signs that the respondent

could also have been sexually assaulted—the interpreter said that according to the

respondent’s culture the young man would never divulge that information especially in

front of a woman, but that the possibility could not be ruled out.

Physical assaults also happened to other respondents and their fellow workers.

Worker respondent 10, an Indian, relates how Bangladeshis were telling the

supervisors that he worked outside on additional jobs and the supervisors who were

Egyptian beat him and his colleagues.

… sometimes [because] our salaries are so low so we like to go outside to work

and then they will take us and beat us. They will take them and box them and hit
them. And I have two friends who that has happened to. They took them and
slapped them and also kicked them…for me on the thigh, but never on the face.
No, I did not have bruises [said with head hanging, avoiding eye contact,
mumbling, reticent, as if afraid to tell the truth]…they kicked me twice [on two
occasions], but for the other people they gave it to them on the face and in the
hair and they had bruises on their faces also. (Worker respondent 10)
The above responses are clear indications of the extent of covert cruelty which is

directed against subcontracted labourers and that supervisors deliberately withheld any

information of their right to protection under the law. For example, one worker

respondent in a senior supervisory role had full knowledge of the legal and OHS rights

of workers but chose to follow the practices of the main contractor rather than

informing workers under his supervision of their rights to compensation and protection.

This demonstrates the extent of influence imposed on him through power and control

mechanisms.

We hammer them - with no salary, money to be cut, verbal and written warnings -
they know they need to work safely. (Worker respondent 22)
Another respondent who was a stakeholder whose contract was coming to an end,

after which he would retire, said at the commencement of his interview, that he had
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often felt insecure as there was a blame culture in Kuwait and that although people were

employed in senior positions, they could be terminated at any time at the whim of a

manager regardless of their previous performance and length of service.

…their managers … – they have a very interrogating type of attitude….If

something goes wrong, it is basically the blame game. The blame comes on you.
So, all the time we are scrambling in our day to day work, that – are we covered,
are we doing the right thing, because if something goes wrong, then the blame is
going to come onto you, fair and square.
[‘scramble’] It means – really - work very very hard,. ..... like Get, Get! Get! Get!
[voice rising and becoming agitated] Scramble means work very, very hard.
You feel – you don’t feel good, because you know, you are doing your job and you
are trying very hard, and then, in spite of your best efforts, you know, [voice
rising, arm movements increasing, rocking back and forth] something has gone a
little wrong, I mean, it is not as if I am completely guiltless or blameless,
something got left out. [Facial expression reflects helplessness, shoulders shrug,
body crouches into a subservient position] – so, for a trivial reason, you can be
asked to leave – They are very powerful, of course, any time any … manager calls
our project manager, into his office and says – listen, I don’t want this guy – I
want this guy out now. So next day, they will make out all your accounts, and the
administration manager will come and escort you off the premises and out of the
door! [Incredulous tone of voice, shoulders shrugging, voice quavers a little]
(PMC Respondent 4)
At the conclusion of this interview, PMC Respondent 4 suddenly confided in the

researcher that he had, indeed been ordered off a project, and considered himself to be

very lucky that the project manager who had been told to remove him had sufficient

influence to have him transferred to another project, but that the incident had left him

with a permanent sense of anxiety because, in terms of the conditions of contract which

he had agreed to, he could be removed from the project at any time without reasons

being given and therefore had no legal recourse. He had signed because he needed the

money to educate his children. At the end of this conversation, PMC Respondent made

the remark:

I’ve done my time….[spoken slowly, and sadly, but with a hint of pride in his

voice tone, conveying an underlying sense of achievement that he had endured life in
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Kuwait, and that upon his retirement, he was simultaneously being released from

prison] (PMC Respondent 4).

It became was apparent from the interviews that labourers, even if they knew

something about accident procedures, were generally unaware of their legal rights or of

the very existence of employment lawyers:

I do not know [my rights] - I just go to duty and come back…[then he describes his
understanding of accident procedure] When they filled the form [after the accident]
they know that they have spoken to them, so that if something has happened, they
will get some reward…once they have dismissed them [after an accident], many
will fight but I will [would] not fight. They will just cancel the visa and deport
them to that country after seven days, and tell them that it [is] their responsibility
to ensure that they are safe (Worker respondent 21).
The only means employment lawyers had to communicate with labourers and

inform them of their rights was by publishing information in newspapers in English as

there are so many different languages in use. Only Arabic, English, French and Urdu

language newspapers are available in Kuwait and English is common to many of those

who are literate:

It is very rare that anyone will come to us - they do not appear to be aware of
their rights, and as individuals, it is much more difficult for us to bring anything
to court. As a law firm, we are trying to make them aware that they have their
rights. We advertise in the newspapers, in English (General Stakeholder
respondent 2).
Since most labourers are functionally illiterate in English (70% of the workers

interviewed needed an interpreter), it is unlikely that they would be aware of the

availability of any legal recourse.

Social inclusion/exclusion. According to Sargeant and Tucker (2009), social

exclusion and isolation of workers could occur for a number of reasons, including

geographical separation, segregation along racial lines and discrimination. As outlined

in previous chapters, subcontracted migrant workers in Kuwait are subject to

stratification and geographical distancing; for instance some are accommodated in

suburbs such as Mangaf and Fahaheel (where there are luxury sea-view apartments on
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the Coast road behind which are streets with old, run-down, crowded housing blocks

forming one of the areas most densely populated by expatriate labourers), some in

desert or site compounds, and others in sections or whole blocks of apartments far

outside the city centre.

Through the demarcation of housing arrangements outside of mainstream Kuwaiti

society, subcontracted migrant workers are therefore simultaneously segregated along

racial lines and discriminated against by their exclusion from activities enjoyed by those

considered to be of higher social standing.

The sentiments expressed by workers regarding their exclusion from Kuwaiti and

general society were common themes throughout the interviews. Some participants

became emotionally withdrawn and avoided any form of interaction or involvement

with others, apart from receiving instructions from their supervisors, even when sharing

accommodation with those of similar cultural backgrounds. Emotional withdrawal is

also a symptom of depression (Kirmayer et al., 2011).

I just live here, work, go home, make something to eat, then I go to sleep. When I
sleep I think….what to do? I wonder if my family have good food and if they have
a good living place. (Worker respondent 13).
The life here is okay. It is ok [repeats] okay. [shrugs shoulders, implying that life
is bearable] I just live here, work, go home, make something to eat, then I go to
sleep (Worker respondent 13).
I am working with Keralites - their language is very hard do I cannot understand
them (Worker respondent 2).
I go to site, come back, wash myself, eat, sleep. And sometimes I go to the city
also. There is nothing to do in the city. Sometimes I feel like I want to cry. (Worker
respondent 7).
I feel sad…have been working for six years and family is in Pakistan…not been
able to see my family…never been able to have enough money to go home.
(Worker respondent 8)
There are no social outings at all. We just work and go to the Fahaheel market
but there are no other activities - there are no social activities laid on by the
company. (Worker respondent 12).
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In Kuwait there is nothing for entertainment especially for bachelors. From

Friday, what can we do? Switch on TV, switch off TV. Khalas [Arabic for ‘that is
finished’]. We cannot go to the beach, any place, or entertainment city which
requires an entry fee of 3KD. That is one thousand rupees in Pakistan! I am only
getting 50KD how can I go to anything. It all has a fee so I cannot go anywhere.
(Worker respondent 2).
Some participants with perceptions of good working conditions and nutrition

levels were more positive about their social inclusion. However, even when participants

perceived that their food and living conditions were good, most felt excluded and had

experienced peer group rejection and bullying from fellow Asians.

One time I went sick into the hostel but the Bangladeshis told the supervisor that I
was looking for other work. So they cut my salary for 2 days without investigation.
These people [the supervisors] who are so big they don’t know [what happens to
them in the room]... I am with mixed Keralites and Tamils but they do not treat me
well - they should put Hindi in one room and Tamil in another room… (Worker
respondents 2, 10 and 16).
These reactions reflect observations by Paradies (2006) in that there is evidence to

suggest that members of generally oppressed racial groups are likely to be particularly

sensitive to negative behaviours towards them by their own racial group.

Stakeholder interviews conducted with PMC respondents confirmed that Kuwaiti

contract owners distance themselves from the need to interact with labourers:

Now, if we are talking about the Kuwaiti supervisors, which is really not
applicable as the Kuwaitis are in higher level management positions, say a person
of authority, I would say that the treatment is not harsher, but that they would not
deal directly with the labourers. The Kuwaitis treat the supervisors in the same
way as the supervisors treat the workers so it’s a type of systemic domino effect.
(PMC Respondent 3).
Stakeholder interviews also confirmed that in some cases, geographical distancing

and social exclusion of labourers led to their gradual emotional withdrawal:

It was the closest thing I had seen to the walking dead. Zombie like figures, that
were just battling away to keep going. (PMC Respondent 3).
Another stakeholder, had the opinion that it was the Kuwaiti culture which led to

social exclusion and the lack of consideration of the need for entertainment:
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They don’t understand the word ‘joy’ – they understand the word ‘pleasure’. In
our civilisation, there are many words for joy – you enjoy music, you enjoy the
life, but [for them] there is only one joy and that is sex. (Expatriate subcontractor
respondent 2)
Summary

The above section has shown that expatriate labourers do not attach any deep

sense of perceived value through their socio-economic status in Kuwait, and that their

sense of status is directly related to the extent to which they are able to improve the

socio-economic status of their home country dependents. In terms of seeking legal

redress for work-related issues, it has been shown that labourers are not informed of

their legal rights, are often abused, and that supervisors prefer to curry favour with their

contractors through refraining from informing labourers under their control of their

legal rights. Workers are also socially excluded through segregation from mainstream

Kuwaiti society along geographical and racial lines, and by their exclusion from

participating in social activities. In examining those factors affecting migrant security,

the research now explores those factors affecting migrant security in Kuwait.

Layer 2 - Migrant Security - Receiving Country

This layer comprises worker perceptions of the existence and nature of contractual

status; the right to remain; roles of recruitment agents and employers; and treatment of

migrants. For the purpose of analysis, contractual status and roles of recruitment agents

and employers have been combined as these are inexorably linked through the

regulatory system governing recruitment and accommodation of construction industry

workers in Kuwait. In particular, this section attempts to answer research questions 2, 3

and 4.

Research Questions two, three and four. What is the extent of worker access to

representation and regulatory protection? How does the legal status of migrant workers
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affect their lives? How do the roles of recruitment agents and employers in the

migration processes affect migrant OHS?

Legal status. For the purposes of this analysis, employer roles are discussed under

the section on treatment of migrants, for it is in this area that concerns emerge over the

managerial influences affecting workers’ OHS. The lack of right to remain or to gain

permanent residency after a contract means that the worker who does not have a current

visa becomes an illegal over-stayer a fact that is capitalised on by private Kuwaiti

contractors who offer clandestine employment at low wages.

I have a two year contract. I think that if the company gives a release, I may find
another job but the company keeps my passport (Worker respondent 6).
They are holding my passport…they told that the contract will be for two years,
but they have fixed it for 1 year. And now it is not clear when my visa will be
prepared. Now I’m sorry because everything is out of my hands and they have
total control. It is not just me - everybody wants to run away (Worker respondent
14).
The Kuwaiti government deals with illegals by fining them (and each member of

their family under their sponsorship) for every day they overstay beyond their visa

renewal date. They are offered an annual amnesty whereby fines are waived for those

workers who admit liability and agree to return to their countries of origin. However

notwithstanding these measures there has been little effect on the large number of

expatriate workers who continue to enter or to remain in Kuwait illegally.

Nature of contractual legal status/agent and employer role. The interviews

conducted with workers revealed that fixed term contracts are usually honoured in terms

of wages, job allocation and transport when they are signed directly by state project

owner representatives who advertise positions and conduct interviews in labourers’

countries of origin and then grant them resident visas in Kuwait for the duration of the

contract. These labourers are subsequently directly housed in site compounds or allotted

building complexes close to projects and they are provided with civil ID cards.
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Deceptions and dishonesty mostly occur when labour agents in labourer countries of

origin and in Kuwait recruit on behalf of Kuwaiti subcontractors and sub-

subcontractors, private construction project developers, or for minor subcontractors on

state projects.

Most worker respondents who had signed direct contracts with appointed

representatives of Kuwaiti state project owners and major Kuwaiti subcontractors were

in senior or supervisory roles. These contracts were negotiated through labour agents or

senior contract supervisors in the workers’ countries of origin. These workers had all

been provided with resident visas upon entering Kuwait and promises regarding

working conditions, job function, wages, accommodation and food had been honoured.

Several manual labourers were also included in this category but are distinguishable

from other workers because they, too, were interviewed directly by representatives of

the Project owners.

Here work is good and salaries are much better…Four foremen and the
supervisor from here went to India and I found out from the newspaper that the
delegation is going to come and they are going to hire, and so I went and applied,
and I was able to get the job contract. I attended the interview and got the job - I
showed them that I can paint and so I got the job and [the Kuwaiti Project Owner]
brought me here. (Worker respondents 2 and 7).
The degree to which contractual promises were broken was inversely related to

subcontractor company size and its hierarchical level within the project. The working

conditions of participants contracted by small subcontractors and sub-subcontractors

were dishonoured and in one case, the worker had to pay the subcontractor the annual

visa renewal fee. In two instances where contracts were dishonoured the contractor was

a well-known member of a prominent family and employed over 700 people.

The agent said that we would be oil workers and when I told the contractor I was
looking for a painting job he said no problem I would get a job as a painter - but
that did not happen - I have to dig trenches…They told me in India that they will
give me 100 KD [per month]. The labour contractor told me this, and when I came
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here I did not get it. I signed the agreement in Kuwait for 75 KD and that is what I
am getting. (Worker respondents 4 and 6).
He [the agent] was not honest. He lied to us. On the agreement we wrote one
thing and here we were given another. (Worker respondent 10).
Another example of dishonoured contracts is where the salaries are paid late or

not at all and the workers are forced to work extended hours.

…A contingent of Indian workers were tired of the amount of hours they had to
work and they had never seen their salaries in a three month period. And they
were made to work day and night shift and some of the men had to work the day
shift extended into the night shift so they were tired and hungry. All they were
asking for was some form of humane treatment – these men had not eaten
properly and had been forced to work extended shifts late into the night (PMC
Respondent 2).
A notable exception to this pattern was a skilled worker who had been appointed

by a small subcontractor employing only three people. The interviewed worker

perceived that promises made when signing his contract, had been fulfilled. On this

occasion it was apparent that the contractor was highly dependent on the skill of the

worker in order to fulfil his own contractual obligations within tight time and budgetary

constraints:

I was paid 4.5KD per day. Sometimes [I worked for] 9 hours, up to 10 hours - I
had more time to work in that company. I also had time to take lunch. This was a
small company. Three persons were employed by this company, two masons and
one labourer. (Worker respondent 8).
Notwithstanding worker perceptions of satisfaction or dissatisfaction with their

working conditions, the question is whether they are able to find jobs at sufficiently

high wages to fund their commitments.

Table 5.2 below illustrates the commitments of non-supervisory and skilled

worker respondents in terms of the number of dependents supported in the home

country, salaries earned and agency fees which have to be repaid from their earnings.

Nearly 40% of the workers had paid an agency fee in order to gain a residency permit.

There is a large variance in agency fees charged as a proportion of the annual salary. In
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Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

general, it can be said that the salaries earned, when considered against the agency fee

and the number of dependents relying on them for their livelihoods, make it highly

unlikely that any of these workers will be able to leave their jobs in Kuwait in the

foreseeable future. They are thus trapped, dependent on their employers and are forced

to accept whatever treatment is meted out to them. Fifty-four percent of workers

expressed a reluctant acceptance of their conditions. However this resulted in high

levels of anxiety and depression in an environment and workers are therefore forced to

suppress their true feelings. This aspect is discussed in more detail in Chapter 6.

Table 5.2

Commitments of Non-Supervisory and Skilled Worker Respondents

Occupation Number of Annual Subcontractor /

Dependents Salary Agency Fees
Kuwaiti Kuwaiti Dinar
Dinar
Sandblaster 6 1080 1175
Steel Fitter/Rebar 3 900 410
Labourer/Digger 1 3 900 310
General Labourer 4 960 102
Construction Labourer 8 1296 1800

Labourer/Digger 2 2 720 52
Labourer/Digger 3 7 720 52
Stonemason 8 960 310
Carpenter 5 960 256
Labourer/Digger 4 10 1200 1200
Carpenter/Bolt-fixer 5 840 102
Plumber 3 960 256
Carpenter 8 900 256
Note: Subcontractor / Agency fees are in equivalent Kuwaiti Dinars at median 2012 exchange rates;
(1 KWD = 195 INR; 1 KWD = 340 PKR).

Table 5.3 below shows that workers in managerial or supervisory roles or those

with specialist skills who are direct hires or have family in Kuwait are in a better
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Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

position because they have no agency fees to repay and their salaries are generally

higher, with fewer dependents to support. Notable exceptions to this are the pipe

maintainer/insulator and TIG (Tungsten / Inert Gas) welder 2, both of whom are low

paid, and a scaffolding supervisor who was responsible for supporting an extended

family of 30 people. Table 5.3 also shows three instances, namely the sandblaster,

construction labourer and labourer/digger 4, where the workers concerned were paying

the equivalent, or higher amounts than their entire annual salaries, to agents, whilst at

the same time having to support large numbers of dependents. This is the perfect

example of the manner in which corrupt agents entrap workers into a never-ending

treadmill of dependency from which there is little hope of escape. In these cases, the

workers would also be placed in a desperate situation where they knew that they would

be unable to provide for their families, which could lead to instances of suicide.
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Table 5.3

Commitments of Managerial, Supervisory and Highly Skilled Worker Respondents

Occupation Number of Annual Direct Hire

Dependents Salary Method
Kuwaiti (No Agency Fees)
Dinar
Pipe Maintainer/Insulator 3 960 Project Owner
direct hire
TIG Welder 1 4 1800 Brother arranged
Kuwaiti Visa
Inspection Engineer 3 4200 Project Owner
direct hire
Scaffolding Supervisor 30 4800 Project Owner
direct hire
Civil Construction 5 5400 Project Owner
Supervisor direct hire
TIG Welder 2 4 600 Father arranged
Kuwaiti Visa
Auto Electrician 3 1560 Project Owner
direct hire
Air Conditioning Foreman 3 2160 Project Owner
direct hire
HSE Officer 3 3600 Brother arranged
Kuwaiti Visa

Table 5.3 also illustrates that although many workers expressed positive feelings

and a sense of good fortune because they did not have to pay agency fees, further in-

depth analysis of the data revealed that only the senior engineering staff were

comfortable with their working lives. Many respondents who were in supervisory,

middle management, skilled technical and low skilled labouring jobs who were on very

low incomes and who were supporting large numbers of family would need to be

employed in Kuwait for many years before they could afford to go back to their home

countries. Therefore, those workers who had paid agency fees suppressed their feelings
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of resentment and fear resulting from the lack of power to resist or speak up, in order to

survive. This type of situation produces an incompatibility between internal attitudes

and behaviour, also known as cognitive dissonance, which, in essence, is the reflection

of coping mechanisms used by individuals in order to rationalise the reality of the

situation they are facing, which they inwardly need to avoid (Robbins, Judge, Millet &

Boyle, 2011). This concept is discussed further in Chapter 7.

Tables 5.2 and 5.3 demonstrate that the majority of subcontracted labourers and

supervisors are trapped in a ceaseless treadmill in the search for better work

opportunities and higher incomes, prompted by the economic difficulties they face at

home (Afsar, 2009, p. 10). Degorge (2006) describes this condition as that of modern

day “wage slavery” (Degorge, 2006, p. 662), a situation where, although workers have

freely sought work, once they have chosen their course, the “ability to make free

choices and enjoy a degree of mobility is restricted and/or non-existent” (Degorge,

2006, p. 662). The degrading manner in which subcontracted migrant labourers are

treated in Kuwait is clearly revealed when the data on the conditions under which they

are forced to live is analysed.

Treatment of migrants. The adapted Sargeant and Tucker (2009) model concerns

those workers who have the right to enter and work in any country as well as those who

are working without legal authorisation. In other countries, for example Germany or

Canada, even if a migrant has entered a country on a short-term contract or is working

illegally, they may yet be able to gain the legal right to remain. Kuwait is different—

both migrant workers who are illegal migrants (or over-stayers) and the construction

workers who are legally in Kuwait have no hope of getting permanent residency which

is ultimately the aim of every migrant worker seeking a better life for themselves and
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their families (IHK Berlin, 2017). Some of the skilled workers come to Kuwait with the

aim of accumulating enough money to be able to emigrate to a Western country.

I will try and go to Canada because [my] relatives are there…a trained carpenter
will have more opportunity in Canada (Worker respondent 14).
If I have worked maybe in European country like Norway or Scandanavia, or
America, I can better settle my family. So this is so many things I cannot explain, I
cannot do anything (Worker respondent 19).
No expatriate living in Kuwait has the right to seek permanent residence or

citizenship status even if they have been born there. According to Kuwaiti immigration

regulations, work-related resident visas, or so-called iqama visas are granted for public

and private sector employees and are all linked to Kuwaiti sponsorship (IRB, Canada,

2014). In the absence of hope for the achievement of permanent residency or

citizenship, the quality of life and subsequent OHS of expatriate labourer workers in

Kuwait is thus determined by the way they are treated once they set foot in Kuwait, as it

is the only source of comfort to them.

Living conditions. In terms of the questions posed in Layer 2, workers’ quality of

life includes living conditions such as their accommodation, whether this is free of

insect and other infestations, whether the environment is conducive to workers getting

sufficient sleep, and the adequacy of their nutrition:

The workers should have rest, and rest is their right, but we are not receiving the
rest that we need. We have to work overtime and we are not paid for that… We
are always tired…I feel sad. Because of the house problems and other problems I
am forced to stay here. I wish I have wings to fly and go home…[what sort of
advice would he give any expatriate worker coming to Kuwait] I would advise
people that whatever they are receiving [in the way of promises] here is lots of
deception. We were told that everything would be provided by the company,
transportation, board and lodging, but in the end we received nothing. Everything
that we have been promised, we have not been receiving after that…The food
stands for about 12 hours before we can eat it. If we cook our own food they will
remove you from the hostel…our cabins are made of wood, and we cannot get
them clean…(Worker respondents 6, 8, 9, 14).
This indicates that the way in which workers are treated through the living

conditions imposed on them therefore significantly affects their lives and OHS:
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Accommodation. Seventy-seven percent of the workers and supervisors

interviewed shared varying types of accommodation with others. Eleven lived in

company owned apartments within the so-called “refinery belt” area within 5-10

kilometres of oil and chemical processing plants in Kuwait (Al-Salem, 2008, p. 2),

whilst six were accommodated either in desert camps close to the Saudi Arabian border

or in cabins within the refineries themselves. Nine workers were housed in small

double-bunked rooms designed for 4, 6 workers in treble-bunked rooms whilst the

remaining 3 workers were housed in rooms within the refinery belt which were

designed for between 8 and 10 people. One worker referred to larger rooms holding up

to 25 people.

Insect infestations. Common issues included the presence of bedbugs, lice,

cockroaches and other insect infestations. Twenty-seven percent of workers interviewed

referred to the presence of bedbugs and cockroaches in their accommodation, although

this figure is probably under-represented in terms of the overall results, as specific

questions on the subject of bedbugs and cockroaches did not form part of the original

questionnaire.

As further discussed in Chapter 6, workers accommodated within the refinery belt

area are also exposed to high levels of particulate matter, leading to the possibility of

acute asthmatic episodes and ischemic heart disease. What is important to note is that

these workers complained of headaches and colds, they were observed to be wheezing

during the course of the interviews. In light of the existing research on bedbug and

cockroach related health effects, it is possible that the long-term presence of bedbug

infestations in worker accommodation is likely to contribute even further to instances of

asthmatic and ischemic episodes.

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Significantly, all workers who had problems with bedbug and cockroach

infestations also had limited washing facilities and were required to wash their own

toilets using cleaning materials they purchased themselves. Some participants, in an

attempt to clean their overalls, washed these in showers adjacent to clogged and dirty

toilets. Research discussed in chapter 3 implies that this would actually increase the

danger of re-infecting lice-related hives through skin contact with the newly-washed

overalls. Worker respondent No. 14, who had attended the clinic because he was

experiencing severe congestion, chest pain and difficulty in breathing, referred to the

conditions in their ablution facilities:

We have to wash the bathrooms ourselves. They are so dirty because 11 people
use one bathroom. The only time we have to clean the bathroom is on Fridays
because they are not cleaned. We found that no-one else would clean them so we
decided to try and clean it ourselves. We have two small toilets and one
washbasin and two small showers [between the 11 people] in our bathroom and
there is a larger bathroom for many other people [who share other apartments in
at the same level]. We use the larger [uncleaned] bathroom to wash our clothes.
We buy our own cleaning materials to wash our own showers. We are sleeping
without bedsheets on the mattresses. (Worker respondents 14, 16, 17).
The presence of parasites and insects are clearly linked to overcrowding, as

revealed by further comments by the same respondents:

They are full of bedbugs and they suck our blood at night. I don’t know how to
solve the problem…. We have insects that crawl up the walls, and a lot of the time
we also have bugs in our beds…We always have bugs. It is very hard to tolerate -
we do not know where [the bugs] are hiding. As soon as the light is off they start
biting. (Worker respondents 14, 16, 17).
Stakeholder responses confirm the poor conditions of the worker housing in

Kuwait, and provide the rationale for connecting crowded and unhygienic living

conditions to sleep deprivation and gastrointestinal disease:

We have gone down to Mangaf [within the refinery belt area] where the
subcontractors were housing their workers and the conditions were appalling. I
was shocked at what I saw. They were putting 6 people to a room, so a room
smaller than this one [4m x 5m]. It had six beds in it built bunk style, very
cramped quarters. The little kitchen down in the bottom floor, because they fed
everyone in the building as well, was absolutely disgusting. About as unhygienic
as you can imagine. And although we did not actually see any rats, I can imagine
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that they must be running around throughout that building. The windows were
blocked off. They covered the window with magazines and newspapers. No
curtains. Some people try and sleep during the day [especially during Ramadan,
when workers often work through the night], so they tried to keep out the sun.
There was no bathroom so they would have had to share a bathroom with the rest
of the people on the floor. The worker was resting from an eye injury - that
particular subcontractor had very similar eye injuries where when the workers
were cutting or grinding, they were not enforcing the eye protection requirement.
(Stakeholder respondent 2).

The recovery and rest of the worker referred to had been compromised, leading to

sleep deprivation and fatigue which caused major problems for 36% of worker

respondents, one of whom was depressed because he had been “feeling tired” for 4

years (worker respondent 1). That was the period during which he had paid off his

agency loan, and he was concerned that he would be unable to continue at the same

pace and save enough to make a better life for his family. Common themes expressed

both by workers and by stakeholders confirm that fatigue has emerged as a major OHS

issue. Additional stakeholder evidence shows that injured or sick workers were forced

to return to work before they had adequately rested:

I have been to camps where the majority of the workers are from central south
Asia and they are living in conditions that are ten men to a room. On one
particular day several men came to me telling me that they had not been well and
had not been able to work well because the kitchen facilities are in such dire
conditions that there has been an epidemic of spoiled food and of course
dysentery and all breaks out but what captures my mind is that when the men
complained to their immediate supervisors there was nothing done about it and
they are still expected to go to work. (PMC Respondent 3).
The above responses firmly establish a link between overcrowded and unhygienic

living conditions and worker ill health, injury and diseases. In addition, interviews with

worker respondents reveal the importance which they attach to the quality of food, the

way in which food preparation and quality is neglected and how this results in

compromised OHS including increased sleep deprivation. The quality of their lives and

OHS is therefore additionally linked to nutritional aspects.

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Poor nutrition. Worker responses reveal the importance of food in their lives.

Sixty-three percent of the workers who attached the most importance to the type of food

they consumed were unskilled labourers. The workers earning the lowest salaries had

either to eat the sub-standard food which the company prepared in basement kitchens

(and to pay the company 10KD out of their meagre monthly salary), or to purchase and

cook the food themselves, outside their normal working hours. Additionally, some

workers who cooked for themselves took their own lunches to work and consumed

these after 7 hours, during which time the food became spoiled. Workers were often not

permitted to sit down and eat their lunches without being interrupted, thereby

preventing their systems from fully absorbing the food (ILO 2005).

Egyptians were our supervisors, and we were not allowed to eat properly. While
we were eating, the supervisors would shout: ‘yella, yella’ go now and do the
work. Even if we went down to drink water, or go to the toilet, we were also
rushing, fast. So in six years, because of poor diet, I feel not good. Most of the
time we cook lentils and only sometimes we have vegetable and meat (Worker
respondent 8).
Poor quality and rotten food provided to participants was a recurring theme,

exacerbated by the fact that many respondents were threatened with pay cuts or

deportation if they complained about food provided by the company:

We are given chicken, but I want to cook my own food because their food is no
good. We have to eat their food in the building and we do not like the company
food - they do not cook it properly. They cook rice in the afternoon and they will
serve at night, and at night time they are cooking and serving that food on the next
day. We are eating already rotten rice. If you try and cook or bring your own food
they will remove you from the hostel - they threaten that the workers will be sent
back straight away if they are not happy. If they don’t send us back they will cut
our salary for 10 days. They also threaten that if we resign we will not get
anything from the company. (Worker respondent 14).
Other workers complained that they could not recognise what they were eating:

I don’t know what food is cooking because when we get the food we cannot
recognise what we are eating. We eat chipati [flat bread] in the morning and when
we come back we eat rice and lentil. We never have fruit or fresh vegetables.
(Worker respondent 16).
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I used to live in a desert camp and they are not liveable. The food is not good.
They do give food, but there needs to be a little bit of food which is good for us.
(Worker respondent 22).
They promised that they would provide the food. I could not even eat the food. I
chose to leave [the desert camp] and live separately so that we could at least eat
food which does not make us sick. (Worker respondent 19)
From the above evidence, it is clear that the question of the relationship between

overcrowded and unhygienic living conditions, the presence of lice, insects and

intestinal parasites, all negatively impact the OHS of workers. Information from

stakeholders confirmed that workers are given insufficient time in which to recover

from illnesses, increasing the likelihood of on-the-job fatigue and increasing the risk of

work-related injuries (Quinlan et al., 2010).

Others identified regularly working 12 hour days, excluding travel time, as a cause

of severe fatigue. Furthermore, some workers had been forced to work overtime and

then had to cook for themselves outside of working hours. This required them firstly to

purchase their own food and then to cook it, causing the growth of layer upon layer of

fatigue, leaving them exhausted. Their distress deepened when they were not paid for

the overtime they had worked:

The workers should have rest, and rest is our right, but we are not receiving the
rest that we need. And we have to work overtime and they are also not paying for
that. Give us our rights and pay us for overtime - we are working during our rest
hours but now they have stopped [paying the workers]. (Worker respondent 6).
One worker stated that although the company supplied transport, this only added

to worker levels of fatigue as it meant that, in order to reach the pick-up point on time,

their resting hours were further reduced, further depriving them of their rest which

exacerbated their exhaustion:

At 2 a.m. we get up and we go to bed at 9 at night. The whole day work[ing] the
body is so exhausting. It is very hard to get up at 2 a.m in the morning. At 4.30 we
start, we finish at 12 o clock, we rest [on site] till 3 p.m. and then we go back and
work till 7 p.m. When we rest they close down the air conditioning in the room
where we are supposed to rest and then we have to go back into the [unventilated]
pit for the rest of the day. When I have to carry a heavy load I feel that I will
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collapse. We cannot sleep. At 9 we sleep because we have to get up at 2. But it is

not exactly at 9 that we can sleep. We first have to cook food and eat. If we do not
get up early then we will not be in time to catch the bus because we have to walk
to where the bus picks us up, and it takes time to try and get to the bathrooms to
wash. So we just try and get to bed as early as possible so that we can have as
many hours as possible to sleep. Then we cannot sleep [properly] - the bugs are
biting and disturbing our sleep. (Worker respondent 14).
All these workers had attended the clinic regularly for health related issues

including dermatitis, heart pain, asthma, stomach disorders, difficulty in breathing and

general weakness. From the above it is clear that for many workers there is a steady

build-up of layer upon layer of fatigue resulting in exhaustion creating a significant risk

of injury, as observed by one stakeholder regarding an accident involving a driver who

fell asleep, lost control of his vehicle and was fatally injured.

The above analysis links fatigue to workplace accidents and disease. In addition,

there is a growing body of evidence that insomnia is an independent risk factor for

mental illness, with the strongest risk ratio for depressive illness (McCall & Black,

2013, p. 389). Depressive illness could result in suicidal ideation which, according to

McCall and Black (2013) is defined as a desire to die, or at least an indifference towards

living (McCall & Black, p. 389). An example of this indifference is reflected in the

response from Worker respondent 15, who confided that he worries at night, cannot

sleep and feels imprisoned:

Here there no peace of mind. I feel forced to live here and I do not know what to
do about it. I do not know what I would do if I ever had an accident. I cannot do
anything. If they take me to the hospital and I die, that is okay, and if I do not, that
is also okay. (Worker respondent 15).
Regarding suicide, worker respondent 19 expressed disgust at the fact that

supervisors would go out of their way in order to ensure that any worker was too afraid

of deportation voice their opinion upon the death of a colleague or to attempt to make

an insurance claim for injury. This related to a case discussed in Chapter 6 where a

worker was fatally injured when loading concrete and the company paid compensation
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to his relatives by forcing the victim’s colleagues to take a pay cut, to fund the

compensation:

So we had money taken off our salary - they get the workers to give the money to
give to these people [the relatives]. So they are breaking the law. According to the
law, the government cares, but they do not care too much. (Worker respondent
19).
Worker respondent 19 further reveals that he had witnessed suicides in the camp:

I have seen more than 3 people commit suicide in the camp. The company say that
they drank too much and that was why they hung themselves. (Worker respondent
19).
The above analyses reveal that there is alcohol available for workers to consume

and is a factor in depressive illness and suicides. This became evident after interviewing

worker respondents 11 and 12, who both made reference to freely available alcohol in

various forms notwithstanding the fact that the sale and consumption of alcohol in

Kuwait is strictly forbidden by law:

When someone comes from India my advice is don’t drink whiskey and don’t
smoke. I have not seen where they get it from…Sometimes they drink whiskey and
then they go and fight. I do not know where they get the drink but they are getting
drink. So even in Kuwait they are getting what they want. All sorts of hard drinks
are available and easily. (Worker respondents 11, 12).
Respondent No. 19, when asked to reveal why he felt the workers had committed

suicide, gave the following response:

They were frustrated. When these people came they paid 60,000 [Rupees] to the
Asians [labour agents]. They are all poor people. The people [in their home
country] expected many things. They see what is going on when they come to
Kuwait. So they try and go back to their country. The company [subcontractor]
brings big problems for these people because the company will not pay or allow
them to go back. The workers smoke too much, drink katchera [locally sold home
brewed alcohol]. I have seen this because the company does not give
compensation. Nothing. So they drink too much. There are no comforts. They were
between 30 and 50 years old and had been in Kuwait for about one or two years.
They were expecting good salaries but [salaries were not honoured] and there was
no hope of paying the money [agent fees] and the living situation was too bad. If
the Kuwaiti nationals became involved then it would be better but they do not
involve with non-nationals. [Project owners distance themselves from
subcontractors]. (Worker respondent 19)
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It is probable that alcohol related suicides are more common in Kuwait than has

been officially reported. The unwillingness to discuss alcohol dependency is, in part,

due to the fact that alcohol is illegal in Kuwait.

Conclusion

Research findings in this study covering Layers 1 and 2 of the adapted Sargeant

and Tucker (2009) analytical framework have shown that socio-economic factors which

exist in the home countries of workers, is the principal driver of the constant supply of

subcontracted construction industry expatriate labour in Kuwait. The degree of

perceived value which workers attach to gaining socio-economic status is therefore

directly related to the improved status, life style and improved longevity of families at

home.

Worker knowledge of their status in terms of their right to seek legal recourse is

vague. Subcontractors are reluctant to inform workers of their right to injury

compensation, and workers are therefore forced to glean whatever information they can

from older workers and colleagues.

Through the official stratification of housing arrangements, workers are forced to

live in areas which are separate from mainstream Kuwaiti society, thus ensuring their

social exclusion. Kuwaiti contract owners physically and culturally distance themselves

from labourers, leaving their management to subcontractors who, constrained by time

and budgetary issues as a result of the official low-bid tender acceptance in Kuwait,

further offload the responsibility of health and safety onto sub-subcontractors,

producing negative OHS outcomes.

The contract status of subcontracted workers in the construction industry is also

negatively influenced by the use of labour agents by subcontractors. This has a

profound effect on workers who are trapped in a cycle of poverty rendering them unable
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to fulfil their family obligations and leads to occupational illness and depression.

Inhumane living conditions and insect infestations further raise the level of occupational

illness. Deepened depression, exacerbated by extreme fatigue and poor nutrition, are

associated with alcohol abuse and mental disorders including suicidal behaviour.

Having analysed Layers 1 and 2 within the Sargeant and Tucker (2009)

framework within Chapter 5 above, Layers 3 and 4 are discussed in the following

Chapter 6 which covers the reasons why migrant workers seek employment in Kuwait,

and the impact of OHS management systems on their lives, experiences and OHS of

subcontracted construction industry workers.

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Chapter 6 - Data Analysis and Findings Layers 3-4

Introduction

This chapter presents the data gathered from the interviews of workers and

stakeholders analysed and the findings arranged into the themes developed within

Layers 3 and 4 of the adapted Sargeant and Tucker (2009) model. Migrant worker

factors and their reasons for migrating are addressed; these are influenced by education,

language and skills levels and by the availability and access to decent work in their

countries of origin. OHS management systems within the project management

consultancy and their relationship to the subcontractor hierarchy are discussed. The

effectiveness of supervision, communication and training of subcontracted migrant

labourers conclude the analysis.

The examination of the underlying reasons for the unabated continuance of

migrant labourers who compete for employment in the subcontracted Kuwaiti

construction industry has exposed the dire circumstances which they face. Continuing

from Chapter 5, the discussion and findings reveal migrant worker factors and OHS

issues.

Table 6.1 illustrates how the overarching themes apply to Layers 3 and 4 of the

adapted Sargeant and Tucker (2009) framework. Control mechanisms leading to

helplessness are linked to coercion, acts of cruelty and the abuse of power. OHS issues

such as respiratory disease is associated with dust exposure, inadequate respiratory

protection and exposure to high risk chemicals. Physical injury includes

musculoskeletal disorders as well as heat exposure, cardiovascular issues, skin disorders

and trauma. Ineffective OHS training is linked to barriers caused by language

differences and problems in comprehension.

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Table 6.1

Approaches to Themes - Layers 3 and 4

Theme: Power and Control Mechanisms
Code Sub-category Category
Acquiescence Helplessness
Coercion
Fear and Anxiety

Low self-esteem
Feeling abandoned Depression
Feeling imprisoned

Betrayal Power abuse Controlling

mechanisms
Unachievable tasks Cruelty
Verbal and physical
abuse
Extended working hours

Theme: Occupational Health and Safety Issues

Code Sub-category Category

Grinding Dust exposure (concrete, marble, Respiratory

Dust storms dust storms) disease

Hoarseness / voice Inadequate respiratory protection

constriction
Wheezing
Coughing
Grey Pallor
Dizziness

Welding fumes High risk chemical exposure

Inadequate confined
space ventilation

Hands shaking Musculoskeletal disorders Physical injury /

Neck pain disease
Back pain
Heavy lifting

Vomiting Heat exposure

Breathlessness
General weakness
Dehydration
Inappropriate /
inadequate clothing
Hearing difficulty Noise exposure Noise induced
hearing loss
(continued)
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Table 6.1

Approaches to Themes - Layers 3 and 4 (continued)

Theme: Occupational Health and Safety Issues

Code Sub-category Category

Chest pain Cardiovascular issues
Physical injury /
disease
Loss of pigmentation Skin disorder

Crushed limbs / body Trauma injury

Nausea / vomiting

Heart attack/Stroke Fatality

Acute trauma
Language barriers Lack of or ineffective training OHS Training
Comprehension

Layer 3 - Migrant Worker Factors

This layer relates to reasons why workers choose to migrate and includes the

influences of education, language and skills levels on their perceived inability to access

decent work opportunities in their countries of origin. These factors have a major

impact on their ability to provide for their families. In particular, this section aims to

answer the following research questions:

Research questions five and six.

What are the reasons for migration and how do these affect worker attitudes

towards safety? What are the effects of migrant education, job type, language and

training skills levels on their OHS?

Reasons for migration. In terms of availability and access to decent work in their

countries of origin, worker respondents were unanimous in stating that they had

accepted work in Kuwait because they had large families to support and either could not

find employment in their countries of origin, or, when such work was available, salaries

were insufficient to lift them from the cycle of poverty in which they existed. Sixty-four
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percent of respondents could not find employment in their home countries, whilst 36%

moved to Kuwait because salaries in their home country were too low. Of those

respondents who could not find employment in their home country, five (23%) were

technically skilled but nevertheless could not find employment. Two cited class

discrimination as the perceived reason for failing to gain meaningful employment.

Forty-one percent of worker respondents were poorly educated and were unable to

secure employment in their countries of origin:

I am forced. I am poor, so I have to come and work here. (Worker respondent 1).
I feel very bad to be away from my family - I cannot fulfil the needs of my family,
so I am not happy. My mother is always sick. (Worker respondent 10).
Others with a low education level were frustrated because they were caught up in

a never-ending cycle of poverty because the salary they received in Kuwait was not

enough for them to save sufficient funds to achieve their goals:

Here is the problem. There I have family, here I am receiving 100 KD but I have
to keep 50 KD for myself [to pay for the agent loan securing the position] and that
money is not enough for my family and they are poor and so I worry each night
when I go to sleep and cannot sleep properly. These things rob my sleep. I think
that if I go home it will be better but then my children will have no support
because I will not have work at all. (Worker respondent 4).
Difficulty is my family is big, so I help them but all my hard work is not helping
them and my mother is sick. I want to help but cannot help. [Respondent is crying
as he speaks, looks away, head down, looking ashamed.] My heart is very
painful…There is nothing. There is not anything good about this work. (Worker
respondent 10)
The ability to ensure the longevity of family members by arranging marriages, to

raise their community profile in the country of origin and to contribute to the education

of children and extended family were key reasons why workers wanted to work in

Kuwait:

My daughter has done 10th grade already..... I will stay for 2-3 years then I will
go to India because I want to help with the marriage....in our family I send money
for 30 people. We are three brothers and we all send money back to the family. I
send money to friends also, if this or that one needs help. I earn more than
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everyone else, therefore I am the leading brother. (Worker respondents 2, 7 and

11).
…My son is only 21 and 23 and my daughter is only 20…So I have to pay so much
for the family so that they can become educated. As soon as my sons have
completed education and get some job then I will go back (Worker respondent
19).
Stakeholders themselves also had similar reasons for migration as the workers:

Okay I said that I basically had no choice …[I went to Kuwait] because my kids
were just about to go to college at that time – they had just graduated from high
school, so it was very important for me to keep the money going in the house.
(PMC Respondent 4)
Having established the reasons why the workers interviewed sought employment

in Kuwait, the links between education, job type, language and skills levels on worker

health and commitment towards safety are now examined.

Safety commitment. Worker responses revealed that 95% of workers were

committed to trying to maintain their own safety to avoid injury, regardless of their

levels of education and skill levels. However, on closer examination, patterns of self-

preservation of subcontracted worker respondents employed in supervisory and

managerial positions reveal a generally callous attitude towards the safety of workers

under their control. This is further evidence that coercion and power are embedded in

the OHS culture in Kuwait.

The findings show that is a clear link between the drivers determining worker

attitudes to their socio-economic status and their commitment to working safely. As

outlined in Chapter 5, the value which workers attach to gaining socio-economic status

in Kuwait is directly related to the extent to which this gives them the opportunity to

improve their socio-economic status in their countries of origin. There is compelling

evidence that these factors correspond with worker commitment to safety because they

strive to prevent being injured so that they can continue to be send money to their

families at home.
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Organisational safety culture. As Hopkins (2006) has argued, every organisation

has a culture (or perhaps a series of subcultures) and that culture can be expected to

impact on safety (Hopkins, 2006, p. 875). This is a reflection of the organisational

culture and the way in which OHS management systems in Kuwait shift the

responsibility for safety onto the workers themselves. Focusing on the personal

characteristics of individual labourers, such as carelessness or ignorance, conveniently

shifts the responsibility of ensuring safety away from project owners to subcontractors

and the workers themselves. The effects of this approach on the lives, experiences and

safety of subcontracted workers is analysed in detail in Layer 4 of this chapter.

Worker respondent 5, a qualified mechanical inspection engineer employed by a

large subcontracting company, stated emphatically that he controlled all the sub-

subcontractors on his site to achieve compliance with OHS standards. He further

claimed that full training was provided to supervisors under his control, both during

induction and also during safety talks. However, the respondent had no knowledge of

whether the supervisors had understood the training and he had no means of

establishing the quality or clarity of the information they passed on to the labourers

under their control. When asked whether the supervisors had received training in their

own languages, he avoided answering the question. His responses provide strong

evidence that there are few if any monitoring systems in place to measure the quality of

information passed on to labourers by their supervisors.

Since I [have started] working, sometimes they [the supervisors] are called to the
safety department, to get some induction training programmes for working safely
inside the refinery. And also some safety talks. We cannot monitor them [workers].
Whenever we observe anything abnormal, we give some notification [to the
supervisors] that these are the things that they should take care of. We are
controlling them to comply to our safety requirements. (Worker respondent 5).
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When asked how he approached the supervisors in order to get them to agree to

working standards, or how he would explain to, for example, a Nepalese worker, how

he should be working, he responded as follows:

This is difficult also, because maybe we cannot monitor them because whenever
we are there they will be working to those requirements. (Worker respondent 5).
When asked how the supervisors behaved in the absence of the inspection

engineers, he replied, with a tone of disdain, as if the researcher had missed the point:

[it is] with the contractor. It is HIS responsibility for making sure these people are
safe. (Worker respondent 5).
The researcher then probed and asked whether the respondent knew whether the

contractor trained the workers or not, and he replied:

Actually, the contractor which we are selecting [aligning himself with the project
owner] depends on their safety ranking also. So obviously they will be
professional vendors, and complying to those requirements. (Worker respondent
5).
When asked whether anyone has checked this, his response was that he was sure

that this occurred, his tone implied that, being the project owners, they must surely do

so, implying that the integrity of the project owner should not be questioned. In stark

contradiction to what he had just said, he immediately referred to a hydro test injury

which had recently occurred:

Not on my site, but I heard about this. I have heard - we were doing the hydro
connection, something failed and the person was [fatally] injured who was
arranging for the pigging [a heavy cylinder is pushed using hydraulic or
pneumatic pressure to scrape and clear a pipeline of debris] of the line. (Worker
respondent 5).
Details of accident data gathered through interviews conducted with workers and

stakeholders are discussed later in this chapter under Layer 4, OHS management

systems. Furthermore, the data gathered from worker respondent 5 implies that there is

no direct control or interest on the part of project supervisors and managers concerning

the ability of workers to ensure their own safety. Evidence of this is also contained in
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worker responses. In some cases, workers were prevented from being able to care for

themselves, even though they expressed the desire to do so:

I have learned that safety depends on myself. I have to take responsibility for my
own safety - if I have an accident, I am the one responsible, so I better take care. I
have not had any training. I have to take care of myself. They are treating the
workers like animals.. Sometimes we have to hammer large nails. When we are
inside [the holding area for the shutters] we cannot breathe… So I went to the
main office and they told me if I did not like the work I could just go home. They
said if I cannot breathe, drink water and sit down. Then when I sit down, someone
else comes to shout at me for sitting down and tells me that I must go back to
work. We wear the full safety gear - sometimes there are masks available,
sometimes not and [then] we try to use a cloth over the face when it is very hot.
(Worker respondent 14).
One notable exception to the above was the reaction of Worker respondent 3

whose wife, child and mother had been granted residence in Kuwait under the

conditions of his work visa. He stated that his wife and mother were Filipina, his child

had been born in Kuwait and that he wished to take his family back to Pakistan. Despite

working for a high salary for a subcontractor employed on the site of a project owner,

the respondent nevertheless placed himself and the security of his whole family at risk

by undertaking clandestine work outside his normal working hours to increase his

disposable income. He failed to wear any personal protection for this clandestine work

and seemed to be oblivious to the fact that, not only was he placing himself at high risk

of injury but also, if he were to be discovered, he and his whole family faced instant

deportation:

When I am finished, I do other work. I only have [KD]150 per month. Outside I
get an extra 200, maybe 300. So I go and work on other sites. And there I am
working without anything [protection]. If the company sees me then big problems
for me and my family [so] outside I am not wearing safety. (Worker respondent 3).
Thus the risk he was taking put himself in and his entire family in danger. That

suggests that this worker was in a state of cognitive dissonance, failing to acknowledge

the possible severe consequences of his actions.

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Stakeholder interviews revealed that distancing themselves from workers was

common practice amongst subcontractor supervisors and this had a demoralising effect

on workers which, in his view, had a detrimental effect on their attitudes towards

working safely:

A little bit of respect goes a long way. The opportunity to be treated with just a
little bit of humanity goes a long way. I recall being out on site and I remembered
the name of one of the workers, and I would stop and say - how are you, are you
getting enough water - are you working safe - ask about their concerns, ask how
work is going - are you being treated the right way - it is funny because one of the
supervisors took me to task and accused me of treating the workers the wrong way
- ‘don’t talk to these people - don’t treat them nicely - they are not used to it’.
(PMC Respondent 3).
Having discussed the reasons for migrating, the availability and access to decent

work in their countries of origin, and how these affected worker attitudes and

commitment to OHS, it now remains to examine OHS management systems in Kuwait

and their effect on the OHS of worker respondents in this study.

Layer 4 - OHS Management Systems.

The influences of OHS management systems within a hierarchical management

system which is steeped in a culture which distances managers from subcontracted

workers who are trapped in the treadmill of survival, produces profoundly negative

influences on their OHS. These concepts are now expanded to demonstrate how OHS

management systems in Kuwait affect the health and safety of subcontracted workers.

It was strongly evident from worker participant responses that power and control

mechanisms such as helplessness through coercive practices led to a sense of betrayal

and erosion of legal rights of workers through extortion, deception and dishonesty.

Controlling mechanisms such as abuse of power leading to betrayal and discrimination

and acts of cruelty and abuse, are associated with a range of occupational injury and

illness issues such as psychological illness, respiratory disease, musculoskeletal issues

and heat related disorders. This section answers the following research question:
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Research Question Seven. What are the influences of OHS management systems

on the lives, experiences and OHS of migrant workers?

PMC/Subcontractor hierarchy. The hierarchical structuring of OHS management

systems in Kuwait begins when projects are sent out for bidding to an approved list of

contractors who are appointed by the project owners. These principal subcontracting

companies appoint secondary subcontractors who are not overseen by the project

owners. These secondary subcontractors are usually short of capital, are under pressure

to cut costs at the expense of safety and consequently do not invest in health and safety

training and equipment. In addition, they cannot afford the services of safety specialists

or instructors; this results in a lack of safety culture both off and on site (Kartam et al.,

2000). The PMCs form the interface between project owners and contractors and they

have the responsibility for ensuring that contractors abide by prescribed health and

safety standards. As discussed in Chapter 5, from the outset, project owners distance

themselves from any direct contact with subcontractors and the labourers they employ.

Comments made by stakeholders support worker claims of the use of controlling

mechanisms, abuse of power and acts of cruelty by supervisors are linked to being

given unachievable tasks which required completion within tight deadlines, leading to

extended working hours, further compromising worker health and safety. PMC

Stakeholder 3 illustrated a typical example of this:

Well, what is the contractor doing? They are not telling the client that they are
having to have their crew stay there for 24 hours, working. All they do is send
them to another site, have them shave, wet their hair as if they had been rested,
and then they come back to the job so that the engineers can see them has having
‘rested’ and are fresh, but they know very well and can see that these people have
not rested. No human being can produce beyond 8-10 hours in a physically
demanding job. (PMC Respondent 3).
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As shown above, the manner in which the PMC/Subcontractor hierarchy is

structured demonstrates the importance of the role of supervisors in ensuring the

wellbeing and OHS of subcontracted labourers through the quality of their supervision.

Effectiveness of supervision. It is at this level that the true picture of the issues

compromising and negatively affecting the OHS of subcontracted workers emerge. The

disregard for human life made evident by the abuse of power and control mechanisms is

made clear in evidence gathered from worker interviews revealing deliberate acts of

cruelty. These include betrayal, unachievable tasks and extended working hours, verbal

and physical abuse.

Themes produced by worker responses reveal a cascading ripple of abuse

beginning with a strong sense of betrayal and job insecurity which spills over into all

aspects of the quality of their lives, resulting in devastating health and safety outcomes.

Moreover, although there are inconsistencies in some cases, most data from studies of

the link between health and behaviour indicate that psychological processes linked with

emotional states influence the etiology and progression of disease and contribute to

overall host resistance or vulnerability to illness (Baum & Posluszny, 1999, p. 139).

Worker responses reveal a sense of betrayal in terms of transactional and

relational psychological contracts and confirm the link between betrayal and aggression.

Forty-five percent of workers expressed feelings of betrayal and fear:

I have been here for 16 months. My medical has been done but I am still waiting
for my fingerprints to be approved. I am sad. No-one will tell me what progress
[he has made] and I am also fearful that my visa will be taken away from me.
(Worker respondent 4).
One time I went sick to the hostel [stayed in the hostel because he was not well]
and the Bangladeshis told the supervisor that I was looking for other work. So
they cut my salary for two days KD10 without investigation. (Worker respondent
10).
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The ripple effect of the betrayal syndrome through power and control mechanisms

within OHS management systems in Kuwait therefore produces dire consequences for

the health and safety of subcontracted workers.

Worker participant responses indicate that power and control mechanisms such as

helplessness through coercive practices, lack of legal rights through extortion, deception

and dishonesty, abuse of power leading to betrayal, discrimination and acts of cruelty

and abuse, may be associated with a wide range of OHS outcomes such as respiratory,

musculoskeletal and heat related issues.

Psychological illness. The link between helplessness as a result of the abuse of

power and control mechanisms and the occurrence of psychological illness is clearly

reflected in worker participant responses. The following worker participant reactions

show that whilst there was a reluctant acceptance of the conditions under which they

were forced to work, the sense of helplessness, anxiety and stress caused by this

acquiescence and associated suppression of their feelings was strongly correlated with

symptoms of depression. Out of 22 worker participants, 16 (72%) expressed feelings of

anxiety, sadness, and varying degrees of depression. Although these participants are sad

because they live away from their families at home, it is the way in which power and

control mechanisms affect their lives in terms of the way they are treated which produce

stronger feelings of depression. In addition, these workers had come to a clinic because

they were also feeling ill for varying health related issues. The significance of

depression related to acquiescence lies in the cumulative effect of interrelated power

and control mechanisms influencing worker quality of life:

I have to get up very early and work longer and harder than I did before. I am
always worried that I will be able to work enough to cover their [his family’s]
needs and worried about what or how they will eat. [He coughs, covers face,
shows signs of distress, blows nose] I am thinking of my wife and child, my family
and that I have been tired for four years. (Worker respondent 1).
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There, at home [in his home country], there is peace of mind. Here is no peace of
mind. I feel forced to live here and I do not know what to do about it. If I have an
accident I cannot do anything. If they take me to the hospital and I die, that is ok,
and if I do not die, that is also ok. (Worker respondent 15).
I feel that when I talk to them [family] that at once, at once, I want to go back. I
feel that I must go back at once. I feel that I am forced, I cannot do anything, I
have to pay money all the time - I feel all the responsibilities are here with me. I
have to fulfil them. (Worker respondent 6).
Wherever I get a job I will do it [as a general labourer and painter]. I will do any
job. Sometimes I feel like I want to cry. I am lonely, I want to cry. I cry. But when
I am at work there is no problem but in the room I feel bad. I do not find anything
good here [in Kuwait]. (Worker respondent 7).
I feel sad... Every day [he thinks about his problems]. It is as if I am in prison - we
are bearing all the problems and tolerating them - we all have the same problems.
(Worker respondent 8).
We have no hope. [of leaving] (Worker respondent 9).
These findings concur with international research indicating that work-related

stress, depression and compromised health and safety issues are strongly associated

with poor working conditions (Baum, 1990; Quinlan & Bohle, 2004; Quinlan et al.,

2010; Ramos et al., 2016; Wong et al., 2008). The above cases indicate that through

acquiescence, the feelings of worker respondents were suppressed, resulting in the

development of depression, compounded by feeling ill and having to receive medical

attention.

PMC Respondent 3 referred to his experience of people who had suffered from

harsh treatment and the way it affected their mental health:

My first project in Kuwait was in north Kuwait, in the oil fields, about 20 km from
the Iraqi/Kuwait border, and the reason why I am telling you this, is that we
measure temperatures in different areas as if it is the same climate. If in Kuwait
City the climate was 47-48oC, in Northern Kuwait it was 4-5 degrees higher. At
the time there was no ministerial order to cease any work in direct sunlight during
summertime. This was in 2000. Workers were working all day in direct sunlight. It
amazed and horrified me and I said something about it and I was told to turn the
other way because there was no law that prevented this type of harsh work. I will
never forget a contingent of civil carpenters who were building the foundations of
this very large plant in north Kuwait. I remember the looks on their faces. Their
lips were swollen, they had a glassy look to their eyes - not only had their fluids
already dissipated, it also seemed as if their spirits were dissipated. It horrified
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me and will never leave me because I remember seeing the men in the winter
months when we started the project, and the work was difficult with the long days
etc. but to see the same men again in the summertime, they were not men any
more. (PMC Respondent 3)
The above experience highlights the fact that it is only due to legislative

restrictions that supervisors adhered to the new directive forbidding working in direct

sunlight between 11am and 4pm during June, July and August. In addition, it reveals

that project owners and supervisors do not actually care about the individual worker. As

PMC Respondent 2 put it:

We had people working at height without fall protection, it only takes one small
step and you have a serious injury if not death, we had seen people working on
excavations and the excavations had not been protected from caving - so many
violations. So we went to the meeting and put it on the table and said ‘you know if
you guys don’t get your act together, we are going to have a serious injury or
fatality on this project’ - and the project manager, and he wasn’t trying to be
funny, it was the way he felt, looked at us and said - ‘well, that is why we have
insurance’. That was his response. He was not concerned at all about the safety of
the workers. So, is the worker valued? No. He is just a number. If he is not around
today, we will find someone else. (PMC Respondent 2).
Respiratory issues. Respiratory disease is a major area of concern, particularly for

subcontracted construction labourers working on private construction sites and as

labourers within the various refineries in Kuwait. Interview observations and common

themes derived from worker interviews confirmed that respiratory issues are an ongoing

concern for construction workers. Fifty percent of the total number of worker

respondents complained about breathing problems, or were observed to show signs of

coughing, wheezing, paleness and shakiness which, according to Quinlan et al. (2010)

could be indicators of the existence of respiratory illness. There are numerous additional

interrelated factors affecting the possible development of respiratory diseases including

dust exposure from general atmospheric matter, working with concrete and marble,

inadequate inhalation protection and risk of being exposed to harmful chemicals.

Worker respondent No. 3, a welder, perceived that he had respiratory problems as

a result of dust storms. He also stated that he undertakes clandestine work from
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numerous private building contractors, where he is employed in a variety of roles

including carpark construction, rebar welding and general building construction. While

performing this clandestine work he does not wear the personal protection equipment

which his company provides out of fear of discovery. Moreover, when performing his

official duties, he is engaged in welding operations at various oilfields and refineries

and therefore runs the risk of long-term exposure to low levels of hydrogen sulphide

(H2S) which have the potential to cause asthma (U.S. Department of Labor [USDOL],

2002). In addition, welding fumes and gases have the potential after prolonged exposure

to cause lung damage and various types of cancer including lung, larynx and urinary

tract (USDOL, 2002).

If comes the dust, I have two, maybe three days in the hospital. If I am at home,
there is no problem. But as soon as there is a dust storm and I am at work, I have
to come here for my medication…. [I am working] in some Kuwaiti houses, maybe
making carparks, building houses, making welding. I am just wearing safety
glasses..[unclear who provides these or what they are made of - the researcher had
observed many outdoor welders working in nothing but loosely wrapped cotton
clothing, no protective footwear, or open sandals, and wearing ordinary sunglasses
as eye protection]… (Worker respondent 3).
Respondent 12, a stonemason, had been working on buildings in Dubai for 6 years

prior to accepting his current position in Kuwait. In both positions he worked mainly on

placing heavy ceramic tiles onto the outside of multi-storeyed buildings. He explained

that he wears safety protection only when there is a need to grind the ceramic tiles to

alter their dimensions, otherwise he will not. This means that he would be exposed to

intermittent periods of ceramic dust inhalation when he takes off his protective

equipment, as the work does not proceed consecutively by first placing tiles needing

grinding and then placing tiles which do not, but a combination of both, throughout the

working day. Moreover, the respondent gave no indication that he needed to wear

protective equipment because of health implications but implied that the motivation for

wearing protective equipment was simply that the organisation required it because it
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was a large company. This would indicate that the respondent had not been informed of

the risks associated with ceramic dust:

If the stone is not okay, then we need to cut and grind it. If the tile is okay, we will
not. When I have to grind, I wear masks and glasses. I wear the gear because it is
the big company and they ask for the safety equipment. (Worker respondent 12).
The above response indicates that worker 12 was not aware of the possible

consequences to his health through inhaling silica dust and would indicate that he had

received insufficient OHS training on the underlying reasons for always having to wear

inhalation protective equipment whilst working with ceramic materials and cement. In

addition, it is widely acknowledged that exposure to silica dust is positively linked to

lung cancer (Field & Withers, 2012), and that symptoms of cancer may only become

evident years after exposure (Quinlan et al., 2010). Because this respondent suffered

from long-term exposure to silica, the possibility exists that he will have already

developed cancerous cells (Field & Withers, 2012; Quinlan et al., 2010). It is also clear

that workers residing in these areas are ill informed of the possible risks to their health

due to the existence of concentrated pockets of particulate matter.

As found by Al-Salem (2008, pp. 1-5), flying ashes and other solid particles

emitted from the refineries, factories and the Greater Burgan field to the south, known

as the ‘refinery belt’, were exacerbated by background concentrations of primary

gaseous pollutants from these sources, result in significantly increased air particulate

levels. These were measured at 797µgm-3 in Fahaheel during 2004 in the summer

season, exceeding the Kuwait Environment Public Authority’s suggested annual

exposure concentration of 90µgm-3 by a margin of 707µgm-3, which is nearly 9 times

the recommended level. This would imply that residents within the Fahaheel/Mangaf

area are repeatedly exposed to particularly high levels of noxious air pollution which

could affect their respiratory systems. As discussed in Chapter 5, 86% of workers

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involved in this project reside in the Fahaheel/Mangaf area and work within the refinery

belt. Concerns over dust and air pollution were common themes amongst workers who

resided in this area:

One problem here, dust and chemicals are floating in the area [air]. I am suffering
from respiratory diseases. I am using medicine from the [medical] centre, but I am
not satisfied. I will ask for medicine in India. There my health was good but since
I am working here, I get hot, and also dust, so I have respiratory problems…here
is too much smoke from the refinery. (Worker respondent 12).
There is a lot of dirt and I just get a cough all the time. [respondent was coughing
continually, wheezing slightly, his face had a grey pallor and his hands were
shaking] ….if comes the dust, I have two, maybe three days in the hospital…If I
am at home [indoors at residence] there is no problem but as soon as there is a
dust storm and I am at work, I have to come to the hospital for my
medication...when we go onto site it is very hot weather most of the time [and] I
suffer from allergies from the dust. (Worker respondents 1, 3).
Respondent No. 4 had been exposed to silica and dust storms for a considerable

length of time, having worked in Kuwait for 16 months and also previously in Dubai.

He sounded hoarse and made wheezing chest sounds as he spoke; his face was pale and

perspiring:

When I was working in Dubai there was so much dust, we became white with dust.
The dust was so much that it covered us at work. (Worker respondent 4).
Worker Respondent 5, employed as a Refinery Inspection Engineer on a four year

contract had reported regularly to the clinic because of respiratory issues, showing

symptoms of asthma. In addition, he had regular problems with his uric acid levels

being out of balance:

Yes, the weather definitely affects my work. When we go onto site it is very hot
weather most of the time and [his general health] and it is worse. I suffer from
allergies from the dust. Sometimes my uric acid levels are not in balance and that
gives me problems. (Worker respondent 5).
Although there were no instances where stakeholders directly discussed specific

cases arising from dust exposure, general reference to the failure of subcontractors to

take into account the environmental hazards because of the low-bid contract award
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system, which results in the provision of inadequate protection against environmental

hazards:

So what we end up getting is the lowest bidder, and oftentimes, he had underbid
everyone else by quite a bit, and one of the first things to be sacrificed is safety
because buying appropriate PPE [Personal Protective Equipment] costs money,
and because he is the lowest bidder he is looking at any way he can cut costs to
turn a profit. So safety definitely suffers……we have injuries - people are grinding
away [on concrete and marble blocks, and therefore inhaling dust] without proper
eye protection [implying that they were not wearing any appropriate protection]. I
mean, many times in order to cut costs, they are being told to not work with the
proper protective equipment or safety tools in place. (PMC Respondent 2).
I see time and time again workers that have safety shoes that are so dilapidated
that not even their shoelaces hold it together. Some of them have had their shoes
for 8-10 years. They do not know that they have the right to protest to their
employer for safety equipment. That proves that they have not been informed of
their rights, because they value shoes. (PMC Respondent 3).
Another factor in respiratory disease in addition to dust is exposure to chemical

dusts and fumes. Common themes expressed by workers exposed the fact that although

contract owners provided protection against the inhalation of harmful chemicals during

the course of working activities, there were signs that these provisions did not fully

protect workers. Worker respondent 2 was directly employed as a Pipe Maintainer-

Insulator by one of the large refineries in the repair and insulation of cracks in crude oil

pipelines within the refinery:

I do pipework where I insulate the pipes and put medicine [solvent solution] on
them. There is first the cleaner and then the developer. If there are any cracks that
can still be seen, we have to do it again. I wear hand gloves and masks and a
uniform. The medicine which we are using can be [is] harmful to our breathing.
We have dizziness, cannot breathe properly and feel that we are going to faint.
Then the supervisor rushes us to the clinic, gives us a little oxygen, then we are
alright - we go straight back to work again. Most of us have coughs because we
are working with the medicine, and also then we are working in the dust and in
and out of air conditioned buildings. If we have a cold, we take the medicine
[which the clinic gives them] and then we are fine. (Worker respondent 2).

Worker respondent No. 2 showed clear signs of respiratory illness. His face had a

pale, leaden hue and he spoke with a wheezing, constricted sound, coughing

intermittently. Moreover, his hands had been stripped of their pigmentation up to

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beyond the second joint of the fingers. This is also one of the symptoms of long-term

exposure to epoxy resin (Fick, 2015; Anderson & Meade, 2014).

There are further linkages between inadequate inhalation protection and

respiratory issues. Respondent No. 19, a welder, complained that he worked for 8 to 10

hours per day, welding either in excavated pits, on projects within the refinery or on

external oil tanks. Although the contract owner provided protective clothing including

masks, at times the welders were exposed to hazardous chemicals and oil spillages

during periods when they were not wearing the masks.

Oil and gas is very dangerous gas because of the tanks and here in Kuwait we are
doing 8 to 10 hours. We have so many garbage. So many oils on the floor. I slip
often. H2S is very dangerous [500ppm causes death instantly]. So many gases -
when you enter the refinery you can smell them. Hydrogen sulphide. These are
inside. Some areas, for example, when they shut down, they open the flanges, the
pipes, and there are gases which come out. (Worker respondent 19).
It is worth noting that in this case, the respondent did not refer to gases produced

by the welding process itself, which could indicate that he had received insufficient

training on the dangers of exposure to gas whilst welding. He had received training

from an Italian consortium in his home country prior to coming to Kuwait—however

there was no indication that he received any training after that period and may therefore

not be familiar with safe welding processes on the different types of metal used in the

transportation of different types of oil, as observed by PMC Respondent 3:

Education should start with training. Take it to the workers level in their own
language! Teach them! A lot of times the supervisors are not very good because
they don’t know how to manage the people under them. And it’s not until you take
them to the side that you find out that they are not really transmitting to their
workers what they want. The key is the lowest bid. Training is overhead. Safety is
overhead. So what’s the first thing to suffer? Safety. Even though welders may be
trained in a certain type of metal, he is not necessarily a trained welder in the
different types of metals that are going to be welded on this project. (PMC
Respondent 3).
PMC Respondent 2 confirmed that worker respondent 19 was likely to have been

exposed to noxious gases. Furthermore, the worker should have been wearing a
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protective mask for the duration of the time he was inside the refinery. It also confirms

that the worker concerned must have been inside one of the older refinery sites where

equipment and pipelines may have become hazardous to operate and maintain.

When H2S is generated from hydrocarbons it is often present when you open a
pipe. In fact, if it is a high enough concentration, one breath can be fatal. If the
alarm goes off that there is any H2S in any of the [modern] plants under our
control we use escape masks to get off the premises. But these only allow for 13
minutes, just to escape. You have to monitor the level and change the filters after
30 minutes because the liquid changes. (PMC Respondent 2).
Musculoskeletal issues. The causes of symptoms of musculoskeletal injuries

amongst workers became clear as interviews progressed. Many activities were named

which involved lifting, twisting and working with heavy weights.

The experiences of a carpenter (Worker respondent No. 14), a stonemason

(Worker respondent No. 12) and a general labourer/digger (Worker respondent No. 15)

reveal a number of factors indicating that extended working hours, pressure to work

quickly with heavy weights and bending and stretching quickly involving repeated

movements with heavy weights are imposed on construction workers in Kuwait:

2 a.m. I get up and go to bed at 9 at night. The whole day work the body is so
exhausting so it is very hard to get up at 2 a.m. in the morning. 4.30 in the
morning we start. We finish at 12 midday and then we go back and work from 3
till 7 p.m. 12 o’clock they close down the air conditioning in the room where we
must rest so we have to work for the rest of the day in the [unventilated] pit. I am
preparing the shutter with the wood in the refinery - there is a hole in the ground
and we have to hammer big nails into the wood to put everything together in the
pit. Then I hold it and the crane lifts the load up to where they are building.
Sometimes I cannot breathe. I went to the office and threatened to resign. They
[the supervisors] threatened me so I went to the main office and they told me if I
did not like the work I could just go home. (Worker respondent 14).
I have to pick up very heavy tiles and put them onto the outside of the building. We
have to put the 20 to 25 kg. When these are small and I have to put it low down [in
the building] it is okay but when it gets higher then we use the crane to lift
ourselves up. There are two of us. The one hands it up and I put it on the wall [this
involves bending, lifting and then stretching whilst bearing the weight].
Sometimes we put 150, sometimes 100 per shift. (Worker respondent 12).
I am a digger. I shovel and dig holes at the construction site. I have to dig 5 to 6
metres every day. The trenches are 2m deep and about 1½m wide. I am working in
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the heat and there is no shade. I use only the shovel. I feel pain after digging for
the day and that is why I have come to the clinic. (Worker respondent 15).
Reinforcing iron and rebar workers are also sometimes referred to as Rod busters

(Choi, Yuan & Borchardt, 2016, p. 26). They position and secure steel bars or mesh in

concrete forms and lift and carry heavy loads, work in severely awkward, kneeling

positions in confined spaces, as experienced by the Worker respondent No. 14.

Moreover, Respondent No. 14 also revealed that he was forced to endure a strenuous

workload over extended hours. The health related problems created by this situation

were compounded by supervisor harassment:

[The supervisor] said: ‘If you cannot breathe, drink some water and sit down.’
Then when I sit down another supervisor shouts at me and tells me that I must go
back to work:’go! Why are you sitting here?’ When comes the heavy weight, there
is lots of pressure and my chest is very [emphatic, stressing the word very]
painful. They asked me whether I had a good heart. I told them I don’t know, all I
know is that it is painful to carry a heavy weight and I feel that I will collapse.
(Worker respondent 14).
Respondent 14 then approached the safety supervisor on site, who had previously

told him that he would assist him with any problem:

So yesterday, I went to that man to say that I was not well, and that I felt as if I
was going to die, that he was unhappy with his work and wanted to leave. It was
then that the supervisor told me okay then run away - don’t talk like this, shouting.
And he sent me back to the job. He did not send me to the hospital, he said ‘go
back and just do your work.’ So I went to the private hospital and paid 4KD and
got the report. (Worker respondent 14).
The above response by Worker 14 could mean that he was at high risk of

contracting cardiovascular disease, as suggested by Petersen et al. (2012), who found

that occupational heavy lifting is a risk factor for ischemic heart disease amongst men.

The responses by Worker 14 also reveal the possibility that the abuse of power and

control mechanisms associated with unachievable tasks and verbal and physical abuse

are connected to the possible existence of ischemic heart disease. Although Respondent

14 complained of chest pains at work, his supervisors did not give him permission to

leave the job to attend the clinic. He subsequently deliberately stayed off work the
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following day and paid a private clinic to examine him. It was only when he presented

the supervisor with a medical letter from the private clinic the following day, that he

was given permission to attend the clinic. However, his perception of the treatment he

received at the clinic was that the doctor who saw him was not interested in checking

whether his chest pain was related to cardiovascular issues:

Maybe [he will need to go back again], but today they gave me a nebuliser,
checked my eyesight and my hearing. I told the doctor about my problem and the
doctor did not listen, and just gave me some medicine while I was in the room.
(Worker respondent 14).
Whilst relating all the above experiences, it was observed that the respondent’s

facial expressions, voice quality and body language fluctuated from clasping his face in

despair to pitching his voice from high to low and exhibiting anger because he

perceived that no-one in the supervisory or medical system cared about him.

The response by the doctor represents a diagnosis that the chest pains experienced

by this worker were solely due to the existence of severe asthma related to heat

exposure and the inhalation of fine particulate matter. However, medical research has

shown that pulmonary function studies are indispensable in the diagnosis of

occupational asthma (Bardana, 2008, p. S410). Limiting the analysis of the complaint

presented by worker 14 to the possible existence of asthma is an example of

indifference and lack of empathy by the clinic staff, who neither reassured the anxious

worker through an explanation of the nature or extent of his illness, nor sought to

determine whether his chest pains were related to pulmonary and/or to cardiovascular

issues.

PMC Respondent 5 referred to instances where, workers had to work through the

summer months without air conditioning whilst carrying heavy weights up and down

multiple flights of stairs:

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Without air conditioning they may have to carry mixing materials up three flights
of stairs etc. I am sure it happens on our sites. (PMC Respondent 5).
In these cases, workers not only have to bend and twist in order to carry sacks of

cement on their shoulders but also continually put pressure on their spines and joints

which in the long term, leads to permanent damage of muscles, tendons, ligaments,

bones, joints, blood vessels and nerves (Choi et al, 2016).

The above analysis of workers supported by stakeholder response indicates that

worker respondents 12 and 14 who had been employed by sub-subcontractors in Kuwait

for a number of years were likely to have suffered permanent damage to their

musculoskeletal systems.

Noise induced hearing loss. Exposure to noise is an important and widespread

occupational hazard in the construction industry (Leensen et al., 2011; Koushki et al.,

2004). The noise exposure of construction workers frequently exceeds 80dB(A), which

is defined as lower action level (Leensen et al., 2011). In Kuwait there is ample

evidence that large numbers of construction workers are often exposed to excessively

high noise levels, placing them at risk for developing hearing impairment (Koushki et

al., 2004, p. 127). However, they found that only a small percentage of people

employed in the construction industry considered that noise was either contributing

factor to accidents at work or that noise induced hearing loss was an important issue

(Koushki et al., 2004). Notwithstanding these perceptions, several interviewees

remarked that they did not always understand instructions because they did not hear

properly. The tone of their responses indicated that they considered this to be a normal

everyday occupational occurrence and did not link this impairment to accident

prevention or to the development of illness. Nevertheless, five respondents had

difficulty in hearing the questions and the researcher had to repeat them several times

although the interpreter spoke quite clearly. One respondent (worker respondent 8), who
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had been punished by his supervisor for resting during the day, and had been forced to

operate a pneumatic drill without protective equipment, temporarily lost his hearing and

is therefore likely to have some degree of permanent hearing loss; see page 193 below.

Heat related issues. The environmental conditions in the Gulf States are amongst

the harshest in the world (Bates & Schneider, 2008, p. 1), particularly in the summer

months, when temperatures often exceed 50oC. Workers may become exposed to a wide

range of heat related illnesses including heat exhaustion, cramps and heatstroke

(Quinlan et al., 2010). Worker and stakeholder responses show that in Kuwait, the

problems which many workers face in dealing with heat issues are exacerbated by cruel

acts levelled against them, resulting in episodes of increased dehydration, vomiting,

breathlessness and general weakness amongst others. Seventy-two percent of

interviewed workers had been exposed to working in excessive heat. Many of the

workers had been sent to desert sites where, in some places, temperatures exceed 50oC.

According to the revised labour law, no worker would be expected to work in

temperatures exceeding 50ºC. However, worker responses would indicate that this rule

is not always honoured by contract owners and supervisors.

Worker 6, a labourer-digger, was responsible for digging trenches. He remarked

that no-one else wanted the job because it was so demanding, but because the promise

made by labour agents that he would be employed as a carpenter did not materialise, he

agreed to do the job because he had to keep sending money to his family in India.

Whilst digging trenches in the desert he was also treated cruelly by his supervisor and

physically punished for complaining. In addition, he was forced at times to continue

working until 3.00 p.m., having started work at 3.00 a.m. On some occasions, he was

required to work overtime without extra money, for up to seven days a week:

I feel that I was forced - I could not do anything about the situation. I had to pay
money and all the responsibilities are here with me. When I was in the trench,
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working in the blazing heat, if I worked a little bit slowly, the supervisor would
come and stamp on my head [with his feet] and get angry, so I would have to
complete the work which was very hard for me. When I became hot, my heartbeat
became very fast and sometimes I felt as if I was going to fall. Then I would drink
some water…. There [in India] I had lots of stamina, but here, I am always
breathing fast and hard. (Worker respondent 6).
Worker 8, worked as a trench digger near the Saudi border in north Kuwait:

From early morning 4.a.m. we would travel for one and a half hours to the place
where we were working. We reached there at 4 a.m. We were dropped in the
desert. We dug trenches about 5 metres long by one metre down, deep. There was
only one cooler bottle of water between us for the whole day [two diggers]. We
were left there for the day out in the open air. The temperatures were very high -
around 55 degrees. We had to work for 8 hours in the sun with a 30 minute break
- but we had no shelter - just in the open. Usually we got a pain in the neck,
nausea and vomiting, then we would call the supervisor by radio and he would
come and fetch us [it took half an hour for the supervisor to reach their position].
(Worker respondent 8).
In addition, as shown by Quinlan et al. (2010), heat exposure was additionally

related to incidents of skin disorders and dermatitis, as further explained by Worker

respondent 8:

From two of us they wanted a kilometre in 8 hours and most of the time we could
not finish that. We had to work in this uniform, it was silky, like a parachute, and
when it was hot, we became very, very hot, and it made us sick. We used to get
rashes over our body and our necks became burned as if we had been near a fire.
(Worker respondent 8)
Worker 14 was employed as a carpenter making wooden shutters to be hoisted up

to whichever floor of a privately owned high-rise building was being constructed:

We work in a hole in the ground [adjacent to the building structure] which is about
12 feet tall. There is no air conditioning down there. We start at 4.30 in the
morning, finish at 12 midday, then rest till 3 and then go back down from 3p.m. to
7.p.m. At 12 midday they close down the air conditioning in the room where we
must rest till 3p.m. so we have our lunch with no air conditioning and have to go
back and work for the rest of the day in the [unventilated] pit. (Worker respondent
14).
PMC Respondent 1 referred to the construction of a basement kitchen designed to

expand an existing basement kitchen used to prepare food products for distribution to a

chain of food outlets:

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The people there are working below ground level in sub-human conditions
without ventilation. There is a building code but they do not adhere to it. When I
first started they installed a red pipe going vertically into the ceiling [indicating
that the air was being ventilated] and then it stopped. They got a pipe in, painted it
red to fool the inspector who they also paid by paper envelope to sign off the
building certificate of compliance. When I asked for a fire safety certificate and
licence for the building, to check the compliance requirements, there were quite a
few things missing from the list. We had ducting people come in and they put an
extraction hood right next to the air conditioning unit in a way that the airflow of
the unit was sucking in all the exhaust fumes from the other kitchen’s ducting so
there were cross ventilation issues. And people have to work in these [elevated]
temperatures - the labourers had to work in well above 50 degrees because the
owner would not provide enough ventilation. (PMC Respondent 1).
PMC Stakeholder 3 remarked on the manner in which supervisors treated the issue

of exposing workers to excess heat, as follows:

Here is a man who is working in over 50 degree weather, I assume trying to make
a better living for himself and his family wherever he is from, and here is someone
else, who is not far from where the worker comes from - telling me that I should
treat them harshly… I don’t accept that. (PMC Respondent 3).
An example of the type of harsh treatment in relation to heat exposure was

referred to by PMC Respondent 3, a general labourer who had been forced to dig

trenches in the desert for extended periods with insufficient supplies of water to last the

day. The worker revealed that the supervisor (of the same nationality) would come and

check to see how much work had been done, explaining that sometimes they needed to

rest because of the palpitations caused by the heat, and therefore could often not

accomplish the unachievable task which they had been set:

The supervisor would say ‘why - look at the time that has passed and still you
have not finished your work!’. He would deliberately choose only that time
towards the middle of the day when he knew we would be resting and tired. One
time, he was getting so angry with us that he gave us [other] work to do using a
drill [pneumatic drill, without wearing any ear or body protection]. The drill
weighed 20-30 kg and the supervisor had to come and help me because my body
was aching, my ribs, my whole body. I could not hear. When we complained he
said ‘if you don’t want to work, then go home’ [implying that he would be
deported]. (Worker respondent 8).
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PMC Stakeholder 2 referred to a death of a subcontracted labourer which had

occurred on a construction site, demonstrating that the labour law ruling in terms of

working outdoors in the heat, was not always being honoured:

I would say that it has not yet been fully implemented. For example, a gentleman
who fell from a height, he was working out in the heat, it was during a time of day
when he should not have been working outside up at a height, and due to heat
stress, they suspect that he lost consciousness, but the person did not survive the
fall so we will never know exactly what did happen. With such weak governmental
intervention I guess, people have a choice - either do it the way the company
wants or they get sent home. (PMC Respondent 2).
The above analysis demonstrates the relationship between musculoskeletal

disorders and heat exposure which leads to a wide range of injury and illnesses which

are additionally linked to the abuse of power and cruelty inflicted on expatriate

subcontracted labourers by their direct supervisors. These factors are additionally linked

to a wide range of trauma injuries, as outlined below.

Trauma injuries. Trauma injuries include minor injuries such as sprains, cuts and

bruises, severe injuries which cause prolonged or permanent disability and acute

injuries resulting in fatality. As an example, worker respondent 21 had suffered a severe

trauma which is described in the exchange between the researcher and the respondent,

outlined below:

I have had a personal accident. I fell down and had a big operation.
How did that happen?
I was taking the measurement and suddenly had a blackout and fell. I could not
understand what went wrong [he had been outside, in the sun, on a ladder,
working on an air conditioning unit].
How long ago?
Five months back. I damaged my head and needed a big operation, the operation
was done in [redacted] Hospital.
Had you been working for a long time on the day before you had the accident?
I cannot remember.
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Have you had any compensation for this?

I do not know about compensation. I have been told that my paper is in progress
and even the company is saying that the paper is still under way for some
compensation but I will go back to India next month and so I do not know whether
I will receive any money. God will know that.
Have you had any side effects?
Nothing that I can tell you.
What did they do when they operated on you?
[I] was in ICU [Intensive Care Unit] and I was in a coma so people came and they
prayed
Does he know what they did in the operation?
When I fell I vomited and afterwards my clothes became dirty [he became
incontinent] and they took me to hospital and they operated. I was 25 days in the
hospital.
How many stiches did you have?
Around 32 stiches [At this point the respondent took off his cap and slowly turned
the back of his head to show the researcher and interpreter – the stitches were
clearly visible all around the back of his head – he appeared to have had some of
his skull cut away and the skin was stretched over a large dent in his skull].
They are taking a new project - now I cannot work as I used to do so I must go
back to India.
I am 100% weaker because I am not fit like before. I was fast at walking, and now
I have become slow. I will go to the side and hold the stair railing so that I can
climb the stairs - I do not want to tell anyone that I have had an accident. I do not
want to disturb [upset] anyone and cause trouble - I will not complain [to his
managers]. God has saved me and will take care of me. (Worker respondent 21).
The fact that this worker had spoken for a long time before revealing the accident

which lead to the brain surgery, is a clear example of the recommendation made by

Liamputtong (2009) that researchers allow the interview to flow as naturally as

possible, and that, although the respondent may provide responses which at first seem to

bear no relationship to the question, that more relevant responses may follow

(Liamputtong, 2009, p. 53). The interview had almost concluded when these revelations

were made. The degree of mental anguish which respondent 21 had endured was made

further evident by the conveyance of a sense of total acquiescence, which he

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rationalised by stating, in a sad and resigned tone of voice, that he was now resigned to

his fate and was now in God’s hands. Right at the end of his working life and even in

the face of the possibility of receiving almost no compensation for his injury, he, a

broken man because of the lack of care of his supervisors, blamed himself for the

accident.

Table 6.2 below illustrates the number and type of accidents which were revealed

during worker, subcontractor and stakeholder interviews, and are therefore not official

accident reports. The descriptions nevertheless provide a broad picture of the types of

accidents which typically occur on construction sites.

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Table 6.2

Accidents and Injuries

Class of accident Description

Fatality Heart Attack/Stroke

Stonemason (60 years old) worked outdoors placing bricks and
heavy tiles for extended periods in the heat. He came in out
of the heat to go to the toilet. When he sat down he suddenly
collapsed after experiencing extreme dizziness. Died after
being taken to hospital.

Fatality Crushed by concrete loading bucket

Worker killed by the crane driver mistakenly releasing a
concrete bucket whilst the worker was in the process of
loading it.

Fatality Fall from height due to heat stress

A worker was working out in the heat when he should not have
been working outside at height [without fall restraint]. Due
to the intense heat he lost consciousness and fell backwards.
He did not survive the fall.

Fatality Fall from height due to improper procedure

A worker was working on assembling ladder sections on a
crane. Instead of climbing the ladder sections already fixed,
he rode with the new section as the crane lifted it and had
his safety harness attached to it. Near the top, the new ladder
section slipped and fell approximately 18 metres with the
worker attached.

Fatality Hit by falling object

A mixer driver was discharging a load of cement near to the
building and the main contractor’s cleaning staff were
removing debris from the upper floors. Their technique for
getting the debris to the ground was pushing it off the slab
edge. A concrete block hit the drum of the mixer, bounced
off and hit the driver on the head and he was killed instantly.

Fatality Crushed by collapsing wall

The contractor was building a temporary percolating pitch for
sewage discharge for the offices and they built a three sided
wall which was unstable, as a four sided wall is needed for
stability. They instructed the labourer to go down into the
centre of the structure while they back filled the walls.
When they back filled them, the walls collapsed, killing the
labourer.
(Continued)
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Table 6.2

Accidents and Injuries (continued)

Class of accident Description

Fatality Crushed by concrete mixer

The driver of a concrete mixer truck fell asleep, and he went off
the road. By the time he woke up he was already on soft sand
and he could not control the vehicle. With several tons of
concrete in the mixer he tried to climb out as the mixer was
tilting and he was crushed under it.

Fatality Crushed by heavy object

Incorrect procedure during pipeline pigging. A newly completed
pipeline section was being cleaned by passing a series of
‘pigs’ (cylindrical-shaped scrapers) through it using
pneumatic pressure. One pig stuck in the receiver and had to
be winched out; the pipeline had not been completely
depressurised and the following pig (weighing nearly a ton)
shot out of the receiver and crushed the winch operator.

Permanent injury Fall from roof

Worker fell off the roof, fractured two vertebrae in his back and
broke his leg. He was given a settlement by the insurance
company to cover his injuries but a year after his fall he was
back at work and will walk with a limp for the rest of his life.

Permanent injury Fall from ladder - permanent disability

Worker was on a ladder taking measurements for an air
conditioning unit. He had been working in the direct sun for
some time. He suddenly had a blackout and fell and landed
on his back and vomited, falling into a coma. He was taken to
hospital where he had extensive brain surgery requiring 32
stiches and the partial removal of his skull. He could no
longer climb stairs or walk for any distance without support
and his short-term memory had been damaged. He had
ongoing problems with eye infections and body rashes.
Worker was due to be deported at the end of that month but
at the time of the interview still did not know whether he
would be paid compensation or how much he would receive.

Temporary injury Heart attack

Friend of a worker respondent was employed pasting advertising
stickers onto billboards, requiring him to work in direct
sunlight on a ladder for extended hours, had suffered a heart
attack.

Near miss injury Near miss shuttle crushing incident

Worker had not fully attached shuttle hook to fit steel rebar
frame to the lifting crane and the shuttle fell and bent, almost
crushing him. Worker’s salary cut for five days.
Note. Classifications adapted from Reporting Accidents and Incidents at Work, (2013) Health and Safety
Executive, UK.
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The following redacted summary from a formal fatality accident report developed

by one of the smaller PMC provides some insight into factors hindering accident

prevention in Kuwait:

No entry and exit checkpoints had been put in place and people therefore had free
access to a dangerous area. The operator’s line of sight was obstructed because
of uncleared litter from the site. There was no evidence to validate the clearance
of the site inspection report by the authorities. The operator did not follow safe
practices as laid out in the site procedures manual. The contractor had no safety
training programme in place for operators. The operator was left to control the
site alone during supervisor absence. (PMC Respondent 5).
A redacted summary of an interview conducted with a witness to a serious

accident on another construction site provides further insight into the way in which

labourers are left to cope with accidents in the absence of supervisors and the difficulty

with which they are able to respond to questions when interviewed. In this particular

case, a PMC interpreter translated the questions:

What activities were you involved in prior to the accident?

Everything
Who was your supervisor?
[Name redacted] he was not there
Who is in charge when he is not there?
Labourers
What did you do?
Took victim to hospital in company car and took taxi home
Do you know what to do if you have an accident?
No.
HSE induction. Have you had it?
No
Any safety training?
No
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The above replies reveal the lack of supervisory effectiveness through

miscommunication and lack of training. It is therefore important to examine how

communication and training affected subcontracted workers in this study.

Communication and training. Common themes from workers and stakeholders

revealed the lack of training of subcontracted workers, particularly those with little or

no education working as labourers. Lack of effective communication and training of

migrant workers has been the subject of much discussion by analysts of OHS in

vulnerable populations.

Worker responses reveal that the majority of those involved in the study had

received little or no induction or on-the-job training, with the exception of sandblasters

and welders who, although they received basic induction in terms of what safety

equipment they should use when working, were not provided with in-depth training in

the hazards inherent in gases, dust, chemicals and the possible short and long-term

consequences in terms of their health and safety. Furthermore, supervisor aggression

was a theme which ran through all the responses. Many workers made references to

being shouted at and threatened as a form of verbal communication and, as discussed

earlier, fear is a recurring theme throughout this thesis, at numerous levels. All these

factors contributed to their overall vulnerability and it is clear that there was little or no

concern for workers as individuals, especially in the case of unskilled subcontracted

labourers.

Stakeholder responses support the notion of the inadequacy of health and safety

training, ability of supervisors to communicate effectively and the lack of interest

displayed in the health and safety of workers:

Poor education for the workers - we have eye injuries - people are grinding away
without proper eye protection and getting foreign objects into the eye. There is
ignorance - they don’t recognise the risk, and that’s where a good safety team
should be able to convey the risks to the worker before they even begin, but these
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workers just want to be able to send money home to their families and so a lot of
times they don’t recognise the risk they are taking. Unfortunately many times, in
order to cut costs, they are being told to not work with the proper protective
equipment or proper safety tools in place. (PMC Respondent 2)
It is a philosophy that should start primarily with education. Introducing a culture
of good work conditions, communication, humane treatment one to another - until
you get this you will always have this continuance of a philosophy of harsh
treatment of others, lack of safety, lack or authority. Once you start introducing
this type of education, you need to continuously reinforce it but you also need to
let each of the supervisors start buying into the philosophy and start transmitting
it down the line. [at the moment] there is no supervisory training. (PMC
Respondent 2)
We have toolbox meetings on our jobs every week or two weeks but we can’t be
sure what the result of those are. Not everyone attends. Then there is the language
barrier. We have Indians, Sri Lankans, Bangladeshis, Pakistanis, Arabs, Filipinos
but these people are more at the supervisory level than at the worker level.
Workers [sometimes] hear by word of mouth or will call the nearest supervisor
who will inform them but generally they have to rely on what they hear from their
elders or colleagues in the complexes in which they live, so they are probably in
the dark. (PMC Respondent 5)
The lack of concern for workers either as individuals or in terms of training to

improve workmanship and therefore the quality and safety of buildings, is demonstrated

by the following PMC comments:

We realised that there were bigger issues than those we had first imagined. When
you are concerned with OHS it is hard to detach yourself from the quality of
workmanship which you observe. We used to walk around the building and
noticed that the workmanship was horrific. We had one contract manager on the
project and only two safety inspectors. When we realised that they were not going
to buy into safety we pulled out of the project. We were later asked to go back and
take care of the safety. That was a nightmare. (PMC Respondent 2)
We used to say that the workmanship is terrible and really needs improving. We
would say you cannot pour concrete in 48 degrees - the concrete will not set
correctly. I mentioned it to the project engineer and he said ‘you are not here for
quality issues. Your job is to inspect for safety those other issues on not your
concern’. (PMC Respondent 5)
I was called out one day when workers were on the roof. I said you cannot have
people on the roof without proper belts. I told the contractor and he said - if you
want your job you will do as I say and get that roof finished. Because of his
influence (wasta) in the Kuwaiti parliament he felt that he was untouchable. The
whole system of influence and lack of government regulations in Kuwait’s is a
huge obstacle to the implementation of OHS. (PMC Respondent 3)
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Documentation provided by one of the project management consultancy

companies revealed that OHS compliance measures were not being met:

Numerous workers were found on site without approved standard safety helmets
and were not inducted on site. Workers were excavating without wearing high
visibility jackets and were not making use of flags to control operations. Workers
continue to carry out jobs under poor to no lighting. Brick cutters were not using
ear or eye protection. (Extract from daily safety report).
The following excerpts from general safety reports from three of the medium to

small sized PMC is now presented in redacted format, and provides a typical example

of the extent to which communication and training of subcontracted labourers fails to

take place in Kuwait:

Numerous workers not wearing approved standard safety helmets and had not
been inducted on site
Bricklayer and cutter not using ear and eye protection
Numerous workers in construction area not wearing safety helmets
Workers continue to work with poor to no lighting
Supervisor allowed labourer to ride the scaffolding outside the building in order
to move from window to window
Workers working on scaffolds that have been labelled unsafe for use
Subcontractor workers working at height without PPE. No fall protection, no
safety helmets and had no induction training
Labourer riding on concrete bucket without fall protection
Subcontractor foreman and labourers working at height together without any
PPE or fall protection
Damaged ladder used horizontally as a work platform
Air conditioning ducts used as walk over and work platform supports
Subcontractor engineer not wearing safety shoes on site

The following excerpt from an interview with one of the PMCs revealed the

extent to which contractors will go in order to conceal accidents to obtain prestige and

monetary rewards via zero accident reports to project owners:

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This project used a tower crane opposed to a mobile crane to lift materials to the
correct height for construction. When the building had reached second level
construction they needed to raise the crane blow to levels. We worked from 7 a.m.
and the accident happened at 6:05 a.m. prior to our arrival on site. I don’t think
that was by accident. The contractor realised that we are strong on safety and
could make things difficult. And so the tower crane company was ordered to
arrive on site early with the intention of adding the sections required.
When you first add a section someone has to bolt that section in. The worker,
instead of climbing up the interior ladder up into the tower crane decided to ride
the exterior ladder as the crane lifted it to the top. He had worn a safety harness
but he clipped it to the exterior ladder as the crane lifted the section, when it got
right near the top where it is was supposed to be bolted in, the ladder carrying the
worker slipped and fell approximately 18 metres to the ground and landed on the
counterweights. Initially he did not die but he had suffered many internal injuries.
Instead of taking him right across the road to the company hospital where his
chances of survival would have been increased, they transported him about 20
minutes down the road to a hospital which was further away. We did not find out
about it until about 10 a.m. after our arrival, that he had passed away in that
hospital. So it was obvious to me that they were trying to hide the accident and
would never have told anyone about it unless the worker had not passed away…
(PMC Respondent 3)
The above clearly demonstrates that most injuries are outcomes of causal

processes (Quinlan et al., 2010), and in this case, the result of the deliberate breakdown

in communication between a subcontractor and the PMC, concealment in order to avoid

reporting an accident in order to gain a zero accident rating to appease project owners.

Significantly, the data also shows that the contract owners themselves are responsible

for condoning, and, indeed, encouraging the non-reporting of accidents:

PMC Respondent 2 referred to the fact that the value of projects in Kuwait is

based on the number of safe man hours worked, and that this has led to the under-

disclosure of accidents:

There is a push by project owners. Once a company reaches one million man
hours without injuries, and 5 million, 10 million, there is a lot of recognition. So
companies tend to hide their injuries and accidents. We had one contractor who
claimed and celebrated 46 million man hours without a lost time injury, and I can
tell you that here in Kuwait a lot of the safety people move from project to project.
Some of the safety guys that were on the previous project, and were on this
current project, told me directly that they had had accidents on that project, but
that they had hidden them from the owner. I mean, on the [redacted] project, our
company had 11 officially reported accidents out of the 12 that were reported by
other PMCs. Of the remaining PMCs a figure of zero accidents were reported, so
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[indignantly and with a sense of frustration and contempt] because we honestly

declared, we were labelled as having a poor safety record. They are getting the
accolades and we get hit over the head because we are honestly trying to do the
right thing. Of course we do not have proof, but I suspect it is the same
contractors that they work with that have been involved in some of the accidents
that we have had. You cannot convince me that they act differently on those
projects than on ours. It’s the same people. However, it is also the environment
within the project owning company that promotes the cover up of accidents. They
will throw huge parties for these companies to recognise the success of the project
and I doubt very highly that any project here in Kuwait can reach that level. Just
to achieve 1 million accident free hours is an accomplishment. (PMC Respondent
2).
Conclusion

The evidence produced in this chapter has demonstrated the depth and extent of

destructive forces brought to bear on subcontracted workers in the Kuwaiti construction

industry. The combination of these pressures has rendered these workers invisible and

trapped in a never-ending cycle of dependency and helplessness in which they continue

to struggle to honour cultural and social responsibilities in their countries of origin.

The results produce compelling evidence that these workers are committed to

maintaining their own safety due to OHS managerial commitment to shifting the

responsibility for safety onto the workers themselves in the development of a victim

blaming managerial culture (Quinlan, 1988, p. 192) which is strongly reflected in OHS

management systems.

Power and control mechanisms such as helplessness through coercion, lack of

information and training on worker rights, betrayal and acts of cruelty were shown to be

connected to a range of adverse occupational injury and illness issues, the roots of

which lie in the hierarchical structuring of OHS management systems which are

constrained by a legally entrenched low-bid acceptance policy. Consequently,

subcontractors cut costs at the expense of investing in health and safety training and the

provision of adequate personal protection equipment. Contract owners were shown to

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distance themselves from the need to interact with labourers, thereby further re-

enforcing a culture which renders workers invisible.

The culture of victim blaming and distancing is strongly reflected in the quality of

supervision and it has been shown that it is at this level that the full extent of the ‘blame

the victim’ culture is revealed. Workers felt a strong sense of betrayal at transactional

and relational levels (Burch et al., 2015), leading to a range of psychological outcomes

such as depression, helplessness, anxiety and stress. These in turn were connected to

cardiovascular episodes, exacerbated by the high level of respiratory disease as a result

of primary and secondary dust and low level hydrogen sulphide exposure, particularly

for workers residing in the refinery belt who worked in older processing plants in an

environment in which inadequate respiratory protection was a common problem.

Musculoskeletal injuries were of major concern, particularly when associated with

working for extended hours in the summer heat in temperatures in excess of 50oC,

leading to episodes of nausea, vomiting and chest pain associated with ischemic heart

disease.

A summary was made of accidents which had been witnessed by workers and

stakeholders. The number of fatalities and permanent injuries observed are a testament

to the lack of communication, induction and safety training and indifference towards

workers which permeates all aspects of subcontracted worker health and safety in

Kuwait. These factors are exacerbated by high levels of aggression displayed by

supervisors, often of the same nationality as the victims.

Finally, redacted excerpts from stakeholder accident and site safety inspection

reports reveal a gross lack of concern for subcontracted construction workers which is

rooted in a complex, interrelated web of power and control which renders them helpless

and invisible. In addition, the encouragement of the non-reporting of accidents by

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project owners exacerbates this situation. Thus, answering the research questions in the

context of developed themes has resulted in a complex interweaving of factors affecting

subcontracted worker health, safety and wellbeing. These are discussed in depth in the

following chapters.
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Chapter 7 – Discussion: Conceptual Evaluation - Analytical Framework

Introduction

The results shown in the previous chapters have exposed the OHS consequences

brought about by power and control mechanisms inherent in the socio-political milieu

of Kuwait. What is now required is the development of a conceptual discussion which

reaches into the core of these patterns of findings and explores the deepest origins

responsible for exposing the nature and extent of vulnerability in expatriate

subcontracted labourers in the Kuwaiti construction industry. As stated at the beginning

of this thesis, the primary research question was to examine migrant worker perceptions

of life, work, health and safety from a construction industry perspective.

Applying the adapted Sargeant and Tucker (2009) framework, the key research

questions were:

 How, and to what extent, is the health and safety of migrant workers affected
by their inclusion/exclusion in the Kuwaiti life/work framework?

 What is the extent of worker access to representation and regulatory

protection?

 How does the legal status of migrant workers affect their lives?

 How do the roles of recruitment agents and employers in the migration

processes affect migrant OHS?

 What are the reasons for migration and how do these affect worker attitudes
towards safety?

 What are the effects of migrant education, job type, language and training
skills levels on their OHS

 What are the influences of OHS management systems on the lives, experiences
and OHS of migrant workers?

The purpose of this discussion chapter is to evaluate the two major themes arising

from the data findings, to evaluate the effectiveness of the adapted Sargeant and Tucker

(2009) model in providing analytical rigour to the analysis, and to examine possible

solutions to OHS concerns revealed in the findings. Firstly, indifference towards

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subcontracted worker health and safety is thematically manifested in firmly rooted

traditional lines of racial separation and a strong sense of Kuwaiti nationalistic ideology

which passes responsibility for ensuring worker OHS on to PMCs and subcontractors

within a pervasive “victim-blaming” culture (Quinlan, 1998, p. 189). This tendency to

blame the victim serves as a basis for “discriminatory employment practices” (Quinlan

et al., 2010, p. 176) within a climate of fear created by power and control mechanisms

in the PMC management hierarchy.

The second theme is the legally entrenched low-bid tendering system in Kuwait.

This system has caused subcontracting firms to cut manpower levels to a minimum and

load the responsibility of timely project delivery onto sub-subcontracted labourers with

dire OHS outcomes. As one stakeholder expressed it:

That is the issue - when [the project owner] automatically gives the contract to the
lowest bidder, he is going to try and cut corners and hire people willing to work
for the least amount of money to maximise his profits. The workmanship shows all
round and it impacts on safety. Most contractors in my experience regard safety
as a nuisance. They will not invest in heavy duty scaffolding because of the cost.
Their project managers see health and safety as a thorn in their side. (PMC
Respondent 2).
Fig. 7.1 below outlines the links between the literature review chapters, key

findings and areas of significance in this discussion.

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Figure 7.1. Links between Background, Literature Review, Findings and

Discussion.
Chapter 2 – Background

1) Overview reveals historically entrenched discrimination through social

stratification
2) Private sector backlash following employment law changes
3) Demographic restructure through deportations results from new labour
law.
4) Obfuscation of statistical census data/population trends
5) Kuwaiti nationalism – resentment through dependency on expatriate
labour associated with entrenched and widespread discrimination

Chapter 3 – Literature Review

1) Migrant worker vulnerability defined

2) OHS issues arising from competitive tendering law are increased
precariousness of workers and negative OHS outcomes
3) Review and evaluation of available models of analysis
4) Rationale for choice of adapted Sargeant and Tucker (2009) analytical
framework
5) Development of research questions

Chapters 5-6 – Key Findings

1) Worker status in country of origin directly related to perceived status in

Kuwait
2) Power and control mechanisms lead to loss of status in both receiving and
sending countries
3) Workers ill-informed about their legal rights and injury compensation
4) Workers invisible through social distancing and decision-making exclusion
5) Power and control mechanisms related to a wide range of interlinked OHS
issues
6) Poor implementation of OHS management practices because of low bid
tendering
7) Instances of injury and fatality result from poor OHS management.

Chapter 7 – Discussion

1) Effectiveness of adapted Sargeant and Tucker (2009) analytical framework

2) Cultural indifference and low bid tendering law are outstanding issues for
Kuwait
Figure 7.1. Illustrating the structural relationships of this thesis.
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Theoretical Significance of Findings.

In order to contextualise this analytical discussion, a short background into the

conceptual insights applied to the development and layering of the adapted Sargeant and

Tucker (2009) model and the rationale for weighting Layers 2 and 4 (migrant security in

the receiving country and OHS management systems) is now presented.

Conceptual insights - framework development. As described in the literature

review, the original Sargeant and Tucker (2009) “Layers of OSH vulnerability”

(Sargeant & Tucker, 2009, p.53), was developed in order to “compare the situation of

at-risk migrant workers in Canada and the UK” (Sargeant & Tucker, 2009, p. 51). This

layered approach included “factors that bring together the political, economic and

institutional influences” (Lamm, 2014, p. 161) on the OHS of migrant workers. The

addition of a fourth layer within the framework facilitated the inclusion of OHS

management systems and their influences and enhanced the flexibility of the Sargeant

and Tucker (2009) model as a tool for the comparative analysis of risk factors facing

migrant workers. See for example, Lamm (2014).

The adaptation of the Sargeant and Tucker (2009) model as applied to this

research project pivoted on two principal concepts. The first concerned a restructuring

and division of the existing three layers into four, namely receiving country factors,

migrant security, receiving country, migrant workers and OHS management systems.

The second was to develop the system in such a way that the weighting of analysed data

fell into Layers 2 and 4. The rationale for adopting this approach is now presented.

Layering rationale. Sargeant and Tucker (2009) define the term ‘migrant

workers’ as “workers who have migrated to another country to take up work but who

currently do not have a permanent status in the receiving country” (Sargeant & Tucker,

2009, p. 52). The limitation of this definition lies in the fact that, in some countries,
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temporary migrant workers may be able to obtain immigrant status “at some point in the

future” (Sargeant & Tucker, 2009, p. 52). Included in this migrant category are those

foreign workers “whose right to work is time-limited from the outset, as well as foreign

workers who have a more open-ended right to remain but have not yet obtained

permanent status” (Sargeant & Tucker, 2009, p. 52). As previously outlined in Chapter

3, a paradoxical situation exists in Kuwait, where migrant workers have found ways and

means to extend their work through the so-called kafala, or sponsorship system, for

many years, without any such open-ended hope of gaining permanent status, and

therefore remain at the lowest end of the socio-economic scale in Kuwait. Whilst the

Kuwaiti authorities have acknowledged that the kafala system needs to be revoked (Al

Nakib, 2014; Al Shehabi, 2012; Shah, 2011), no protection or legal rights exist for

migrant workers who are trapped in the system. This is a result of the method of

revoking the kafala system in Kuwait and the mass deportations of illegal migrant

labourers who remain in Kuwait because they remain convinced that they are protected

by their sponsors. These workers therefore suffer an increased level of socially and

geographically isolation (Alnajjar, 2000; Al Shehabi, 2012; Chalcraft, 2012).

Consequently, the vulnerability of the subcontracted labourers whose quality of life is

dependent on their kafeel increases over time.

The layers were therefore arranged in order to lend weight to Layers 2 and 4,

Migrant Security and OHS Management Systems as those areas which held the

potential to generate the most relevant data representing life and work as experienced

by subcontracted migrant construction labourers. Layers 1 and 3 provided the

contextual milieu encompassing the social exclusion facing migrant subcontracted

labourers who seek work in Kuwait. The pressures placed upon these workers in their

home countries to seek a better future for the welfare and longevity of their families
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increases their insecurity and exposure to possible abuse within the OHS managerial

hierarchy in Kuwait.

The addition of the element ‘treatment of migrants’ into Layer 2 enabled the

capturing of essential data which demonstrated that the abuse of migrant expatriate

labour in Kuwait begins from the moment the labourers set foot on Kuwaiti soil. The

question, however, is how effective was this approach in answering the research

questions. Therefore an evaluation of the model’s effectiveness in the context of the key

research questions, follows.

Analytical Evaluation - Key Research Questions

Layer No. 1. Question 1: How, and to what extent is the health and safety of

subcontracted migrant workers affected by inclusion/exclusion in the Kuwaiti life/work

environment?

As outlined in the background and literature review (Chapters 2 & 3), the official

stratification of housing arrangements forced workers to live away from mainstream

Kuwaiti society and entrenched their cultural distancing on the part of Kuwaiti contract

owners. In addition, it was suggested that the legally and historically entrenched low-

bid tendering system resulted in the offloading of the responsibility of worker health

and safety onto sub-subcontractors, which led to the development of negative OHS

outcomes.

The findings in this section confirm that subcontracted migrant workers are

isolated from the general community from the onset of their contract duration.

Moreover, this separation is based on traditional and tribal lines and the creation of a

strong sense of nationality, superiority and entitlement on the part of Kuwaiti citizens.

This notion is confirmed by Farques (2011) who claims that “the exceptional

demography of the Gulf States is not explained by an exceptional level of immigration

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as much as by an exceptional closure of local societies” (Farques, 2011, p. 273). The

data has shown that this societal closure has led to the development of a culture of

indifference towards the OHS of migrant labour.

As explained in Chapter 2, the culture of exclusion has been irrevocably fostered

through the application of a rentier system which purchases the loyalty of Kuwaiti

citizens through the creation of a welfare state which grants them a significant range of

entitlements, beginning with the removal of taxes on the domestic economy in the

1950’s (El-Kateri, Fattouh, & Segal, 2011, p. 4). This has culminated in the creation of

an economically inefficient and institutionalised welfare state resulting in misallocation

of resources, a highly segmented labour market and an uncompetitive business

environment (El-Kateri et al., 2011, p. 1). Kuwaiti citizens are provided with free

healthcare, education, social security and ad-hoc gifts bestowed upon them from time to

time by the government (El-Kateri et al., 2011, p. 1). The fact that Kuwait is an imposed

welfare state in which “individuals have actually gained, or better, have been granted,

social rights before their entitlement of political rights” (Khalaf & Hammoud, 1987, p.

355), demonstrates that the evolution of the welfare state in Kuwait took an historical

course which was “in some ways a reversal of the socio-historical development of

Western welfare societies” (Khalaf & Hammoud, 1987, p. 355) and in which

individuals earn civil and political rights during a “lengthy evolutionary process”

(Khalaf & Hammoud, 1987, p. 355). Thus it can be said that the level of loyalty which

the citizens of Kuwait demonstrate towards their leaders is positively related to their

dependence on the rentier economy which has been imposed upon them and not gained

through the normal western style socio-political development (Al Nakib, 2014; Al

Shehabi, 2012; Al Zumai, 2013; Ali & Azim, 1996; Chalcraft, 2010, 2012; Farques,

2011; Partrick, 2012; Randeree, 2012). The relevance of social exclusion caused by the
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creation of a rentier economy in terms of OHS revealed by the data gathered from

subcontracted labourers is now discussed.

The data revealed that OHS issues relating to socio-economic conditions and

social exclusion which were exposed at Layer 1 of the adapted Sargeant and Tucker

(2009) framework include emotional withdrawal and depression. The effects of social

exclusion are made worse when workers, who have no trade union representation and

are completely reliant on their employers and sponsors, are forced to work long hours

often without compensation whilst simultaneously being isolated from the society

which regulated their working environment. These additional pressures are potentially

harmful to their health and safety (Al-Tabtabai, 2002; Kartam et al., 2000; Kartam &

Bouz, 1998; Kazemi & Ali, 2002; Loh & Richardson, 2014; Mayhew & Quinlan, 2006;

Quinlan et al., 2010). The culture of exclusion pervading the workplace clearly

manifested itself within worker residencies through the distancing of racial groups from

each other, resulting in the development of a bullying culture amongst the workers

themselves. Thus, as unequivocally shown in the depth and quality of data obtained

through first hand experiences of expatriate labourers, the cultural distancing of migrant

labour is one of the root causes of psychological illness which is reflected in the domino

effect of a bullying culture which begins at project owner level and ultimately crushes

the spirit of subcontracted labourers.

Moreover, the data has shown that the creation of a rentier economy is the primary

cause of social exclusion because it has produced a sense of entitlement by Kuwaiti

citizens which, when juxta-positioned with Kuwait’s reliance on foreign labourers to

build and maintain its infrastructure, causes resentment and frustration which in turn

leads to the development of indifference towards occupational illness and injuries

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amongst migrant labourers. This concept is expanded in the discussion on Layer 2, as

these attitudes fundamentally affect the treatment of migrants.

Layer No. 2. Questions 2, 3 and 4. What is the extent of worker access to

representation/regulatory protection? How does the legal status of migrant workers

affect their lives? How do the roles of recruitment agents and employers in migration

processes affect migrant OHS?

The significance of the data gathered within this layer lies in the strength of

evidence that worker knowledge of their rights to regulatory protection is severely

limited. This confirms the concept that subcontracted workers lack the knowledge or

access to legal protection as discussed in the literature review. The data clearly exposed

the degree to which contractual promises made by agents and private Kuwaiti

contractors dealing in the kafala system were broken. Furthermore, the data gathered

added depth and breadth to these claims by revealing that private Kuwaiti contractors

and project owners are very well aware of the numbers of migrant sub-subcontracted

workers with illegal status, resulting in the overt and covert collusion with labour agents

in order to further capitalise on illegal workers, thereby trapping them in a permanent

treadmill of dependency and indefinite source of illicit income in a desperate attempt to

honour family obligations in their countries of origin and to pay back agency hire fees.

Furthermore, notwithstanding the fact that several unskilled labourers had not been

required to pay any agency fee, in most cases the level of payment which they actually

received precluded them from ever freeing themselves from the cycle of indebtedness.

As the data discussed in Chapters 5 and 6 shows, this leads to manifestations of

cognitive dissonance. Harmon-Jones, E; Harmon-Jones, C and Levy (2015) refer to

“effort-justification paradigm” (Harmon-Jones et al., p.185), in which dissonance

results from the inconsistency between “unpleasant effort an individual exerts and the
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desire not to exert effort” (Harmon-Jones et al., p.185). However, it is worth noting that

even in those cases where workers in supervisory and highly skilled positions had not

paid agency fees, 77% nevertheless also experienced feelings of cognitive dissonance.

Cognitive dissonance was also exhibited by worker respondent No 3 discussed in

chapter 6 on page 175 and relevant to organisational safety culture who, despite being

relatively well paid, took the risk of both doing extra work outside the terms of his

employment and not using safety gear. He rationalised the true nature of his situation in

his attempt to reduce the incompatibility between what was actually possible and his

internal desire, in this particular case, to take his whole family back to Pakistan. The

seemingly irresponsible behaviour on the part of this worker could reflect the

suggestion by Eunson (2005), that in a state of cognitive dissonance people can “act as

if they do believe in the most absurd and dangerous things” (Eunson, 2005, p. 388).

Whilst cognitive dissonance has been proposed as a possible explanation of the

inconsistency between how workers felt and the behaviour which they exhibited, the

topic is too vast for in-depth discussion within the context of this research. For further

reading refer to Harmon-Jones et al (2015); Jarco, Berkman and Lieberman (2011);

Jonas et al. (2014); Robbins et al. (2011).

The high quality and depth of the data obtained on OHS effects as a result of the

roles of labour agents and indebtedness to both labour agents and project owners has

revealed two important factors.

Firstly, it justifies and confirms the importance attached to the addition of the term

‘treatment of migrants’ to Layer 2, receiving country factors. The inclusion of this

additional analytical element compensates for the fact that the Sargeant and Tucker

(2009) analytical model concerns workers “who have obtained a legal right to enter and

work in any particular country as well as those who have entered and are working
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without legal authorisation” (Sargeant & Tucker, 2009, p. 52). The unspoken

implication is that, notwithstanding their status upon entering any country, once migrant

workers have actually entered the country, the possibility, of ultimately gaining

permanent employment, however remote that hope may be, exists. In Kuwait there is no

such hope because it is impossible for any expatriate worker to gain either permanent

resident or citizenship status. Therefore the security and ultimately the OHS of these

labourers is dependent on the manner in which they are treated from the moment they

enter Kuwait, justifying the addition of this additional element.

Secondly, through the process of rigorous data analysis, the roots of the abusive

treatment of subcontracted migrant labour have been shown to begin from the day they

enter into the employment agreement and accept the terms and conditions stipulating

the type of accommodation and conditions of employment. It is well-known that

contracted workers in the construction industry worldwide are forced to live in sub-

standard and “often inhumane” (Sonmez et al., 2011, p. 20) conditions (Sonmez et al.,

2011; Xia et al., 2004;). However, as discussed in Chapter 3, little research has been

conducted in the Middle East which directly links compromised living conditions

imposed on subcontracted workers in the construction industry to specific OHS

outcomes (Sonmez et al., 2011, p. 18). Acceptance of the conditions of employment is

the defining point at which the labourers are ‘purchased’ in the labour market, stratified

and categorised as wage slaves from thereon. This culture of stratification,

categorisation and subjugation has its roots in the history of Kuwait prior to the

discovery of oil. Khalaf and Hammoud (1987) refer to the economic exploitation of the

pearl divers in Kuwait. In a similar situation to the one which exists in Kuwait today,

where poor and dependent expatriate labourers form the majority of people residing in

Kuwait, and are exploited by project owners and contractors, the poorer people, the
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Bedoon (badu) were also the largest the largest social class in Kuwaiti society and the

“largest number of labourers who were able to earn substinence level wages” (Khalaf &

Hammoud, 1987, p. 346). The result is described by them as follows:

The subsistence wages earned by these proletarian labourers were calculated

according to the division of labor performed on board the ships, with the ship

owners and pearl merchants (often the same men) reaping the bulk of the profits.

This proletarianisation process brought systematic forms of exploitation of the

labourers. This in turn was manifested in the harsh life conditions and perpetual

poverty to which these labourers were subjected (Khalaf & Hammoud, 1987, p.

346).

Khalaf and Hammoud (1987) continue and state that at the end of the pearling

season the labourers “ended up with having nothing but crumbs” (Khalaf & Hammoud,

1987, p. 346) to feed themselves and their dependents.

The data further revealed that OHS consequences as a result of contractual and

stratification processes include the development of asthmatic and ischemic episodes,

sleeplessness and fatigue, leading to long-term sleep deprivation, aggravated

gastrointestinal diseases, depression, alcohol abuse and poor illness recovery as a result

of prolonged malnutrition due to ingesting sub-standard food and interrupted mealtimes.

Chronic fatigue and poor nutrition was a recurrent issue in worker responses.

According to Quinlan et al. (2010), severe fatigue has been associated with risk of

injury (Quinlan et al., 2010, p. 297). Disturbance of sleep length and quality is a major

element of poorer subjective health (Quinlan et al., 2010, p. 297). Furthermore

increased levels of fatigue could result in episodes of falling asleep at work and

complaints from sleepiness (Quinlan et al., 2010, p. 297). Sleep disturbances contribute

to poor health, and fatigue related illness is re-emerging as a “major OHS issue”
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(Quinlan et al., 2010, p. 34). Moreover, there is growing evidence that fatigue is related

to gastrointestinal disease. This indicates that the diarrhoea experienced by workers

could in part also be attributed to their sleeplessness, exacerbating the effects of

overcrowding and insect infestations and increasing the intensity of the downward

spiral of poor health. Fatigue has been recently linked to gastrointestinal disease

(Quinlan et al., 2010, p. 285). This suggests that long-term insomnia would aggravate

gastrointestinal disease. Common themes expressed by worker participants in terms of

their relationship with food are now discussed. Sonmez et al. (2011) encapsulate the

link between living conditions, nutrition and OHS of migrant workers, as follows:

While laws are in place to address many issues, they are not enforced. Urgent

action is needed to ensure basic human rights for migrant labourers who are

entrapped by inhumane conditions, deprived of basic nourishment, susceptible to

injuries and accidents, vulnerable to multiple types of abuse, and deprived of basic

health care. (p. 18).

It has been shown that malnutrition is the primary cause of immunodeficiency

worldwide (Goldstein, Katona & Katona-Apte, 2008, p. 1582). Furthermore, levels of

malnutrition caused by parasitic infections are not known although it has been

established that intestinal parasites are associated with a reduction in food intake,

malabsorption, endogenous nutrient loss and anaemia (Goldstein et al., 2008, p. 1585).

In the absence of published research specifically examining the nutritional levels of

subcontracted labourers in Kuwait, the evidence of the workers themselves suggest that

insect and parasitic infestations combined with malnutrition have a negative effect on

the OHS of workers.

A pervading sense of fear of deportation also led to exhausted states and a high

prevalence of depression including suicidal ideation, particularly amongst those workers

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who earned the least. The literature reviewed referred to increased levels of mental

disease in manual labourers in the construction industry attributable to poor living

conditions, general social exclusion, low social status and exclusion from medical

benefits (Wong et al., 2008). The literature also shows that there are large numbers of

deaths attributable to overwork and suicides which are not included in official health

and safety reports (Cooper, 2013). The data obtained confirmed this, revealing the

existence of work-related suicide attempts attributable to these very factors. However,

in a clear example of the victim blaming culture, these suicides were officially

attributed by the supervisors concerned to alcohol consumption. Al Kandary and Al

Waheeb (2015) acknowledge this in their analysis of accidental deaths in Kuwait during

the period 2003 to 2009. In 2006, alcohol related deaths accounted for 17.97% of the

total number of accidental deaths in that year (Al Kandary & Al Waheeb, 2015, p. 302).

It is unclear whether these figures include unskilled expatriate subcontracted labourers,

however, the fact that the topic of alcohol consumption is being discussed at all sets a

precedent for the analysis of alcohol consumption in Kuwait.

The dearth of academic research specifically addressing the underlying causes of

alcoholism in relation to labourers employed in the subcontracted construction industry

is, in addition, symptomatic of the unwillingness on the part of Kuwaiti authorities to

acknowledge their reliance on large numbers of non-skilled labour to continue to build

and maintain the Kuwaiti infrastructure. This underpins the notion that ‘undesirable’

elements can simply be removed by demographic restructuring and deportations (Al

Shehabi, 2012; Baldwin-Edwards, 2011; Chalcraft, 2010; ILO, 2015; Kapiszewski,

2006; Shah, 2011). Thus the data has provided strong evidence of the official under-

reporting of the full extent of work-related injuries and deaths amongst sub-

subcontracted construction industry workers, providing further justification for the

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modification of the pre-existing Sargeant and Tucker (2009) model to include a section

on treatment of migrants into Layer 3.

These results demonstrate the historically rooted indifference towards the OHS of

subcontracted migrant labour in the Kuwaiti construction industry which is exacerbated

by the official low-bid tendering system, compounding the pressures brought to bear on

contractors to deliver projects under conditions which are impossible to achieve.

Layer No. 3. Questions 5 and 6. What are the reasons for migration and how do

these affect worker attitudes and commitment towards OHS? What are the effects of

migrant education, job type, language and training skills levels on their OHS?

The literature discusses the fact that expatriate labourers seek work outside their

countries of origin in order to upgrade the quality of life and social standing of their

families. The depth and quality of the data revealed that lack of opportunities prevented

expatriate labour in their home countries either to access decent work or to be

adequately remunerated if they had. These factors acted as catalysts for their continued

struggle to provide their children with opportunities to advance their lives and education

by migration as part of a desperate struggle for survival in which the cost of losing their

jobs in the sending country is perceived as outweighing the opportunities presented to

them in the receiving country. The question is whether they will, through obtaining

work in Kuwait, be able to overcome poverty in their sending country, thus enabling the

honouring of cultural and social responsibility for ensuring family longevity through the

improved education of their children (Adhikary, Keen & Van Teijlingen, 2011; Afsar,

2009; Castles, 2000; Castles, 2013; Quinlan et al., 2010; Sargeant & Tucker, 2009;

Shah & Farques, 2011). Compelling evidence is provided that these workers are

conscious of the need to maintain their own safety, simply in order to survive, and is a

clear case of a victim blaming culture, as described by Kartam et al. (2000). This victim
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blaming culture (Quinlan, 1988, p. 192) of creating and re-enforcing fear of injury and

self-blame into the mind-sets of subcontracted workers through coercive supervisory

measures has therefore become embedded in OHS management culture in Kuwait

(Quinlan, 1988; Quinlan et al., 2010; Hopkins, 2006). This is evidenced by the fact that

workers, especially those with low education levels employed at the sub-subcontractor

levels, know that they will be blamed for having accidents – a prime example of the

traditional Middle Eastern propensity to regard workers as accident prone (Kartam &

Bouz, 1998). Worker responses revealed that even those with low education levels

perceived that they had a good awareness of OHS and wished to keep themselves safe

primarily so that they could continue to support their dependents in their home country.

However, ironically, in spite of the fact that workers wish to keep themselves safe,

the data revealed that they are prevented from doing so because of the low-bid tendering

system which causes subcontractors to cut costs and provide neither safety equipment

nor training for their subcontracted labourers. Indeed, strong evidence was produced in

the data that subcontractors themselves are in many instances just as ignorant as their

labourers of both the law and the safety requirements. Thus the very reasons why

subcontracted workers seek work in Kuwait also keep them trapped in a slave-like

situation through the “bureaucratic apparatus” (Khalaf & Hammoud, 1987, p. 350)

which is indifferent to the fate of those responsible for delivering the projects, thereby

suffocating effective OHS management systems and the ability of the PMC to

effectively perform their responsibility to ensure that OHS is maintained through all

levels of any given project. These factors lend additional weight and justification for the

addition of the fourth layer, OHS Management Systems, which is discussed below.

Layer No. 4. Question 7. What are the influences of OHS management systems

on the lives, experiences and OHS of migrant workers?

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The full extent of paralysing influences brought to bear on the OHS of

subcontracted labourers is revealed in this layer. Whilst, as outlined in Chapter 3, it is

generally recognised in the literature that subcontractors are poorly trained with a lack

of safety culture, resulting in the failure to invest in health and safety equipment or

training (Kartam & Bouz, 1998; Kartam et al., 2000), the literature concerning these

concepts in Kuwait was sparse. The research findings encapsulated in this thesis have

compensated for the lack of literature concerning the lives of subcontracted expatriate

labourers. The results add considerable weight to the value and relevance of the study,

whilst simultaneously exposing the root cause of many of the OHS problems in Kuwait

which are outlined in the concluding chapter.

Moreover, more recent literature on Kuwait has failed to link OHS with the power

and control mechanisms created by the inbred and institutionalised cultural distancing

of Kuwaiti citizens from expatriate contractors and subcontractors which in turn is a

consequence of the rentier system developed by the Kuwaiti authorities. Qualitative

research involving the OHS of subcontracted labourers as a consequence of this milieu

is lacking. The addition of the fourth layer, OHS management systems, and its

influences on the health, safety and lives of subcontracted workers has revealed

compelling evidence of the damage which OHS management systems in Kuwait has

brought to bear on the health of subcontracted workers.

These factors were also related to the development of musculoskeletal disorders,

cardiovascular disease, asthmatic conditions, skin disorders and chronic, long-term

fatigue, resulting in trauma injuries. Harsh treatment by supervisors during the summer

months resulted in excessive heat exposure which added to the risk of ischemic heart

disease. The data revealed that many of the illnesses and injuries were directly
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attributable to ineffective supervision resulting from informal labour recruitment

pathways.

As identified in the literature review, competitive tendering in Kuwait has led to

the practice of informal and indirect employment via foremen or intermediaries within

the project hierarchy in order to reduce cost. This was confirmed by data gathered from

PMCs who claimed that the pre-approval process for subcontractors is not overseen or

directly controlled by project owners and is therefore often cursory or simply waived.

Furthermore, as also discussed in the literature review, subcontracted firms underbid

contracts. This results in financial stress which increases the likelihood of non-

compliance with OHS regulatory standards (McVittie et al., 1997; Lamm, 2014). In

Kuwait the situation is made worse because of the legal entrenchment of the low-bid

preference when allocating contractors, who subsequently appoint subcontracted firms

who are focused on survival and have neither the expertise nor the moral will to

effectively supervise or train their labourers. Quinlan et al. (2010), whilst conceding

that literacy levels of vulnerable workers is generally a problem, the role of poor

language skills should not be exaggerated to the exclusion of other factors such as poor

training, induction and supervision (Quinlan et al., 2010, p. 43). Nevertheless,

O’Connor, Loomis, Runyan, Abboud dal Santo and Schulman (2005), in a study of

young Latino migrant construction workers, referred to the need for increased bilingual

services not only in worker safety training programs but also in medical clinics and

emergency rooms that treat workers (O’Connor et al., p. 272). Bust et al. (2008) argue

that it is crucial to identify effective ways to communicate with construction workers

employed in multicultural environments (Bust et al., 2008, p. 601). De Jesus-Rivas,

Conlon and Burns (2016) concur with these views, and comment that non-English-

speaking workers are at a disadvantage in understanding and learning safety concepts

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(De Jesus-Rivas et al., p. 24). The key factor, however, in conveying safety messages

and ensuring robust training of workers remains firmly in the realm of the quality of

supervision and management in determining the quality of communication, induction

and on-the-job training (Quinlan et al., 2010). The data has thus unequivocally

confirmed that this situation has led to poor or non-existent OHS training and the

development of a brutal and ineffective supervisory system which renders workers

invisible and helpless, as illustrated in Figure 3.1.

The effective gathering of qualitative data from previously silent and invisible

workers though the application of a unique methodology, interviewing techniques

involving an experienced interviewer and a culturally sensitive interpreter, has exposed

the true extent of damage to the OHS of workers through ineffective supervision. This

further justifies the addition of the fourth layer to the Sargeant and Tucker (2009)

model, thereby enabling the analysis of the quality of supervision of these workers.

Expanding on the concept that a pervading culture of indifference within the low-

bid tendering system has been shown to lie at the root of many of the issues facing

subcontracted labourers in the construction industry, the effects of this phenomenon are

now discussed.

Cultural Indifference and Low-Bid Preference

Culture of indifference. As suggested in the literature review, and confirmed

through the qualitative data about the first hand experiences of workers themselves, a

pervading culture of indifference towards subcontracted migrant labourers in Kuwait is

the root cause of power and control mechanisms imposed on these workers from the

onset of their contracts. Thematic development revealed a sense of helplessness in

workers, brought about by coercive practices, deception and dishonesty and cruel acts

resulting in high levels of depression, fear, anxiety and a sense of defeat which were
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exacerbated by poor living conditions, inadequate diets and extended working hours.

These conditions additionally lower the perceived status of labourers in Kuwait and

concurs with the finding that, because of these power and control mechanisms, the only

sense of status open to subcontracted labourers is the extent to which they can improve

the status of their dependents in their countries of origin. In many instances it was found

that workers developed a sense of helplessness because they were trapped in a system

from which there was no escape and in which they could not meet their family

obligations because contractual conditions were dishonoured and their financial

commitments to deceptive and dishonest labour agents.

The OHS outcomes of cultural indifference included respiratory diseases, physical

injuries and occupational diseases and psychological illness including suicides which go

unreported as they are not categorised as work-related issues (Cooper, 2013). The data

revealed that many workers suffered respiratory disease through dust exposure,

compounded by the provision of inadequate or non-existing respiratory protection and

exceptionally high levels of air particulate matter. Exposure to dust, inadequate

inhalation protection and high risk chemical exposure are all influential in the

development of respiratory diseases (Al-Dousari, Aba, Al-Awadhi, Ahmed & Al-

Dousari, 2016).

There is widespread acknowledgement that dust is associated with negative health

effects, especially for those who reside in desert areas. It has also been suggested that

ultra-fine particles are able to provoke lung inflammation and increase blood

coagulation, thus also explaining the observed increases in cardiovascular deaths

associated with urban pollution episodes (Seaton & Macnee, 1995, p 1). Moreover,

there are clear links between long-term exposure to air pollution, pulmonary stress and

ischemic heart conditions, as explored by Arden Pope III et al, 2004, who found that
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short-term particulate exposure contributed to acute coronary events, especially in

patients with underlying coronary artery disease (Arden Pope III et al., 2004, p. 2443).

In Kuwait there are several factors which compound the risk of respiratory disease from

dust exposure.

Crystalline silica has been classified as a human lung carcinogen and is a basic

component of soil, sand and granite. Respirable sized particles are released during

construction related activities, for example cutting or drilling of various rock formations

and removal of paint and rust from bridges, tanks and other surfaces. Abrasive

sandblasting causes the most severe exposure to crystalline silica. Damage occurs when

respirable silica dust enters the lungs, causing formation of scar tissue and reducing

oxygen intake. Moreover, the condition may take as long as two years to diagnose and

there is no cure for the disease (U.S. Department of Labor, 2002, pp.1-2). Al-Dousari et

al (2016), in a special study of the predominance of dust in Kuwait, found that rising

dust or dust storms are experienced for 255.4 days per annum (p.95). In addition, the

average values of particulate matter in the Middle Eastern region are much higher than

the World Health Organisation 2006 guidelines (Nasser, Salameh, Nasser, Abou Abbas,

Elias & Leveque, 2015, p. 641).

Between January, 2004 and December, 2005, Al-Salem (2008) conducted a study

of pollution problems in Fahaheel, including vehicle emissions (Al-Salem, 2008, pp. 1-

2). The Fahaheel/Mangaf areas in Kuwait house approximately 100,000 subcontracted

expatriate workers and are situated in the so-called refinery belt, within the governance

area of Al Ahmadi, close to the largest and oldest refineries (Al-Salem, 2008, p. 2).

These refineries are located south of the suburb’s main shopping area and also within

close proximity to cement, ceramic and stone factories (Al-Salem, 2008, p. 2) which

further compounds the problem. Elevated serum uric acid and the attendant risk of
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respiratory disease is increasingly being linked to the inhalation of fine particulate

matter (Horsfall, Nazareth & Petersen, 2014). An example is worker respondent No. 5

who lived within the refinery belt and was also exposed to high levels of fine particulate

matter in addition to the dust he inhaled on site; his asthma and high uric acid level

highlights the need for more research to fully understand the impact of multiple of inter-

relational factors and lung disease, as outlined by Speizer (2000).

Whether they are mixtures of multiple dusts, particles, and gases; allergens and

nonallergic materials; or specific chemical forms or elements of environmental and

occupational agents, “we must improve our understanding of the pathophysiologic

mechanisms of disease development…we should be able to develop strategies by which

mechanisms can be identified and explored” (Speizer, 2000, pp. 603-604).

The data has also revealed that high levels of psychological illness are prevalent in

migrant workers in Kuwait. Workers’ spirits are steadily reduced by unachievable tasks,

extended working hours, and verbal and physical abuse. (Quinlan et al., 2010; Quinlan

& Bohle, 2004) Robinson and Rousseau (1994) refer to promised and reciprocal

obligations between employee and employer as psychological contracts (Robinson &

Rousseau, 1994, p. 245) which, when broken, generate distrust and dissatisfaction.

Burch, Bachelor, Burch and Heller (2015) claim that the psychological expectations of

employees are embodied in transactional contracts, namely compensation and job

expectations, and relational contracts through effective supervision, job security and

personal growth. Furthermore, Quinlan and Bohle (2004) suggest that the notion of

psychological contracts could relate to safety effects of contingent work (Quinlan &

Bohle, 2004, p. 88). In addition, Quinlan et al. (2010) refer to the possible existence of

occupational violence through broken psychological contracts, including verbal abuse,

threats and physical violence, all of which cause fear in the victim and could lead to
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stress or avoidance behaviour (Quinlan et al., 2010, p. 30). Neuman & Baron (1998),

furthermore, suggested that breaching the psychological contract may be connected to

increased workplace aggression (Neuman & Baron, 1998, p. 391). The findings of this

research confirmed that verbal abuse, threats and physical violence were endured by

many of the worker respondents.

Low-bid preference. As discussed above, the officially entrenched lowest-bid

tendering system impacts heavily on workers in Kuwait. Subcontracted labourers who

try and survive at the very lowest rung of the hierarchical ladder created by this system

are neglected because of time and budget constraints. The entrenched culture of

indifference creates power and abuse through the low-bid system which impacts on the

supervisory relationship manifest in the betrayal of workers through abuse by

supervisors, resulting in un-kept promises, setting of unachievable tasks, unreasonably

extended working hours with resultant OHS outcomes for instance, the high levels of

respiratory disease through unreasonable exposure to dust, inadequate respiratory

protection and exposure to high risk chemicals to name but a few.

Thus, subcontracted workers in the Kuwaiti construction industry suffer doubly.

In a global environment where subcontracting and outsourcing has led to underbidding

on contracts (Quinlan et al., 2010), the legalisation of this practice in Kuwait serves to

exacerbate their treatment to the point where survival within the never-ending poverty

and dependence cycle, is limited.

Thus, the discussion surrounding indifference and low-bid tendering leads to the

development of two important aspects of this discussion. Firstly, what is the likelihood

that the Kuwaiti government will change the official low-bid tendering law, and

secondly, what steps can be taken to overcome the pervading culture of indifference

towards expatriate subcontracted labourers, which has created this system.

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Solutions to Cultural Indifference and Low-Bid System

Political inertia. The results of the data have shown that there are deeply

entrenched origins which have created a cultural and legally entrenched milieu in

Kuwait which separates and distances mainstream society from expatriate labour.

Kuwait has set an example to the rest of the GCC countries in terms of the development

of a distinctive semi-democratic political system which allows participation by

opposition groups through the 50 member National Assembly, which comprises elected

members from the opposition and from groups loyal to the government and includes

some independents. However, there is constant conflict between the stronger, appointed

government and any group which threatens the power of the Emir. As shown in the

background and literature review chapters of this thesis, the government has cracked

down on any dissent by using various mechanisms including imprisonment and

withdrawal of citizenship, for example, the imprisonment in 2015 of the political

activist Musallam Al-Barak for openly criticising the government. This situation has

arisen because opposition groups have no formal laws which govern their roles or their

rights. Thus, although general civil society has begun to evolve in Kuwait, “governing

political structures have not” (Ghabra, 2014, p. 8). In addition, because of the rentier

system imposed in Kuwait, a strategy for economic diversification has not been

forthcoming in a situation in which Kuwait spends “60 percent of its income and 80

percent of its annual budget on government salaries” (Ghabra, 2014, p.10). This is

partly due to the fact that the Kuwaiti bureaucracy has placed restrictions on the private

sector which is dependent on the government for contracts and projects, many of which

“are determined by political connections” (Ghabra, 2014, p. 10).

It is significant to note that nowhere in the politically related literature by Kuwaiti

authors are the rights of expatriate labourers mentioned. Indeed, in Ghabra’s paper, the
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Kuwaiti government was praised for the lenience shown towards protesters by showing

restraint by simply beating protesters, causing injuries but causing no deaths (Ghabra,

2014, p. 15). This reflects the problems which authors in Kuwait face in the socio-

political milieu. Amnesty International (2015) refers to the so-called Iron Fist Policy

implemented by the government from 2011 in a series of steps which seriously limit

freedom of expression. People accused of any offence detailed in the myriad of laws

used to prosecute critics and opponents of the government, face a maximum 10 year

term of imprisonment. This includes the new Electronic Crimes law, which took effect

on the 12th January, 2016 which criminalises online criticism of the government,

religious figureheads or regional governments.

The above analyses therefore leads to the conclusion that there is little hope of

repealing the low-bid preferential law in a political environment which “suffers from

frequent paralysis, as a parliament with no responsibility to govern, blocks the unelected

cabinet from effectively governing” (Herb, 2016, p. 23). Secondly, the Kuwaiti

government is clearly interested mainly in maintaining power whilst balancing local

tribal interests. As a result, the expatriate community’s needs are not a priority.

Commercial factors. Owing to the efforts of human rights agencies and the ILO,

there may be informal means which could bring leverage to bear on the way in which

the human rights of subcontracted labourers may be improved. The primary route to

attaining the interest of Kuwaiti leaders in the welfare of subcontracted workers lies in

the commercial relationship which Kuwait holds with the rest of the world. At the heart

of this relationship is the oil industry and the continuing need to extract oil in order to

support the rentier system. There are two avenues open to exploration. Firstly, the role

of the major bidders for contracts in Kuwait and secondly, the irrepressible push for
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increased freedom of expression for the citizens and non-citizens brought about by the

emergence of Musallam Al-Barak as a highly influential politician.

The major PMCs involved in the bid for large contracts in Kuwait are required to

present the project owners with their best practice standards upon submitting their

tender documents. However, what constitutes best practice and what the PMC actually

encounter when awarded a contract, is defined by the unwillingness on the part of

project owners to implement these recommendations. As a result, The PMCs are placed

under a great deal of pressure because they are ultimately held responsible for ensuring

the health and safety of contracted on-site personnel and do not have the resources or

power to investigate human rights abuses and the OHS of sub-sub contracted workers

who are brought onto site by contractors. A possible avenue for leverage lies in

American political connections through PMCs as there are only a few institutions

globally who have the capacity to bid on such large projects, four of which are

American based. The ruling family have always maintained good relationships with the

Americans and continue to this day to be thankful in the role which America played in

coming to their defence during the 1990 Gulf War. The ILO and other human rights

agencies could be influential in lobbying these major players to negotiate greater

allowance for the improvement of facilities, working conditions and training of

subcontractors and supervisors. This is a difficult task because of language differences.

As one stakeholder explained:

There are a multitude of languages. We have identified up to 23 nationalities on

our projects. When we do training we try and have a translator, but that is not
always possible. When we see a worker working unsafely we try to make sure that
the contractor safety personnel are with us as witnesses, but even they have
difficulty in understanding the workers. They will call a translator to explain to
the workers but it remains a challenge. (Stakeholder respondent 2).

To enable these matters to be considered would require intervention from the

government, which hitherto, whilst outwardly ratifying ILO conventions, has not been
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proven to actively promote their implementation. However, recently there have been

significant changes in the Kuwaiti socio-political arena in the form of rising opposition

questioning the views of the ruling authorities.

Rising political opposition. In 2012, Musallam Al-Barak challenged the

commercial elite who operate through the project owner hierarchy. Al-Barak is a

“combination of a trade unionist, charismatic nationalist leader and politician whose

aim is to change peacefully the elite politics of Kuwait into a more democratic,

inclusive and open structure” (Ghabra, 2014, p. 14). In a now-famous speech, he

appealed to the Emir, stating “Your Highness, in the name of the nation we shall not

allow you to engage in autocratic rule …..how do you want to go down in history? Do

you want it to be recorded that under the rule of Sheikh ……….[name omitted for

ethical reasons], opinion formers were imprisoned?” (Amnesty International, 2015, p.

11). Setting the historical precedent through directly challenging the authority of the

Emir acted as a catalyst for demand of change, especially amongst the young people of

Kuwait, and reflected deep changes in Kuwaiti society. Al-Barak emerged from the

tribal majority and is therefore one of the few people with the credibility to negotiate

with the ruling family. Although Barak was imprisoned for two years for his role in the

2012-2013 protests, a situation has been created in which the government is at a

crossroad with a “clear choice between allowing the country to slide into deeper

repression or taking urgent steps to prove that its public commitments to human rights

are more than just hollow promises” (Amnesty International, 2015, p. 1). Barak was

released on the 22nd April, 2017 and remains in Kuwait, a potentially powerful leader

because of his opposition to government corruption and unfair human rights practices,

fuelled by his commitment to gaining citizenship rights for long standing residents of

badu origins.
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The government is therefore at a stage where it will be necessary to negotiate and

enter into dialogue with internal and external forces in order to maintain power. If

Barak achieves success and the Bedoon (badu) are granted citizenship rights, the

precedent will have been set for further negotiations for the increased rights of sub-sub

contracted workers in the construction industry, including minor changes to the lowest

bidder law to include allowance for the closer supervision of the working conditions of

sub-sub contracted labourers, employed either on official contracts or private

construction contracts, which, as the data revealed, are often managed by members of

the project owner hierarchy.

Conclusion

The intent to provide a novel approach towards workers’ OHS in the

subcontracted construction industry in Kuwait has been the driving force of this study.

This approach has demonstrated the value of qualitative research in a unique research

design through which the experiences of subcontracted labourers could best be

documented, evaluated and applied to improve the OHS of expatriate labourers not only

in Kuwait but internationally. Therefore this chapter has discussed conceptual ideas

which, it is hoped, will act as a catalyst for the enhancement of the lives and OHS of

these workers. The chapter sets out the links between the previously reviewed literature

and the data gathered in a conceptual discussion emphasising the value of the adapted

Sargeant and Tucker (2009) model as an analytical platform through which more

effective ways may be devised to address the ongoing issues of power and control

which has been demonstrated in this project to be the root cause of indifference towards

expatriate labour in Kuwait. The links between the lowest-bid law and the need to

revise the existing economical philosophy of ruthless exploitation of contractors have

been examined.
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Having analysed primary issues arising from the data and the inter-relationships

between data themes and the literature review, it now remains to reflect on how the

research progressed through each chapter, the way in which limitations and obstacles

were overcome, the contributions which this thesis has made to the body of research on

vulnerable migrant workers and identifying areas for future research. Finally, the

researcher will reflect on the personal growth experienced through this process, and

whether the original catalyst for beginning this research was realised.
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Chapter 8 - Conclusion

Introduction

The primary aim of this research was to examine by qualitative analysis the lives

of subcontracted construction industry workers through their own perceptions and

experiences. In meeting this objective, the research has revealed intricate, interrelated

patterns produced by cultural indifference and contract bidding laws which have

manifested themselves in the significant deterioration of the quality of the lives and

OHS of these workers.

This conclusion reflects on the research processes and evolving patterns linking

the thesis chapters, by laying out the value which this project has added to the existing

research. The capacity of the distinctively adapted Sargeant and Tucker (2009) model

has facilitated the gathering of significantly valuable data on vulnerable subcontracted

expatriate workers in Kuwait.

The obstacles which prevent the development of strategies to improve the OHS of

subcontracted labourers are outlined, solutions are suggested and a summary is made of

the manner in which limitations and problems posed by the research have been

addressed.

Finally, avenues for future research are recommended.

Reflection and Chapter Linkages

Chapter 1. In Chapter 1 the researcher described the catalyst for embarking upon

this research project. Preparatory reading for this thesis revealed strong international

evidence of the hazardous and precarious nature of work in the construction industry, as

outlined by Valcarel (2004); Holmes et al. (1999) and Quinlan et al. (2010). The

characteristics of the Kuwaiti construction industry as outlined by a handful of

pioneering Kuwaiti authors, were examined. These characteristics included a

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predominance of small subcontractors, non-investigation of accidents, a lack of safety

culture and a decentralised, fragmented and flawed accident reporting system. Although

these studies of the OHS of workers in the construction industry were limited and

ceased almost altogether after 1994, they nevertheless provided a firm basis for the

literature review on the OHS of subcontracted workers in Kuwait.

Examining the background against which the study was conducted, the researcher

firstly outlined how historic, political, economic and legal infrastructures led to the

obfuscation of population data. The researcher rationalised all available sources of data,

in a graphic representation of the extent to which data had been manipulated to hide

diasporic events and the ill treatment of vulnerable expatriates in Kuwait. Secondly, the

effects of the unexpected employer backlash in response to the enactment of a new

labour law in 2010 were analysed, revealing that, far from improving the lot of all

workers, the opposite occurred. The authorities in Kuwait either failed, or were

reluctant to acknowledge that in attempting to eliminate the kafeel or sponsorship

system mainly resulted in further discriminatory practices against expatriate

subcontracted labourers.

It was posited that the limitations posed by a dearth of peer reviewed research

literature on issues facing subcontracted workers in the Kuwaiti construction industry

created the need for the development of an effective analytical methodology.

After conducting a comparative analysis of different models of analysis the

researcher outlined the rationale behind the choice of the Sargeant and Tucker (2009)

model and its adaptation upon which to build the thesis. Using a qualitative and

triangulated research approach and design, the researcher described how the inclusion

of OHS management factors to the existing model lent breadth and depth to the

research. Moreover, the flexibility of the adapted Sargeant and Tucker (2009) model
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demonstrated its ability to analyse a wide range of factors related to the sending and

receiving countries.

The suitability of the adapted Sargeant and Tucker (2009) model was further

justified by outlining how, by successfully answering the research questions, insights

gained through exploring the experiences of subcontracted workers through their own

perceptions and in their home language has added a significant contribution to the

limited body of research about their OHS issues in Kuwait.

The research findings were presented in a thematic manner in the data analysis

chapters. OHS outcomes corresponded with emergent themes contained in the

background of the study.

The final results justified the methodological approach by successfully answering

the research questions and revealing that power and control mechanisms included

coercion by OHS managers and supervisors, which caused wide-reaching compromises

to the OHS of subcontracted workers.

Chapter 2. Balancing international research concerning worker vulnerability

against the scarcity of available literature on the nature of relationships between

vulnerable expatriate labour and nationals in Kuwait is considered. In addition,

comparisons were developed to compare historical and modern population trends in

Kuwait. These comparisons revealed that the Kuwaiti authorities continue to

deliberately obfuscate statistical data in order to conceal from public view the ongoing

mass deportations of expatriate labourers. This is an indication that there is little or no

change to the ingrained cultural tendency to dehumanise expatriate workers and treat

them as neutral “things” (Chalcraft, 2010, p. 2) to be bargained for in the same manner

as cattle being sold at auction.

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Owing to the lack of accurate and consistent statistical data, there was a need to

develop some indication of the similarities between historical diasporic events and the

impact on the lives and health of expatriate labourers resulting from the Kuwaiti private

sector backlash in response to the enactment of the new labour law. This law, which

outwardly purported to improve the lives of all expatriate workers, in reality increased

their vulnerability and invisibility and resulted in deportations, the implementation of

immediate and concurrent large scale redundancies, increased hours of work, wage

reductions and reduced and unpaid overtime.

Chapter 3. Having established the rationale for this thesis, an iterative literature

review was developed. Firstly, the nature, growth and characteristics of vulnerable

migrant labour were defined, discussed and contextualised within the Kuwaiti

construction environment. Four models of analysis were critically evaluated. Firstly, the

PDR model of analysis developed by Quinlan and Bohle (2004, 2009), enabled the

exploration of OHS outcomes resulting from economic pressures, work disorganisation

and regulatory failure. Secondly, Lamm (2014) developed five indicators of

precariousness, namely certainty of ongoing employment; degree of employee control;

level of income; level of benefits and degree of regulatory and trade union protection.

Thirdly, elements of worker-manager dynamics as outlined by Gravel, Rhéaume and

Legendre (2009) focused on worker-manager dynamics affecting safety management.

Finally, the addition of the fourth layer to the Sargeant and Tucker (2009) framework

incorporating features of the other models is considered and the rationale for using it is

stated.

It was concluded that the adapted Sargeant and Tucker (2009) model of analysis

was sufficiently flexible and inclusive to account for the negative effects on the project

management hierarchy of competitive tendering, labour market segmentation, lack of

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appropriate or effective supervision and the increased propensity to blame workers for

poor OHS outcomes. Moreover, the adapted Sargeant and Tucker (2009) model enabled

the analysis of the paralysing effect on workers’ OHS caused by the complexity of

decentralised and fragmented accident and workmen’s compensation reporting systems.

In addition, applying the adapted Sargeant and Tucker (2009) model enhanced the

researcher’s ability to identify specific OHS outcomes during the data collection and

analysis stages of the research and incorporate these into the literature review in an

iterative process.

The key results of this research therefore demonstrate the effectiveness of

applying a qualitative research approach to, firstly, compensate for the lack of available

data or robust qualitative literature on the plight of subcontracted labourers in Kuwait,

and, secondly, to contribute to the body of qualitative research on vulnerable expatriate

labour by robust thematic development through the adapted Sargeant and Tucker (2009)

model.

Chapter 4. The stages of the research were presented in Chapter 4, the

methodology. In adopting a phenomenological approach, the research focused on

analysing the OHS of workers from their own viewpoint, using qualitative interviewing

techniques never before applied in the Kuwaiti environment. The phenomenological

method chosen was to form an integrated, team approach to the research of illiterate

subcontracted labourers through the inclusion of a professionally qualified interpreter

throughout the entire data gathering and verification process, and, thereafter, having

the data verified once again by an independent third party, thereby trebly validating the

data. The interpreter therefore played a pivotal role in the success of this research

project. In the methodology, the crucial role that interpreters play when engaging in

qualitative studies involving depth interviewing techniques is discussed. This crucial

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role has generally been neglected by authors on qualitative studies and the qualitative

research literature has paid scant attention to the crucial role of the interpreter as part of

the research team when illiterate respondents are concerned.

A critique was made of the propensity of many authors of qualitative methods to

underestimate the role of qualified interpreters in qualitative studies involving

respondents of a different language and culture to that of the researcher, and that the

inclusion of an interpreter in the process of data gathering and analysis has added

weight and credence to this research project. It was argued that by involving a

professionally qualified interpreter with knowledge and experience of the language and

cultural lexical inferences expressed by worker respondents, this research has

contributed to furthering the knowledge of the relationship between OHS management

and compromised OHS and medical outcomes.

The researcher’s commitment to the gathering of rich and meaningful data

through the application of semi-structured and free flowing interviewing techniques was

therefore demonstrated by providing a detailed account of the interview process

clarifying the role of the researcher and interpreter during interviews. In this way the

data gathered were sufficiently deep and broad to substantially reduce research bias and

to enable the drawing of meaningful conclusions whilst simultaneously adding a

significant amount of new research on the role of interpreters in qualitative research

where the respondents do not speak or understand the researcher’s language.

In order to strengthen the phenomenological paradigm, the data were triangulated

to incorporate the experiences of owners, PMCs, building contractors, supervisors and

also the documentary evidence contained in accident and safety reports and newspaper

articles. This evidence confirmed emergent themes discussed in chapter 2 which

showed that the abolishment of the sponsorship system was associated with large scale
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redundancies, abandonment of sponsored expatriate labourers, unannounced police

crackdowns on the expatriate community, project cost increases and schedule over-runs.

Significantly, themes drawn from the triangulated data confirmed the linkages between

power and control mechanisms and compromised OHS outcomes.

A detailed justification for the way in which data were analysed was discussed. In

the absence of set formula for data coding (Patton, 2002), thematic development

continued through all stages of the research process. Emergent themes explored in the

background and literature review chapters included the negative effects of the employer

backlash following the enactment of the new labour law of 2010. The compromised

OHS outcomes of subcontracted workers as a result of the low-bid acceptance law, their

continued acquiescence demonstrated by their willingness to undertake any task, their

low education and literacy levels, their poor supervision, social exclusion and racial

stratification and their unhealthy working and living conditions, all concurred with

initial findings. The research was therefore strengthened by the continual, iterative

verification and confirmation of thematic outcomes which had been initiated and

developed throughout the research process.

Consideration of the detailed factors of reliability and validity relating to each

element and stage of the research process demonstrated the researcher’s commitment

towards enhancing the rigour of this study. Reflecting on the way in which

subcontracted workers perceive their situation and balancing these with the reality of

the issues they face, enabled the identification and development of emergent themes

directly from the data rather than from existing Kuwaiti-related theories. This overcame

the difficulty posed by the paucity of literature exploring the deeper issues in

determining subcontracted labour vulnerability in Kuwait.

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Chapters 5 and 6. By examining the results of the combined data analyses

encompassed in Chapters 5 and 6, it was demonstrated that, through applying the

chosen methodology and analysing the data within the adapted Sargeant and Tucker

(2009) model, cultural indifference leading to abusive power and control mechanisms in

Kuwait are indubitably associated with a wide range of OHS issues. The findings

provide compelling evidence of the depth and extent of damage these factors have had

on the OHS of workers, issues that were in some instances witnessed in the extreme.

For example, the eight fatalities listed in Table 6.2 on page 197 were all caused by sheer

indifference to the fate of the workers concerned. One of these instances describes how

an elderly stonemason was forced to work outdoors carrying heavy bricks and ceramic

tiles for extended periods in the summer heat which caused his death.

Furthermore, coercion, deception and dishonesty on the part of labour agents and

subcontractor employers alike, led to long standing depression and suicides as a result

of low self-esteem, feelings of abandonment and of imprisonment as a result of social

exclusion. Poor living conditions and exhaustion as a result of extended working hours

was linked to inherent cruelty amongst both supervisors and peers, reflecting the

insidious ripple effect of a culture of indifference and strict adherence to the lowest

bidder system in Kuwait.

Exposure to dust, silicates and harmful chemicals were associated with inadequate

inhalation protection lack of training and indifference to the placement of workers in

highly polluted residential areas where the air far exceeded the recommended and

approved particulate air levels, all of which were correlated with a wide range of

respiratory diseases and additionally linked with ischemic heart disease. Other physical

symptoms such as shaking hands, neck pain, back pain, vomiting, general weaknesses

through heat exposure and dehydration were indicative of a wide range of

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musculoskeletal disorders and respiratory and heart disease arising from exposure to

excessive pollution.

The links shown between project hierarchical structure and poor supervision

infused with a culture of indifference clearly demonstrate how substantive laws

outwardly designed to improve the lives of subcontracted labourers have actually had a

crippling effect on their OHS because of procedural paralysis. This was clearly

demonstrated in the depth and quality of data obtained from stakeholders which

revealed wide-ranging corruption, ignorance and non-implementation of OHS laws

leading to a high level of accidents and injuries amongst subcontracted labourers.

A significant finding of this research was the clear link between the drivers

determining worker attitudes to their socio-economic status and their positive

commitment to working safely. Furthermore, it was found that workers’ own perception

of the importance of OHS was not linked to their educational level or linguistic skill

although their actual understanding of the mechanisms of OHS may have been limited.

In summary, the data analysis chapters have contributed to the research on the

plight of vulnerable labour in two significant ways. Firstly, the depth and extent of

destructive forces brought to bear on subcontracted labourers in the Kuwaiti

construction industry has been demonstrated and verified through the triangulation

process, further justifying the adoption of a phenomenological approach to the research

design. Secondly, the inter-relatedness of factors contributing to negative OHS

outcomes linking the prevalence of disease to working conditions and living conditions

has been unequivocally established.

Chapter 7. The purpose of the discussion chapter was to consider the alignment

of the results with the theoretical aspects of the adapted Sargeant and Tucker (2009)
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model and to provide the rationale for the layering of this model by showing that it

identified the key issues of cultural indifference and the low-bid tendering law.

Insights from data analysis results were discussed within the context of key

research questions as they occurred in the layers. The data revealed that OHS issues

relating to social exclusion included emotional withdrawal and depression as a result of

the distancing of subcontracted workers from project owners and managers,

compounded by the existence of a bullying culture and distancing of racial groups from

each other within worker residencies.

The root cause of social exclusion was shown to be produced by the imposition of

a rentier economy as discussed in Chapter 2, which provides a sense of entitlement

amongst Kuwaiti citizens. When juxta-positioned with their simultaneous reliance on

expatriate labour to build and maintain its infrastructure the result is resentment and

frustration, leading to indifference towards worker OHS.

The data revealed that the lack of workers’ knowledge of their rights to regulatory

protection or injury compensation and exploitation by labour agents, caused their

ultimate entrapment within a permanent treadmill of dependency. This justified the

addition of the additional analytical element, namely ‘treatment of migrants’ in Layer 2

of the adapted Sargeant and Tucker (2009) model. Compelling evidence was produced

that subcontracted workers are driven to maintain their own safety in order to survive in

this treadmill and provided a clear example of the pervading victim blaming culture

amongst Kuwaiti project owners and their OHS supervisors. Moreover, workers were

put at risk because the entrenched lowest-bid tendering system led to cost cutting and

non-provision of safety protection equipment and safety training. The full extent of the

paralysing influence of the lowest-bid tendering system was demonstrated by the

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damaging influences of poor OHS management systems on the OHS of subcontracted

labourers, as outlined in the data analysis.

In the discussion chapter it was concluded that indifference towards expatriate

subcontracted labour and the entrenchment of the low-bid tendering system in Kuwait

resulted in the encapsulation of power and control mechanisms in the project

management hierarchy. Exclusion of expatriate subcontracted labour from knowledge

of regulatory protection and injury compensation, compounded through social and

cultural distancing and exclusion from decision making processes are linked to the slow

but steady deterioration of the OHS of subcontracted workers linked to a wide range of

OHS issues.

Obstacles to the Development of Solutions for OHS Problems

Kuwait has set an example to the rest of the GCC countries in terms of the

development of a unique, semi-democratic political system which allows participation

by opposition parties. However, this system is in a state of political inertia which is

directly related to the historical social and cultural values which have extended

themselves into the present. The results of the data have shown that a cultural and

legally entrenched milieu has been created in Kuwait which separates and distances

mainstream society from the expatriate labour upon which it is dependent. This has

resulted in a hardening of Kuwaiti resentment and continued indifference and

resentment towards expatriate labour.

The creation of a rentier system in which these very ‘citizens’ are held dependent

by the government has heightened their sense of resentment. They are trapped in a

system of benevolent paralysis imposed upon them by the government, caused by

dependency and resultant helplessness. The roots of these forces lie firmly in the hands

of the government which needs its citizens to remain in Kuwait in a situation of

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entrenched dependency in order to maintain its powerful control of everyone in Kuwait,

including those influenced by and benefitting from the official low-bid tendering laws.

Migrant labourers are crushed into invisibility because of their inability to directly

oppose these trebly powerful forces which impact on their lives, health and safety.

The juxtapositioning of numerous opposing forces, has created political, social

and developmental inertia beginning at governmental level. Galvanised by the need to

maintain absolute power, as shown in the background and literature review chapters of

this thesis, the government has therefore cracked down on any dissent by using various

mechanisms including imprisonment and withdrawal of citizenship, for example, the

imprisonment in 2015 of the political activist Musallam Al-Barak for openly criticising

the government. Another example discussed in Chapter 7 on page 230 is the praise for

“lenience” in the treatment of protesters and reluctance to personally condemn the

government (Ghabra, 2014, p. 15). This reflects the ongoing dilemma which authors in

Kuwait face in the socio-political milieu in order to survive. Amnesty International

(2015) refers to policies implemented by the government from 2011 onwards in a series

of steps which seriously limit freedom of expression. People accused of any offence

detailed in the myriad of laws used to prosecute critics and opponents of the

government, face a maximum 10 year term of imprisonment. This includes the new

Electronic Crimes law, which took effect on the 12th January 2016, and which

criminalises online criticism of the government, religious figureheads or regional

governments.

This is because there are no formal conventions which govern the roles or rights

of opposition groups. Thus, although the general society in Kuwait is making attempts

to evolve, “governing political structures have not” (Ghabra, 2014, p. 8). In addition,

because of the rentier system, a strategy for economic diversification has not been
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forthcoming largely because Kuwait spends “60 percent of its income and 80 percent of

its annual budget on government salaries” (Ghabra, 2014, p. 10). Additionally, the

Kuwaiti bureaucracy has placed restrictions on the private sector which is dependent on

the government for contracts and projects, many of which are awarded through political

connection.
th
It appears that there is little hope of changing the low-bid preferential law in a

political environment which “suffers from frequent paralysis, as a parliament with no

responsibility to govern, blocks the unelected cabinet from effectively governing”

(Herb, 2016, p. 23). The Kuwaiti government is clearly interested mainly in maintaining

such power because it directly controls the oil and gas holding company (KPC) and

therefore has a vested interest in maintaining the low-bid system. Many of the

parliamentary members are also private construction developers. As a result, the needs

of expatriates are not considered.

Proposed Solutions

The primary route to attaining the interest of Kuwaiti leaders in the welfare of

subcontracted workers lies in the political relationship of Kuwait with the rest of the

world. At the heart of this relationship is the oil industry and the continuing need to

extract and process oil and gas in order to support the rentier system. There are two

avenues for possible change which were investigated. Firstly, PMCs should be allowed

to implement preferred practices for major project contracts in Kuwait and secondly,

through encouraging the irrepressible push for increased freedom of expression for the

citizens and non-citizens brought about by the emergence of the badu as political

influencers.

Project management role. The major PMCs involved in the bid for managing

major projects contracts in Kuwait are required in their tenders to present the project
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owners with their best practice. However, what constitutes best practice differs from

what the project management consultancies actually encounter when awarded a

contract, namely the unwillingness on the part of project owners to implement these

best practice recommendations. As a result, the PMCs are placed under a great deal of

pressure because they are ultimately held responsible for ensuring the health and safety

of contracted on-site personnel and they neither have, nor are permitted to have, the

resources or power to investigate human rights abuses and the OHS of sub-

subcontracted workers brought onto sites by contractors.

A possible avenue for leverage lies in American political connections as there are

only a few major companies globally who have the capacity to bid on managing such

large projects, four of which are American based. The ruling family have always

maintained good relationships with the Americans and continue to this day to be

thankful in the role which America played in coming to their defence during the 1990

Gulf War. Once avenues for discussion have been opened, work can begin on creating a

centralised OHS Ministry in Kuwait whose sole purpose would be to adopt a

multidisciplinary approach to OHS which incorporates the considerations of PMCs and

OHS advisory groups such as the American Society of Safety Engineers (ASSE) and

National Institute for Occupational Health and Safety (NIOSH) in the development of a

unified set of OHS standards to ensure that best practice principles are applied

throughout Kuwait, and which ensures that all the issues facing subcontracted workers

are addressed through enactment of legislation which is included in tender

documentation and acceptance considerations. The ILO, Human Rights Watch, World

Health Organisation, and other human rights agencies could also be more influential in

lobbying these major players to negotiate greater allowance for the improvement of

facilities and working conditions of subcontracted workers and to ensure that the
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ratification of ILO conventions is honoured in the field. Consideration of these matters

would require intervention from the Kuwaiti government, which hitherto, whilst

outwardly ratifying ILO conventions, has not been proven to actively promote their

implementation.

However, as noted in Chapter 7 page 233 recently there have been significant

changes in the Kuwaiti socio-political arena, in the success of Musallam Al-Barak in

mounting a challenge to the status quo. If he succeeds, a precedent will have been set

for further negotiations for increasing the rights of sub-subcontracted workers in the

construction industry, by making changes to the lowest bidder law to include allowance

for the closer supervision of the working conditions of sub-subcontracted labourers,

whether employed on government contracts or private construction contracts.

Once avenues for discussion have been opened, work could begin on creating a

centralised OHS Ministry in Kuwait whose sole purpose would be to adopt a

multidisciplinary approach to OHS to ensure that best international practice principles

are applied throughout Kuwait, including the issues facing subcontracted workers. An

important role of the re-established Ministry would be to include representatives from

established OHS organisations in Kuwait, for example the American Association of

Safety Engineers in Kuwait who, although recognised as experts on OHS in the GCC

states, do not have the power to enforce any of their recommendations. Their

involvement in the negotiation of best practice systems and costing implications

through the official tender approval process, followed up by a close liaison with

appointed PMCs to ensure their implementation would enhance strategies for the on-site

management of OHS and, ultimately, alleviate the plight of unskilled subcontracted

labourers.
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In conclusion, the hopes for the future of the rights of vulnerable expatriate

construction industry labourers are both pessimistic and optimistic. The pervading

culture of indifference to the rights of expatriate workers, when set against the abilities

of larger corporations and pressure groups to enforce programs of social responsibility

produce a choice between the potential to either continue to compromise the rights and

OHS of expatriate workers or to progress in a positive way, to the benefit of all

participants in the construction project management hierarchy. It is hoped that the

results of this study will contribute towards the adoption of the latter course.

Research Limitations

Dearth of academic literature. When this research project commenced in 2008

there were only a handful of academic papers on OHS in Kuwait. Moreover, no

literature at all was available on the plight of illiterate subcontracted workers in the

Kuwaiti construction industry, a situation which still exists today, making the rationale

for conducting this research as relevant now as it was then. Repeated attempts by the

researcher to extend the literature review by interviewing one of the authors of those

originally cited papers, who was still resident in Kuwait, were ignored and later

aggressively rebuffed. It was only in late 2010 and in 2012 that a limited amount of

literature on the plight and movement of migrant workers in the GCC states began to

emerge (Abdulla, 2012; Al Shehabi, 2012; Baldwin-Edwards, 2011; Chalcraft, 2010).

In order to overcome this obstacle, it was necessary for the researcher to develop a

sufficiently robust methodology to ensure the eliciting of rich, valuable data with the

potential to add to the body of research on vulnerable expatriate labour in the GCC.

This included capturing current newspaper articles with unstable URLs and making a

commented permanent record of them (Appendices 2 &3).

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Maintaining researcher anonymity. In Kuwait, anyone wishing to access

official records or interview members of the various ministries is always asked the

reason why they wish to obtain such information. Indeed, when the researcher

attempted to gain access to one of the ministers, she was treated in a highly

interrogatory manner. This posed a problem for the researcher because, according to

ethical principles, any information which held the potential of harming respondents to

the study should be discarded. This thesis also held the potential to pose a threat to

Kuwaiti authorities if discussed with any member of any ministry, and could possibly

have led to the deportation of the researcher. This problem was overcome through

obtaining a written agreement of anonymity from the medical professional (an

expatriate) who agreed to the use of his medical clinic facility to conduct interviews,

backed by an expatriate official of the Ministry of Health who gave the required official

stamp of approval under the same agreement of anonymity.

The anonymity of the researcher was further maintained by avoiding attention

drawing behaviour such as being seen in the company of the interpreter, changing

interview times in an ad-hoc manner, dressing modestly in neutral colours and arriving

and departing from the medical facility before workers arrived and after the clinic had

closed for the day.

Time constraints. In order to gain resident status in Kuwait, the researcher had

taken up employment as a lecturer at a local educational institute. However, as has been

demonstrated in this research project, employees are under constant surveillance and the

researcher was required to check in and out of the premises through official security

points. Obtaining time off to attend conferences or conduct research ran against the

employment contract, which was to lecture 3 up to 6 contact hours per day and to

remain available both during and after working hours and also over weekends where
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necessary, in order to participate in whatever activities the institution demanded. It took

six months for the institution to consider whether or not it would be appropriate for the

researcher to attend an OHS conference even though the researcher was a lecturer in

that subject. It was only through the intervention of the expatriate Academic Director

that permission was eventually obtained, however the period away from work was taken

off the annual leave of the researcher.

Fortuitously it was at this conference that the researcher met the expatriate

medical practitioner who indicated his willingness to engage in research on

subcontracted workers. Thus, through adopting a tenacious approach to obtain time off

in order to interview workers enabled the removal of the remaining obstacle to the

progress of this project. The researcher was given permission by the expatriate

Academic Director to take up to four or five hours off, as long as the prerequisite

number of teaching hours and extra-mural activities had been completed. At the same

time, the researcher had to work within the hours in which the director of the medical

facility had provided for the research and the hours the interpreter could be available,

having to co-ordinate the arrival and departure of various taxis in order that they were

not visible from the medical centre.

It was crucial for the researcher, once having succeeded in the delicate act of

bringing together all the parties, to ensure that the interviews were conducted

effectively as there was no margin for error. Interviews with the various stakeholders

were conducted after hours or during weekends. The research was hampered by ethics

requirements – once the research structure had been decided and set up, there was only

a short window of opportunity and the start of field work for data gathering was delayed

for almost a year by the ethics approval process.

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Areas for Future Research

Meso and macro level studies in Kuwait and the GCC. The results of this

project in justifying the value of applying the adapted Sargeant and Tucker (2009)

model of analysis paves the way for conducting further meso level studies into the

plight of domestic, agricultural, hospitality and retail workers in Kuwait and macro

level studies on rapidly developing global trends. Recent global developments as a

result of the rapid expansion of numbers of expatriates seeking employment and refuge

in the UK and Europe would imply that the vulnerability and invisibility of expatriate

workers is increasing at an unprecedented rate. Further research is needed to determine

ways in which the rights of refugees and expatriate employment seekers may be

preserved without compromising the security of receiving countries.

A significant aspect of the Gravel et al. (2009) model is that it examines how to

improve the appropriation of OHS measures by small subcontracting firms, albeit in a

first world context. Although it is beyond the scope of this research to include an

analysis of all the variables which influence the non-uptake of OHS by small

subcontractors worldwide, the Gravel et al. (2009) model may be valuable when

conducting future research on factors influencing the OHS appropriation in small

businesses in Kuwait as the research data clearly demonstrate that in Kuwait the

subcontractors, foremen and workers are the ‘meat in the sandwich’ between PMCs and

project owners, and their only consideration is delivering the project at lowest cost.

There is a need to explore further the effects that the employer backlash in

response to declaration and implementation of Law No. 6 has had on the lives and

health of expatriate subcontracted construction workers as a result of discriminatory

practices. It is uncertain whether subcontracted construction workers were aware of the

implications and possible benefits afforded them through the revised labour law.
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There is, in addition, a need to gain first hand knowledge regarding the perception

of workers themselves of the effects of discrimination against expatriate labour in the

construction industry. The discrimination is a result of management practices, rooted in

cultural norms, in which the concept of residency or citizenship is linked to social

exclusion or inclusion.

Finally, there are no documented qualitative research papers detailing the effects

of the manner in which deportations and crackdowns on allegedly illegal migrants were

carried out in Kuwait as perceived and experienced by the migrants involved. The

methodology developed specifically for this research provides the flexibility and

analytical depth required for the development of such studies.

Conclusion

This research journey was triggered by the observation of the indifference to the

plight of unskilled subcontracted labourers in Kuwait. The results have indeed

demonstrated that indifference towards expatriate labour in that country has grown from

historical roots which have been steeped in slavery for hundreds of years and has now

extended itself into the mistreatment of expatriate labour. A statement by one of the

stakeholders in this research provides a snapshot of these roots:

I arrived at the point where a crane was lifting the vehicle and there he was……
crushed with lacerations, blood, and his organs were starting to pierce out of his
body. I was not prepared for that...it made me think about how many difficulties
there are in this industry and in this part of the world, and how many laws and
regulations are needed to be able to protect those men. If it was not for them,
none of this would have been built. They are the true heroes. (PMC Respondent
2).

The manner in which this research has been undertaken represents a significant

contribution to the international body of work on vulnerable labour because the

researcher applied a unique analytical model and, by including an interpreter in the

research team, was able to reach people whose voice has hitherto not been heard.
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Moreover, the researcher has developed a robust set of research tools that can be

applied in the field, a distinctive feat in that it was required to adhere to OECD based

ethical standards in a research environment where the on-ground conditions were not

known to the ethics approval committee. This research therefore stands alone, because

few if any Western researchers have been able to reach this previously invisible group

of workers directly or to expose the depth of the problems they face and are helpless to

address.

It is the fervent hope of the researcher that this project will act as an ice-breaker,

cutting through the wastes of exploitation affecting the OHS of subcontracted workers

and exposing common factors linking their lives, work, health and safety – factors

which have hitherto been hidden beneath thick layers of icy indifference.
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Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

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Trenwith, C. (2013a, May 1). Kuwait’s traffic chief defends expat deportations. Arabian
Business. Retrieved from http://m.arabianbusiness.com/kuwait-s-traffic-chief-
defends-expat-deportations-500209.html See also in electronic database E1,
Appendix 2, pp 311-312.
Trenwith, C. (2013b, May 8). Kuwait MP calls for rethink on citizenship rules. Arabian
Business. Retrieved from http://m.arabianbusiness.com/kuwaiti-mp-calls-for-
rethink-on-citizenship-rules-500803.html See also in electronic database E1,
Appendix 2, p. 313.
Trenwith, C. (2013c, May 19). Kuwait deports 1,258 expats in a month. Arabian
Business. Retrieved from http://m.arabianbusiness.com/kuwait-deports-1-258-
expats-in-month-502159.html See also in electronic database E1, Appendix 2, pp.
314-315.
Trenwith, C. (2013d, June 5). Kuwait minister defends right to cut expat numbers.
Arabian Business. Retrieved from http://m.arabianbusiness.com/kuwait-minister-
defends-right-cut-expat-numbers-504151.html See also in electronic database E1,
Appendix 2, pp. 316-317.
 273
Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

Trenwith, C. (2014a January 30). Proposed law in Kuwait cuts expats to 124,000 per
country. Arabian Business. Retrieved from
http://m.arabianbusiness.com/proposed-law-in-kuwait-cuts-expats-124-000-per-
country-536712.html See also in electronic database E1, Appendix 2, pp. 318-319.
Trenwith, C. (2014b July 15). Kuwait bans driver’s licences for multi-worded job titles.
Retrieved from http://www.arabianbusiness.com/kuwait-bans-driver-s-licences-
for-multi-worded-job-titles-557873.html#.V7VKvDDr1D8 See also in electronic
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Tucker, D. (2002). Precarious, non-standard employment - a review of the literature.
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U.S. Bureau of Diplomatic Security. (2016). Kuwait 2016 Crime & Safety Report.
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https://www.osac.gov/pages/ContentReportDetails.aspx?cid=19057
U.S. Department of Labor. (2002). OSHA Factsheet 3683: Workers’ exposure to
respirable crystalline silica: Final rule overview. Retrieved from
https://www.osha.gov/Publications/OSHA3683.pdf
Underhill, E., & Quinlan, M. (2011). How precarious employment affects health and
safety at work: The case of temporary agency workers. Relations
Industrielles/Industrial Relations, 66(3), 397-421
UNESCO. (2016). International migration convention: Migrant/migration. Retrieved
from http://www.unesco.org/most/migration/general_links.htm
US Embassy. (2017). RFQ for main security gate water closet refurbishment project.
Retrieved from https://kw.usembassy.gov/wp-
content/uploads/sites/157/2017/03/IBB-RFQ-SKU20017Q0006.pdf
Valcarel, A. (2004). Safety and health in construction work. Asian-Pacific Newsletter
on Occupational Health and Safety, (11)1, 4-7.
Wachter, J., & Yorio, P. (2014). Investigating accident investigation characteristics &
organisational safety performance. Journal of Safety, Health & Environmental
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http://www.asse.org/assets/1/7/JSHER_V10N21.pdf
Wells, J. (1996). Labour migration and international construction. Habitat
International, 20(2), 295-306.
Wong, D.F.K., He, X., Leung, G., Lau, Y., & Chang, Y. (2008). Mental health of
migrant works in China: prevalence and correlates. Social Psychiatry and
Psychiatric Epidemiology, 43(6), 483-489. doi:10.1007/s00127-008-0341-1
Worldatlas. (2017). The world’s largest oil reserves by country. Retrieved from
https://www.worldatlas.com/articles/the-world-s-largest-oil-reserves-by-
country.html
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 274
Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

Yom, S. (2011). Oil, coalitions, and regime durability: The origins and persistence of
popular rentierism in Kuwait. Studies in Comparative International Development,
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 275

Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

Appendix 1- Derivation of Kuwait Population Trends by Nationality

 276

Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

Since 1985 the number of non-citizens resident in Kuwait has not been itemised
by nationality or ethnicity. This coupled with the uncertainty and incompleteness of the
raw data made available results in conflicting analyses and conclusions. In Figure 2.1,
some of the population trends are analysed and were derived as follows. Based on Shah
(2007), Table A1 Total Population and Nationality Distribution in Kuwait, 1957 – 2007,
numbers and annual rate of population growth can be derived from the total population
and the Kuwaiti and non-Kuwaiti percentages.

Table A1
Kuwaiti population % annual growth
(Derived from Shah, Table 1)

Annual Kwt
growth % annual
Year Kwt nos Non Kwt nos Kwt Nos growth

1957 113563 92916

1961 161775 159846 12053 9.25
1965 220117 247222 14585 8.00
1975 472548 522289 25243 7.94
1985 680618 1016683 20807 3.72
1989 563958 1450177 -29165 -4.59
1995 696063 1185188 22017 3.57
2005 946073 1920815 25001 3.12
2007 1038378 2289758 46153 4.76

Population annual % growth is found by calculating the annual fractional growth

and converting it to a percentage.
As an example, the average fractional annual growth rate of Kuwaitis from 1989
to 2007 is 1038378÷563958 = 1.841 fractional growth over 18 years. To derive the
annual growth Ga, the 18th root is calculated.

√1.841= 1.0345 or 3.45% per annum ((100 x Ga) - 100) (1)

Kuwaiti numbers in the census up to 1985 included Bidoon and the revised 1985
census removed 210,815 Bidoon (indicated by the black arrow on the chart). Since 2001
Bidoon have been readmitted to Kuwaiti status however the precise number cannot be
 277

Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

deduced from the official figures as there is no means of determining the real extent of
the readmission. There is no corresponding upward step change in the Kuwaiti census
numbers in 2005 to match the downward step change after 1985 which suggests that the
rate of readmission is very slow.
The post 1985 population of Kuwatis including Bidoon is estimated by assuming
the Bidoon had the same average annual growth rate of 3.45% as the Kuwaitis from
1989 to 2007. For example, the estimated figure for 2005 of Kuwaitis plus Bidoon using
this growth rate is the 1985 population of 680,618 x 1.034520 = 1,341,124. Between
2005 and 2007 the annual growth rate increases to 4.8% which is very likely a reflection
of the partial re-inclusion of the Bidoon. The Kuwaiti population minus Bidoon can be
estimated from 1985 back to 1965 by linear interpolation of the 0.33% (8% in 24 years)
annual decline in Kuwaitis from 36% to 28% (noted by Shah, 2007, pp. 2-3) and
extrapolated back to 1961 by adding 0.33% for 4 years (37.3%).
For example, the Kuwaiti minus Bidoon population in 1989 is 563,958 (28% of
the total population from Shah, N. (2007) p.13 Table 1). In 1975, the calculated %
Kuwaitis is 32.7% (36 % in 1965 minus 10 years at 0.33% decline annually) of 994,837
= 324,980.
By deriving the pre 1985 Kuwaiti only population (minus Bidoon) and the post
1985 Kuwaiti plus Bidoon population as described above, a comparison can be made of
the ratio of total Kuwaitis plus Bidoon to Kuwaitis. This varies between 1.3 and 1.45
based on solid census based curves and the dashed line extrapolations. The true number
is likely to lie within the bounds defined by the census figures and the calculated
extrapolations. That is the error may be around 11 % and could be higher due to errors
in the census figures.
The calculated figures are summarised in Table A2
 278

Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

Table A2
Kuwaiti population plus Bidoon vs minus Bidoon.
(Calculated values are italic red)

Difference
K% with K nos Fraction
Year Kwt nos K +Bdn Bdn minus Bdn (K+B/K-B)

1957 113563 113563

1961 161775 161775 37.3 120072 1.347
1965 220117 220117 36.0 168242 1.308
1975 472548 472548 32.7 324980 1.454
1985 680618 680618 29.3 497875 1.367
1989 563958 779500 28.0 563958 1.382
1995 696063 955402 37.0 696063 1.373
2005 946073 1341124 33.0 946073 1.418
2007 1038378 1435243 31.2 1038378 1.382

Calculating the number of Asians of Eastern origin is confounded by the inclusion

of the Iranians as Asians (Shah, N. (2007), p. 15, Table 4). The Iranian population
figures can be estimated by calculating the annual growth rate using Equation (1) and
by assuming the Iranian annual growth rate (in 10 years from 30,903 to 40,709

√1.318 = 1.028 = 2.8%/annum) from 1965 to 1975 is applicable to the

period from 1975 onwards. This leads to an estimate or 2007 of 98,635 which conflicts
with the CIA Wold Factbook (2004 – 2008) estimate of Iranians being 4% of the total
population or 133,125 in 2008. This implies the growth rate of Iranians is higher

(40,709 to 133,125 in 33 years √3.268 = 1.038 = 3.8%/a).

The true figure likely lies somewhere in between and the error could be as much
as + 15%. However, since the calculated proportion of Iranians to non-Kuwaitis is
around 10%, the error is less significant when considering the number of non-Iranian
Asians. The number of Eastern Asians is shown in Table A3 and was deduced by
subtracting the calculated number of Iranians from the number of Asians derived from
the % Asians in the non-Kuwaiti population figures.
 279

Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

The graph of estimated Eastern numbers in Figure 2.1 shows the fluctuations in
Eastern Asian population due to the Gulf war and to a lesser extent the Iraq invasion of
2003.
Table A3
Estimate of Eastern Asian population
(Calculated values are italic red)

Year Asian % Asian Nos Est No. Eastern

Non K Iranians Asians

1965 22.0 54389 30903 23486

1975 18.3 95579 40739 54840
1985 35.0 355839 53705 302134
1989 32.9 477108 59981 417127
1995 49.2 583112 70798 512314
2005 58.5 1123677 93332 1030345
2007 59.1 1353247 98635 1254612

A Note on the Reliability of the Analyses.

Analyses are only as good as the raw data from which they are derived. Data sets
which are inconsistent or ultimately based on the same source can generate widely
differing analytical conclusions. Such is the case with the Kuwait migrant population
figures. Firstly, the data basis is the Kuwait census surveys where not all of the raw data
is available. Secondly, the processed data are not presented in a consistent format so
conclusions have to be drawn using assumed trends and estimates. Thirdly, the
inclusion and subsequent exclusion and partial re-inclusion of the Bidoon from the
census data and changes to the norms further confounds the analyses. Finally, factors
such as the unknown but significant number of illegal residents and the loose
relationship between sponsors and migrants adds further uncertainty to divining the real
situation.

References
Shah, N. (2007) Migration to Kuwait: Trends, Patterns and Policies.
CIA World Factbook, (2004 – 2008) Retrieved from
http://worldfacts.us/Kuwait.htm
 280

Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

Appendix 2 - Electronic File E1

 281

Kuwait sets minimum wage Page 1 of2

Kuwait Worl d Business Sports Entertainment Editorial Whats on Legal clin

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KUWAIT CITY, April 14, (Agencies): Minister of Social Affairs and Labor MPs who resort to Erada Sq
Mohammad AI-Afasi issued Wednesday a decision to set minimum wage salaries
Teachers unhappy with mini
for employees of the private sector.
A ministerial statement said that the decision states that no employee of the private Panel's report on diesel sm L
sector will be hired below the KD 60 wage.
The decision reflects the continuous cooperation between the legislative and 'Tender' for border cameras
executive authorities, said the statement.
Legislators urge Interior to s
Meanwhile, the Kuwait Chamber of Commerce and Industry (KCCI) has urged the
Ministry of Social Affairs and Labor to provide solutions and alternatives for Houti home, happy .. . detail:
processing the transactions of employers and workers, in light of the increased
problems being faced under the__~u,tomated system, reports AI-Rai daily. Kharafi discounts 'resignatio
The ministry recently implemented the automated system to process transactions.
but there have been reports about its malfunctioning. Marriage counseling offices
KCCI reportedly suggested that the old system be reactivated temporarily to Previous Page: 1 of 4 Next
overcome the current problems for "delays prove financially costly to employers as
they are fined for delaying in renewing restdences and other transactions. Most Read News
Sources say work has come to a halt in a number of labor departments across the
country due to technical faults in the system and "it necessitates re-studying the
Jleeb sweep for illegals .. . f-
~~m· .. . ' . .
_ In other developments, the mmtstry wtll start checking all absconding reports Airport 'trolley mafia' victims
® _submitted bet employers against expatriate employees in the private sector as it has
been prove___!hat many of these reports are bogus malicious and not legal sources Expats leaving for good will
told AI -Jandc:~_ daily.
Cabinet to issue decision on
Sources say the old system which required the employer to publish an
advertisement on absconders in newspapers will be re-activated and added that "as Case of Filipina who died of
per the law, a person is considered absconding after 15 days of publishing the
advertisement." 'Subject those coming from ·
However, 'absconding reports' about people in respected professions such as
journalists, doctors, legal consultants, store supervisors and the like will be rejected, Interior plans to increase fee
state sources.
Majority of expats oppose M
The system is applied in all GCC countries, they said, adding "malicious
absconding reports undermine the image of Kuwait in the eyes of international Saudi Crown Prince Nayef d
human rights organizations as the employee is seen as a fugitive criminal despite
the fact that the whole issue may be a dispute between the employer and the 60% of KAC passengers sai
worker. Also, the system is in line with plans to establish a public authority to bring Previous Page: 1 of 53 Ne>
expatriate workers."
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'Wage growth poses threat'

Employers can 't cut contracl

Workers protest, seek 8-mth

Sendtomond

ar--ctb ~nes
Read By: 3165 Comments: 0 Rated: <:z "f:rtr{;"; '1:!
E- I d.o I ;?., cv
1 Existing Member L·

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Majority Of Expats Oppose Mol Proposal For New Fees Saudi Crown Prince Nayef d

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KUWAIT CITY, June 29: There have been varied reactions following the Interior
Ministry's decision to implement a new fee structure whereby expatriates have to Similar Stories
pay KD 500 for the first issuance of driver licenses and KD 50 for each subsequent
renewal.
Labor to issue visas for vars
Furthermore, they will charge KD 300 for the issuance of the vehicle registration Interior plans to 'activate' ad
book and KD 100 as annual fees for renewal.
'Subject those coming from '
Majority of the expatriates are against the decision , claiming that it indicates a
distinct racial discrimination between the citizens and expatriates by the Domestic workers' transfer ~

government. Furthermore, it also casts a heavy burden or'l expatriates whose

Interior plans to increase feE
monthly incomes barely cover their needs.
'Renew residencies, driving
They stressed that the decision to give up owning a vehicle should be taken
voluntarily by expatriates and should not be forced upon them through such Smart IDs for Article 17 exp<
exaggerated terms, adding that the country should provide humane and practical
Expats not paid for work dor
alternatives especially considering the high temperatures and unpredictable
weather of the country. Pay Electricity & Water bills,
They added that such difficult terms hinder many of the expatriates to reach work 'Residence' for five years ey
on time especially when they are unable to use public transportations. Women and
children will experience more difficulty than men when it comes to commuting by GTD amends expat driving I
public transportations due to the conditions of public vehicles and their unavailability
'Remove stickers, pictures, ~
in residential areas.

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®
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 283

Majority of expats oppose Mol proposal for new fees Page 2 of3

Several expats admit being ·

On the other hand, the expatriates who support the decision said it would reduce
the traffic problems in the country through which several people experience many Media campaign planned to
difficulties on road and often reach their workplaces late.
Interior to relax conditions fc
They claimed that it is not necessary for many expatriates to own cars especially
Easier to get driving license~
when they can commute without one, adding that imposing such terms would solve
the country's traffic problems. Commercial to work visa for
Mohammad Lutfi , a resident in Kuwait, said he would give up his vehicle only if the
country provides better alternatives such as a metro system or other means that Halt in issuance of new visa:
would help him to reach his workplace quicker than by road.
'Implement automation systE
He also said he is obliged to use his car at every occasion, as he is unable to do Health insurance firm to takE
anything without it, adding that the density of the population iri tM ecuntry causes
the traffic problem.

He emphasized that imposing such terms on expatriates would negatively affect the
wheel of development in the country because it would force an expatriate to find
lesser comfortable means to reach his workplace, which could tire him and hinder
his ability to work hard at his job.
Existing Member L·
Meanwhile, a Kuwaiti citizen Marsi Abdul Wahid said he supports the decision to
increase the fees of driver licenses and vehicles because in Kuwait, every person
owns a vehicle even though they do not require one.

He stressed that some people buy very cheap cars that often break down in the
middle of the roads and causes traffic jams and inconvenience to other road users.
Username L __
He suggested expatriates with limited income to use public transportations to save
money, adding that most public transportations have air conditioning systems and
are comfortable.
Password c=_
Talal Amin , a Kuwaiti citizen , said the fees should not be more than KD 50, adding
that expatriate5 with limited inGome would be ~ffectli!O even if the fee is KD 50 and
at the same time , the country can benefit from the revenues obtained from it.

By : Najeh Bilal Spec ial to the Arab Ti mes

~ 1 Print Article Sond to friend

.:..~!-:...--

Read By : 6497 Comments: 4

Comments

Totally Inhuman And Cruel Treatment Of Expats

Ahmed Suleiman 17/1/2012 10:35:26 AM
I, along with all expatriates strongly oppose and condemn the propooal by the MOl
to impose exhorbitant fees on the expatriate community for issuance of drivers
licenses and for the registration of their vehicles. Why are the Kuwaiti people so
against and prejudiced against the expatriates? Aren't we humans like them?
Weren't we brought here in order to serve the interests of Kuwaitis to help them in
their businesses and to make them richer? Aren't we being civilized and respecting
law and order till date? Would any government support a new law such as this one
that is imposed only on one group of people and not on all, which is purely
discriminative, inhuman and far below Kuwa iti standards of equality and tolerance.
This idea that is proposed by MOl looks like they are imposing a fine upon every
innocent expatriate who has the need to take a silly driver's license. Doesn't the
MOl real ize that a drivers license is not only taken by an expatriate so that he can
buy a car; but more importantly so that he can serve the, company that he is
working for as his company requrires him to have a drivers license. If this law
comes to pass, then how will you expect employees who are required to have
drivers licenses fu lfill their job requirements? On the matter of maintaining the
normalcy of road traffic, till date it has always been the Kuwaitis who comm it all

Orah e/ ;)Old- b
Tlrht.S
(J)
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 284

Majority of expats oppose Mol proposal for new fees Page 3 of3

traffic violations, road accidents, deaths, street racing, wreckless driving, driving
under the influence of alcohol and drugs, using vehicles for the trafficking of drugs
and alcohol, etc .. Every Kuwaiti family has a minimum of 5-6 cars while an expat
family has only 1 car. Expats only take their cars out for necessary purposes like
going to work, buying items for the house or going to the hospital. Whereas
Kuwaitis are always out on the streets 24 hours a day unnecessarily just to roam
the streets, burn cheap petrol and to make trouble for other drivers by their fast,
careless, mobile in hand , wreckless an

Kuwaiti Citizen Marsi Abdul Wah id ....

mubeen moin 17/1/2012 7:43:01 AM
with respect to Mr. MARS I ABDUL WAHID for what purpose does he use his car?

Advice That. .. What You Do

Phoenix 16/30/2012 4:42:15 PM
Total agree with u brother. They should consider what situation we expats r going
thru. If thr should b any such law it should b for all including citizens. Let the country
make money this way by charging both expats and citizens. As per islamic point of
view we expats fall under the responsibility of the Govt. Running the country and
our rights should be respected

Kuwaiti Citizen Marsi Abdul Wahid ..

Superman 16/30/2012 11 59:14 AM
may be this guy has never seen the condition of the Local Buses, the condition of
the buses apart, may be he has not seen the behaviour of "Arab Boys" occupying
the back seats of the buses and misbehaving with the expats =@ he just turned a
blind eye on this issue , all these people who advice to travel by buses turn blind on
this issue ... These boys literally hit us expats wid their shoes and what ever they
have in the hands in the sake of "FUN" ... what a stupid statement to make TRAVEL
BY BUSES AS THEIR CONDITIONS IS GOOD .... ok we will travel by buses, get rid
of those mischievers .. they make a bad image of Kuwait and its residents to the
expatriates ...... and why does not Mr. Marsi Abdul Wahid give up his vehicle and
travel by bus ... .we'd appreciate his decision ... he will know what we expats face
when travelling in a bus, from nowhere a big stone comes and breaks the glass of
the moving bus Also in the sake of "FUN" ...it injures us expats who is going to think
about it?????? so please as per Nabi Kareem (SAW) Hadith "ADVICE THAT
WHAT YOU DO YOURSELF AS WELL" .. PEACE OUT..

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l
KUWAIT TO BAR EXPATS FROM MORNING TREATMENT Hold that cough until after sundown- Sun sets on
morning care in Jahra

KUWAIT CITY, May 16, (AFP)' K"wait is to bar foreignecs fcom attending P"blic hospitals in the mornings, local media reported
Thursday, in a decision activists labelled as "racist". The decision comes after complaints in parliament of Kuwaiti patients having to
wait for treatment at public health facilities because of the large number of expatriates. Health Minister Mohammad ai-Haifi, who is
also a surgeon, ordered that the outpatient clinics at the public hospital in Jahra, west of Kuwait City, will only receive Kuwaiti
patients in the morning from June 1. :/

Foreign residents will be able to receive treatment in the evenings, said the decision published in Kuwaiti media on Thursday.
Kuwait is home to 2.6 million foreigners, mostly from India , Pakistan, Bangladesh, the Philippines, Egypt and Syria, and 1.2 million
native Kuwaitis

The new system will be applied at the clinics at Jahra hospital for six months on a "trial basis before its application at other
(government) hospitals". Kuwait provides free medical services to citizens but expats must pay an annual fee of $175 each besides
paying reduced charges for certain procedures iike x-ray

Activists in the oil-rich Gulf state condemned the move, and opposition lawyer and writer Mohammad Abdulqader al- Jassem
described it as "racial segregation" on Twitter. Similar restrictions are in place at other government agencies such as the traffic
department, which handles applications from Kuwaitis only in the morning

'Don't build hospitals for expats' 'Approval of proposal will tarnish Kuwait's image'

KUWAIT CITY, Nov 9: The Kuwait Doctors Union has warned against the approval of the proposed establishment of health
insurance hospitals for expatriates, asserting this might have a negative impact on the image of Kuwait in the international medical
and humanitarian fields, reports AI-Qabas daily.

In a recent press statement, the union explained the stipulations of the bill are not in line with the agreements, which Kuwait had
53
 286

Kuwait keen on protecting rights of foreign workers, says minister Page 1 of2

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AI-Rashidi Attends ILO Conference Govt on 'high alert' to avert '

'Many buildings found with n
GENEVA, June 13, (KUNA): Kuwaiti Minister of
Social Affairs and Labor Thikra Ayed AI-Rashidi MoE completes study on sal
highlighted here on Thursday importance of clarifying
'Ministers hurdle in Municipc:
the Kuwaiti measures and steps for protecting rights
of foreign workers. Saudi prince fires Kuwaiti T\
Residents of Omariya accus
MoSAL to disprove pivots of
New Jahra Urban Bloc will VI

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The Gulf region is witnessing continuous economic growth and various

--
developmental projects which greatly attract a large number of foreign workers, she
affirmed.

This requires coping with the capabilities of countries exporting foreign manpower
and looking after measures to deal with such countries that might have their own
conditions and 'criteria related to this issue, AI-Rashidi added.
Current situation of expats ir
Police crackdown 'hits' inno<
Heavy Pressures behind Ku
Over 1,000 expats rounded
Nuts ... bolts of deportation 1

'Expats found working on fa1

'Raids to nab illegal expats,

Deportation threat on private
Kuwait, with its vital economic activities turned to an attracting labor market for a
large number of foreign workers, which obliged the cabinet to offer them the best 'Drivers attitude must chang
protection, especially by offering them medical treatment in governmental clinics
400 residency law violators I
and hospitals, besides o6liging the employers to offer foreign workers m the private
~ sector free medical treatment, she stated. ? ? ? Previous Page: 1 of 41 Ne>

\ Kuwait is a pioneer in achieving the goal~ ~f

;he ILO, and implementing the Similar Stories
decisions resulting from the annual meetmgs of the organization, which ends all
l~uJCtXtf~ doubts related to existence of any form of exploiting the foreign manpower in GTD issues 28,136 citations
., , Kuwait, Law number 109 for the year 2013 was set to establish the Public Authority
~ ., for Man ower as an inde endent boov under the su ervision of minister of social Social Affairs de t · .
fr.c2;;;..eet II' -affairs and labor s~d ,.- Je-~ .J._~ ·
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ihO'o 1 1PffS employment of expatriates in the private and oil sectors, bringing and recruiting e .r yJ·tA..-V:J/' u~"" YcJ"Yh jL-/~
e..L(lr1-k. \1 foreign labor on behalf of employers. Kuwait is working hard to offer new job I MoE adds 5 m re y_ ars to e
t ;}~~-~~1 , ,fl opportunities as the implementation of projects expands in the country, offering new
' It)..{ 1 <o.>ULI.{ jobs for both men and women, she added.
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., '"' In order to preserve social justice, and in protection of workers during their , lnspett?!s endorse strategy ,,
[I'-\ abnormality of work, law number 101 for the year 2013 was issued, for insuranc -1/Ut;;_~J-.12d f1..4 C'..-c I C./ng f7,n ~
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 287

Kuwait keen on protecting rights of foreign workers, says minister Page 2 of2

against unemployment, offering social security for employees in the private and oil 80 expatriates arrested from
sectors in case of their dismissal.
Kuwait's victim protection m•
A governmental financed fund of protection against unemployment was established
for that matter, she said. Random apartment raids sc;

Such new laws and regulations come within the framework of regulating the labor Over 100 expats arrested in
market in Kuwait, coping with the international related measures, which protect the 'Only serious violators of tra
worker from mistreatment, extortion, or forced labor.
Security checks embolden c
Law number 6 for the year 2010 related to working in the private sector guaranteed
for the employee a three-month warning in advance for dismissal from work, after it 'Indians are not targeted'
was only 15 days, she explained. 'Expats found workin9 on fat
This law increases rates of financial benefits for workers and obliges the employers
to be committed to paying salaries according to contracts and transfer wages to the Philippine Embassy 'issues'
employees' bank accounts, she added.
Kuwait exerts all possible efforts to protect the rights of the foreign manpower. The Legal expats need not worry
Gulf state advocates equality between men and women , reflected greatly in the Indian Embassy helpline
labor market, considering the remarkable parliamentary participation of women .
Deportation threat on privatE
The ILO annual conference is held between April 5-20, with participation of 5,000
figures including ministers, representatives of labor syndicates, worker unions, and Majority feel victimized by w
employers' unions, to discuss issues in the field at the regional and international
levels.

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 288

KuJ ait's victim protection measures remain weak: US Page 1 of5

II Kuwait World Business Sports Entertainment Editorial

Updated on: 20/08/2013 Advanced Search

Other Stories

Saudi prince fires Kuwaiti T\

GTD issues 28,136 citations

Social Affairs dept received ·

Most Read News

Current situation of expats ir

Police crackdown 'hits' inno<

203 nabbed in early mornin~

Heavy Pressures behind Ku·

Over 1,000 expats rounded

Nuts .. bolts of deportation <

'Expats found working on fa1

'Raids to nab illegal expats,

Almost 500 expats found in ·

Deportation threat on privatE

Previous Page: 1 of 9 Next

Similar Stories

T~e lllegai_E)(pats Arrested In Mang_af & Alrai During Security Raids GTD issues 28,136 citations

Kuwait's Victim Protection Measures Remain Weak: US Social Affairs dept received .

House-to-house raids by pol

Sponsorship System Cited

CI~Agencies):
Around 134 arrested as hun
KUWAIT Men and women migrate from a number of
countries to ~~~ait, mainly in the domestic service, construction and
Cancel sponsorship system
sanitation sectors, the US State Department said in its 2013 Trafficking in Persons MoE adds 5 more years to e
(TIP) Report released Wednesday.
'Intensify efforts to track doVI
According to the report, most migrant workers enter Kuwait voluntarily but the
Inspectors endorse strategy
sponsors and labor agents subject some of them to conditions of forced labor
includ ing nonpayment of wa es lon workin hours withe · ion of 80 expatriates arrested from
oo , t reats, physical or sexual abuse, and restrictions on movement, such as
'tl:liifillernent to the work place and the withholding of passports. Random apartment raids sc•

Many of these workers report work conditions that are substantially different from Over 100 expats arrested in
those described in the employment contract, and some never see the contract at
'Only serious violators of tra·
all . Although the government of Kuwait enacted an anti-trafficking law in March . . . .
2013, there was no lead national anti-trafficking coordinating body, and the Security checks embolden c
gbvernment did not systematically monitor anti-trafficking efforts.

http://www.arabtimesonline.com/NewsDetails/tabid/96/smid/414/ArticleiD/197 482/re... 20/08/2013

 289

Kuwait' s victim protection measures remain weak: US Page 2 o.t)

'Indians are not targeted'

Follbwing is the US State Department's Trafficking In Persons (TIP) Report on 'Expats found working on fa1
Kuwait for 2013. Kuwait has been placed on Tier 3 for a seventh consecutive year.
Philippine Embassy 'issues'
CoJntries placed on Tier 3 are those whose governments do not fully comply with
the Trafficking Victims Protection Act's (TVPA) minimum standards and are not Legal expats need not worry
making significant efforts to do so. Pursuant to the TVPA, governments of countries
on ifier 3 may be subject to certain sanctions whereby the US government may Indian Embassy helpline
withhold or withdraw non-humanitarian, non-trade-related foreign assistance. -
Kuwait keen on protecting ri!
Editor
Deportation threat on privatE
Wf\SHINGTON, June 20, (Agencies): Kuwait is a destination country for men and
women who are subjected to forced labor and, to a lesser degree, forced
prostitution. Men and women migrate from India, Egypt, Bangladesh, Syria,
Pakistan, the Philippines, Sri Lanka, Indonesia, Nepal, Iran, Jordan, Ethiopia,
Ghana, and Iraq to work in Kuwait, mainly in the domestic service, construction,
and sanitation sectors.

Although most of these migrants enter Kuwait voluntarily, upon arrival their Existing Member L·
sponsors and labor agents subject some migrants to conditions of forced labor,
including nonpayment of wages, long working hours without rest, deprivation of
food, threats, physical or sexual abuse, and restrictions on movement, such as
confinement to the workplace and the withholding of passports. Username
While Kuwait requires a standard contract for domestic workers delineating some
basic rights, many workers report work conditions that are substantially different
from those described in the contract; some workers never see the contract at all. Password
According to the Kuwaiti government, between September 2011 to April 2012 the
Fil ipino and Ethiopian domestic worker population increased dramatically,
accounting for 86 percent of the total increase in Kuwait's domestic worker
population over the same period . Many of the migrant workers arriving for work in
Kuwait have paid exorbitant fees to recruiters in their home <;:ountries or are
coerced into paying labor broker fees in Kuwait that, by Kuwaiti law, should be paid
by the employer- a practice that makes workers highly vulnerable to forced labor,
including debt bondage, once in Kuwait. The media reported that Kuwaiti employers
brqught unskilled workers into Kuwait on "commercial" visas without providing them
~111 vvo1k pe1111ils; this left workers un rotected under labor re ulahons and
vu nera use, includin con . . or. Kuwait's sponsorship law
- es nc s wor ers movements and penalizes them for "rurinmg away:_ from abus1ve
\vqrkp1aces; as a result, domestic workers are particularly vulnerable to forced labor
inside private homes. In addition, media sources report that runaway domestic
wdrkers fall prey to forced prostitution by agents or criminals who exploit their illegal
st~tus.

The government similarly continued to make insufficient efforts to prevent trafficking

during the reporting period . For these reasons, Kuwait is placed on Tier 3 for a
seventh consecutive year. Recommendations for Kuwait: Implement the 2013
a~titrafficking law by investigating and prosecuting trafficking offenses, and
convicting and punishing offenders - particularly sponsors - who subject a. roJ:> Tlrn -e ~
domestic workers to involuntary servitude; enact and enforce the draft domestic
workers bill to provide domestic workers with the same rights as other workers; e; \ :f_ol3 c
eytablish procedures to proactively identify all victims of human trafficking,

®
;1
http r www.arabtimesonline.com/NewsDetails/tabid/96/smid/41 ArticleiD/197482/re... 20/08/2013
 290

Kuwait's victim protection measures remain weak: US Page 3 of5

especially among the female domestic worker population; open the large-scale
shelter for all trafficking victims and provide relevant training to shelter staff amend
the sponsorship law to protect foreign workers, including domestic workers, from
abuse; enforce existing laws against sponsors and empl,oyers who illegally hold
migrant workers' passports; provide additional anti-trafficking training to law
enforcement and judicial officials; and significantly increase efforts to prevent
trafficking.

Prosecution
The government made limited anti-trafficking law enforcement efforts dur ing the
reporting period. It enacted comprehensive anti-trafficking legislation i~ March
2013. The government failed to prosecute and convict trafficking offenders using
previously existing laws. Kuwait prohibits all forms of trafficking through its ~ew anti-
trafficking law. The new law prescribes penalties ranging from 15 years' to life
imprisonment; these penalties are sufficiently stringent and commensur~te with
penalties prescribed for other serious crimes, such as rape. Before Februaht 2013,
the government could have prosecuted and punished many trafficking bffenses
under the Kuwaiti criminal code, but there was little evidence it did so. I
For example, the criminal code prohibits some forms of transnational slavery in
Article 185, which prescribes a maximum penalty of five years' imprison~ent. In
addition, Law 16/1960 criminalizes forced labor or explaitatian,.....while malt atment
that leads to death is considered first-d_e_gre.e. . .murner. Article 201, which Erohibits
rorced prostitution, prescribes a maximum sentence of five years' impris9.nment if
the victim is an adult and seven years' if the victim is under the age of 1ts. These
prescribed penalties also are sufficiently stringent and cpmmensurate wJith those
prescribed for other serious offenses. During the reporting period, the go ernment
1
did not report any arrests rosecutions convictions, or sentences of traffi kers for
e1ther forced labor or sex trafficking

Although the withholding of workers' passports is rohibited u waiti law, this

practice remains common amon s onsors and employers of foreign wor ·ers, ana
e government demonstrated no genuine efforts to enforce this proh1bitio~. Almost
n'one of the domestic workers who took refuge in their homecountry embassy
shelters had passports in their possession. The overnment remained reiLctant to
prosecute Kuwaiti citizens for trafficking offenses.

When Kuwaiti nationals were investigated for trafficking offenses, they t nded to
receive less scrutiny than foreigners. Kuwaiti law enforcement genera I~ treated
cases of forced labor as administrative labor infractions, for which punish~ent was
limited to assessing fines, shutting down employment firms, issuing! o ers for
employers to return withheld passports, or requiring employers to pay bac ages.

The government did not conduct anti-trafficking trainings for governmen officials
during the reporting period.

a_r--a_b T:rn.e s
c I :Jo(3 c.
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 291

Kuwait's victim protection measures remain weak: US Page 4 ofS

that in this reporting period, olice conducted raids on 2,000 mi rant workers and
9etained them in a deportation center where some languished for as long as six
months. There was RO iRdiGation that police implemented measures to identify
traffia<lng victims among this population or provide protective services to migrants
,- who may have experienced conditions of human trafficking_.

The Minist of Social Affairs and Labor MOSAL) continued to operate a short-term
shelter for runaway domestic workers with a maximum ca acity of 40; however
s e ter detained VIC 1ms mvo untarily until their legal or immigration cases were
resolved l_he government continued to faiL.t.cu:e_porLthe......numbeL_oLtrafficking
victim~aSSIStea at mlS<>tTeffeO:Iuring the reporting penod . It is unclear whether
victims of forced prostitution could access this temporary shelter, and there
continued to b hel er or other rotective serv· r i
.traffick~n 20 7 the government announce 1t would open a 19 -capacity
i helter~r run · y domestic workers; this shelter was still not operational at the
end of the reporting period. Many domestic workers continued to seek assistance at
their embassies in Kuwait; some source-country embassies reported that 450-600
domestic workers ran away from their employers each month.

The government provided some source countries with funds to pay for the
repatriation of some runaway domestic workers sheltered at their embassies in
Kuwait. The government did not provide funding to domestic NGOs or international
organizations that provide direct services to trafficking victims. The government did
not encourage victims of trafficking to assist in the investigation and prosecution of
trafficking cases, and it did not offer foreign trafficking victims legal alternatives to
their removal to countries in which they may face hardship or retribution .

s h t/ f; of- 6 -€L-~
The draft legislation, which was not enacted at the end of the reporting period, e1'1 . ;; _ (
't!-ar would mark a significant step forward in replacing the current sponsorship system. ctc'f--€c
·rt>ll~t. In January 2013, the media reported that police investigated alleged complicity of
-es6·"
i n11 government officials within MOSAL for ille all selling visas under the sponsorship
moset~J sys e~; the investigation was ongoing at the en o the reportmg period . As in
Co . 1. previous years, the Ministry of Awqaf and Islamic Affairs made a nationwide effort
try>ltc)
to reduce overseas child sex tourism by requiring some Sunni mosques to deliver
Friday sermons on the danger of sex abroad and Islam's strict teachings against
improper sexual relations .

tv;:::. t.__E ~_/:)

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 292

Social Affairs dept received 4,200 complaints from workers in July Page 1 of2
;-..

Kuwait World Business Sports Enterta inment Editorial

Updated on: 20/08/2013 Advanced Search

Other Stories

Saudi prince fires Kuwaiti T\

GTD issues 28,136 citations

Social Affairs dept received .

Most Read News

Current situation of expats ir

Police crackdown 'hits' innoc

203 nabbed in early mornin£

Heavy Pressures behind Ku

Over 1,000 expats rounded
The Remains Of Abdulrahman AI-Sumait, A Renowned Kuwaiti Philanthropist, Being
J2.a!ri~ For:_?urial At ~ulaiblkh at Ceme~ ry Nuts ... bolts of dE?portation <

'Expats found working on fa1

Social Affairs Dept Received 4,200 Complaints From Workers In July
'Raids to nab illegal expats,
'Some Groups Planning To Use Media To Attack Labor Minister'
Almost 500 expats found in ·

~~I :::~:e:nf:o~~:~(:~n~~~ :::::::d ~:: c:::~~~~~~s~:: ~::::sn:n~;:yments

KUWAIT CITY, Aug 16: The Labor Relations Department at the Ministry of Social Deportation threat on private
4 0 Previous Page: 1 of 9 Next
of
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395 iob hazard allowances, 671 wages, 616 delayed payment of salaries, 454
overtime, 403 injuries at work, 421 official holidays, 386 annual leave, 377 end-of-
contract and 477 other complaints. @ Residents of Omariya accus
GTD issues 28,136 citations
Sources said 959 complaints were received in the Capital Governorate, 640 in the
headquarters, 652 in Ahmadi, 654 in Hawally, 660 in Farwaniya and 635 in Jahra. New civil IDs for expats with

Meanwhile, speculations are rife that some groups at Kuwait Chamber of UK visa center to remain op'
Commerce and Industry (KCCI) are using a section of the media to attack Minister
House-to-house raids by pol
of Social Affairs and Labor Thikra AI-Rashidi in order to force her to succumb to
pressure from influential elements, reports AI-Shahed daily quoting sources. Around 134 arrested as hun
Sources said the reformative steps taken by the minister have negatively affected
the interests of the tycoons, so they are determined to blackmail her and force her MoE adds 5 more years to E
to rescind the decisions.
'I ntensify efforts to track doV\
Sources disclosed the drastic steps taken by the minister include the formation of
80 expatriates arrested from
the Public Authority for Manpower, restructuring the expatriate labor force and the
all-out war against visa trading. Sources pointed out these steps had jolted the Kuwait's victim protection m'
owners of bogus companies who have filled the country with marginal workers.
Random apartment raids sc<
Transfer of commercial visit
Over 100 expats arrested in

http://www.arabtimesonline.c~wsDetails/tabid/96/smid/414/ArticleiD/198987/re... 20/08/2013
 293

Social Affairs dept received 4,200 complaints from workers in July

~·
Page 2 of2

finalize their transactions easily. 'Only serious violators of tra

Security checks embolden c

By: AI-Sayyed Qassas AI-Seyassah Staff and Agencies 'Indians are not targeted'

'Expats found working on fa1

Philippine Embassy 'issues'
.~~ Print Article Sendtofliond Legal expats need not worry

Indian Embassy helpline

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 294

~uwait criticised for failing to implement heat ban I The National Page 1 of6

Kuwait criticised for failing to implement heat ban

James Calderwood 'tJ# f S+ in i:".ii til
August 13,2011

KUWAIT CITY II With searing temperatures coinciding with the Ramadan

Topics: UAE weather
news, Kuwa1t
fast in August, Kuwait's army of foreign labourers face a double-barrelled
challenge to staying healthy in the summer heat.

in theory, a government ban on outdoor work between 11 am and 4pm from

June to August should protect the country's street cleaners, gardeners and
builders from the potentially deadly effects of working in direct sunlight
during the hottest part of the day when temperatures reach above 45
degrees. But critics say the ministry of social affairs and labour's failure to
implement the ban is ~?wing companies to put manual labourers at risk.

"In the last tvvo years there were no fines, but this year seven companies got
fined," said Meqdad Jumah, 36 , an engineer at the ministry's labour
inspection department during a recent visit to a building site in the suburb of
Sayan. The ministry- which has set up a hotline for residents to report
violations- had received a tip-off that labourers were toiling under the sun.

On reaching the site at around 12.30pm, the inspectors found several

Asians constructing a new bank building and issued a warning to the
contractor. Inspectors said the company would face fines of up to 200
Kuwaiti dinars (Dh2 ,685) for each employee discovered outside in a return
inspection in three days.

Hussein AI Mutairi, 41, a supervisor of the inspection team, said the ministry
"closes the file" of fined companies to prevent them from receiving new visas
until they pay up. He said the enforcement effort means fewer compa'hies
are forcing their employees to work outside.

Mr Jumah said: "Some of the workers say it's all right to work outside
because they're Christian or Hindu and they can eat and drink during
Ramadan, but I tell them it's still a problem. It's too hot, there's so much
sun."

The rules allow for some types of outdoor work, such as refilling cars at
petrol stations, vvhen employees can carrf out their duties in the shade, he
explained.

"If the manager says work, I work; If he says don't work, I don't work," said
one of the Asian labourers at the building site, shocked by the sudden
attention from the Kuwaiti authorities. His foreman said the labourers were
working during the hottest part of the day to finish the building as soon as
possible.

"Most of the companies are cooperating," said Sultan Hassan, the controller
of labour inspection at the ministry's headquarters in Dajeej. ''The bigger
companies are following the law; they do most of their work at night."

Mr Hassan said the team's 18 inspectors discovered 1,543 workers violating

the ban at 1,431 different locations during the six weeks of the summer. The
dangers of working in Kuwait's heat came to public attention in June, when
the local media reported that a labourer fell to his death from a
communications tower after suffenng heatstroke. After the incident, a
K.uwa1tJ human-nghts organ1sat1on urged the ministry to revise their strategy
to ensure companies are following the rules. rr7/)
CaJ cl e.J'iAJ ov cf :;to 1\ E\ . 'lV

http ://www.thenational.ae/news/world/middle-east/kuwait-criticised-for-failing-to-implement-heat-..
 295

Kuwait criticised for failing to implement heat ban I The National Page 2 of6

"We have many complaints from migrant workers and we have said to the
ministry we have a big problem but we're not finding real action ," said
Abdulrahman AI Ghan1m, the head of migrant labour at Kuwait Trade Union
Federation. 'They don't inspect. We find nothing on the ground. They just sit
in their offices ."

At the building site in Sayan, Mohamed Saffan, the manager, was not too
perturbed by the unannounced VISit from the Kuwaiti authorities. After a
·a,scussJon Wlfh the mspectors he sa1d: "From tomorrow nobody is going to
be working in the sun. It's a fair decision."

The visit from the ministry caused the company to adjust its schedule to
finish the bank by the end of September, he said . "I'll get them to work two
shifts at night," Mr Saffan said.

JCalderwood@thenatlonal .ae

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http://www.thenational.ae/news/world/middle-east/k:uwait-criticised-for-failing-to-implement-heat-..
 296

. Deportation for minor road offences cannot be justified 1 The National Page 1 of6
The.. nct-h.~al 0J<l I~ ;C}'r'

Deportation for minor road offences cannot be justified

Peter Hellyer
f S+ in
May 28, 2013

Related Last weekend, I was driving sedately through Abu Dhabi when a minibus,
Kuwait steps up loaded with passengers, raced past at great speed and proceeded to jump a
deportations of expat red light.
workers
It's not the first time I have witnessed such irresponsible driving. I wondered
UAE judges and lawyers
call for mandatory whether the minibus would reach its destination safely, or whether I would
deportation for minor read the next day of yet another horrific traffic accident. I didn't, so
offences to be stopped presumably it arrived without any mishaps.
More than 13,000 Dubai What, though, can be done to curb lunatic drivers more effectively? Take
drivers jump red lights in
past 11 months away their licences? Make it plain to employers of such minibus drivers that
they should dismiss anyone found driving in such a manner, even if their
'A safe attitude is driving does not cause accidents or casualties as they endanger not only
critical', UAE driving their passengers but the general public?
instructors say
In Kuwait, the interior ministry has recently begun to implement a new policy:
expatriates guilty of certain types of traffic violation are to be promptly
deported. Deportable offences include driving without a licence, using their
cars to carry paying passengers, jumping a red light for the second time or
breaking the speed limit by more than 40kph . Over 1,200 people have been
deported over the last month or so . Kuwaiti citizens, meanwhile, have their
cars impounded- a somewhat lesser penalty.
J.o()Jn I o o.d -eel
I'm all in favour of clobbering really bad drivers. This approach, however,
if -1- d-o I~ • seems to be rather haphazard. What about drivers who cause-aeath on the
road? Or people who are driving vehicles under the influence of drink· or
drugs? Serious offences that warrant a prison sentence could be added to
the list, which now includes, for the most part, relatively minor breaches of
regulations. Adding deportation to a prison sentence for a particularly
serious offence would seem more defensible than imposing deportation on
someone who has jumped a red light for the second time, without causing
any accident.

Not surprisingly, the Kuwait Society for Human Rights has commented that
"the oppressive measures against expatriates ... violate the basic principles
of human rights ."

Perhaps the real reason for this somewhat controversial move is to be found
in a statement by the country's minister of social affairs and labour last
month that there is a plan to deport 100,000 foreigners every year for the
next decade -yes, that's a million people - to reduce the percentage of
expatriates in the population.

Using minor traffic offences seems to have been selected as one way of
achieving this target, however unrealistic it may be.

I appreciate the concems that Kuwaiti citizens may have about the
percentage of expatriates in the country. How could anyone in the UAE,
where the percentage of Emiratis is now hovering just above the 11 per cent
mark, according to official statistics, not recognise that there is a real issue
that needs to be addressed? How one tackles the issue is another matter, of
course. But what is effectively forced deportation is a very unsatisfactory
approach . The issue is far too complex to be tackled by setting a quota for
deportations, and then finding reasons, or excuses, to try to fill that quota.

El
http://www.thenational .ae/thenationalconversation/comment/deportation-for-minor-road-offences-...
 297

_Deportation for minor road offences cannot be justified j The National Page 2 of6

Deporting expatriates who have committed "real" crimes -whether against

other individuals, or against society, or against the state- can be justifiable.
Rapists, murderers, or those who, through corruption or other means, steal
large sums of money might be suitable candidates. Lock them up, then, if
they are expatriates, deport them. But someone who has driven a car
without a valid driving licence?

The issue of what is, somewhat carefully, called the "demographic

imbalance" in Kuwait, and the UAE for that matter, is not something that can
be addressed effectively- if it can be addressed at all - by raising relatively
minor infractions of the law into offences that lead to deportation . Social and
economic factors have created the imbalance. Here, for example, the UAE's
economic growth over the past four decades has caused the inflow of so
many expatriates .

Our own Ministry of Interior, I'm glad to say, adopts a far more realistic and
sensible approach.

I wouldn't object too much if some of the more lunatic minibus drivers on our
streets, most of whom are expatriates, were to be given a mandatory one-
way ticket home. But deportation for minor traffic offences cannot be
justified.

Peter Hellyer is a consultant specialising in the UAE's history and culture

Add your COJ11111ent View all comments

Related

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deportations of Dubai drivers
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past 11 months

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lawyers call for critical', UAE
mandatory driving
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minor offences to
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http://www.thenational.ae/thenationalconversation/comment/deportation-for-minor-road-offences-..
 298

~uotas Mulled For Expatriates- Kuwait Times Kuwait Times 1 Page 1 of 1

ABOUT US ADVERTISING CONTACT US JOB CLASSIFIEDS MEMBERS AREA IMPORTANT LI NKS

Quotas Mulled For Expatriates

KUWAIT: Kuwait plans to organize the entry of foreign labor forces through a new system that sets specific quotas for every expatriate community in the
state, a sen1or government official sa1d recently. The announcement, made by Minister of Social Affairs and Labor Hind AI-Subaih, answers questions
about the plan to address the demographic imbalance in a country where approximately two thirds of the population are foreigners. Since entering the
Cabmet early January, Suba1h has launched efforts to prosecute owners of fake companies who are seen as a major contributor to the influx of foreigners
living illegally in Kuwait.

Licenses of fake companies are used to issue work visas, which are then sold to labor forces looking for a chance to work in the oil-rich Gulf region , or
those who are already living in Kuwait, albeit illegally. The practice is known locally as 'visa trafficking', and the workers brought in illegally are
mternat1onally recogmzed as hurnan trafficking victims.

The road to demographic balance

The recent efforts - in which hundreds of fake companies were referred to the Public Prosecution or Criminal Investigations Department at the Interior
Ministry -were announced as part of a 'reformist bid' and steps that add to Kuwait's efforts to improve its human rights record. In addition to that, the efforts
can also be ranked as an attempt to adjust the state's demographic structure by targeting the approximate 120,000 illegal expatriates. Kuwait is home to
2.7 million expatnates who account for around 68 percent of the country's nearly 4 million population.

The widening gap between the growth rate of the Kuwaiti and expatriate populations is seen as a major cause of concern for the country's demographical
structure and cultural identity as well as efforts to address lingering issues impacting the Gulf state such as mcreasing pressure on public services and
unemployment. Many proposals have been made in recent years on the political , economic and social scenes to address this issue.

Last year, then Minister of Social Affairs and Labor Thekra AI-Rashidi announced a plan to deport 100,000 foreigners every year as part of a scheme to cut
the country's expatriate population by one million within a decade. No further details or actual procedures were made, but police crackdowns that launched
simultaneously and saw thousands of illegals being arrested and deported were seen as an unannounced step in that direction.

Nevertheless, several proposals were made in the parliament since then to address the demographic imbalance, including one announced by MP Khalil
Abdullah last week that calls for reducing expatriates by 1,100,000 within five years, which means deporting an average of 280 ,000 expatriates every year,
so that the number of foreigners can drop below that of Kuwaitis.

The action
In what can be considered as the clearest statement from a government official on plans to address the demographic imbalance since Rashidi announced
her plan in March 2013, Subaih announced that a committee will be formed in order to provide statistics of the expatriate labor forces in Kuwait, with the
main objective being "organizin(l entry through a system that sets quotas for each nationality". "The maximum quota will be subjected to the labor market's
need, workers' academic qualifications and culture , in addition to their qualification to work in Kuwait," Subaih said in statements published by AI-Janda
daily on Tuesday. "The goal is to avoid crowding the market with unqualified marginal labor forces," she added , "who are considered a mam target for v1sa
traffickers."

And while confirming that "readjusting the demographic structure in Kuwait" would be the committee's main objective. Subaih said that the panel members
will be selected from several state departments, including the Supreme Council for Planning and Development and the Central StatiStical Bureau 1n
addition to the labo·r and interior ministries.

Time and effect

Currently, there is no clear date for when the ministry will start adopting the quota system , or how it will impact the entry procedures for citizens of countries
with large communities in Kuwait such as India and Egypt. These two countries have over 706 ,000 and 493,000 residents m the state respectively,
according to the latest official Interior Ministry statistics as of June 30, 2012.

Social affairs and labor ministry officials are also scrambling to finalize readjustments to the labor department's database sy_stem before opening
recruitment in the private sector. H.iring and transferring visit visas to work permits was closed over a month ago in order to introduce better procedures to
ensure that the employer adheres to labor regulations. Subaih also noted last week that work continues to prepare the Public Labor Authonty fqr an official
launch sometime this summer. Once established, the state-run body will replace the flawed sponsorship or 'kafala' system in handling !tie affairs of
Kuwait's expatriate population.

By Ahmad Jabr

Tweet G• Share

This article was published on 26/02/2014

IS) @)

http://news.kuwaittimes.net/quotas-mulled... http://news.kuwaittimes.net/quotas-mulled-expatriates/
 299

'frccnSC11f ~
Quotas Mulled for Expatriates - Kuwait Times ·
') 0t.
v, ~

re-b 9-c~ \ 4-

Kuwait plans to organise the entry of foreign labour forces thrugh a new system that sets
specific quotas for every expatriate community in the state, a senior government official said
recently. The announcement, made by Minister of Social affairs and Labour Hind Al-Subaih,
answers questions about the plan to address the demographic imbalance in a country where
approximately two thirds of the population are foreigners. Since entering the Cabinet early
January, Subaih has launched efforts to prosecute owners of fake companies who are seen as
a major contributor to the influx of foreigners living illegally in Kuwait.

Licences of fake companies are used to issue work visas which are then sold to labour forces
looking for a chance to work in the oil-rich Gulf region, or those who are already living in
Kuwait, albeit illegally. The practice is known locally as "visa trafficking" and the workers
brought in illegally are internationally recognised as human trafficking victims.

The Road to demographic balance

The recent efforts - in which hundreds of fake companies were referred to the Public
Prosecution of Criminal Investigations Department at the Interior Ministry - were announced
as part of a 'reformist' bid and steps tha add to Kuwait's efforts to improve its human rights'
record. In addition to that, the efforts can also be ranked as an attempt to adjust the state's
demographic structure by targeting the approximate 120,000 illegal expatriates. Kuwait is
home to 2.7 million expatriates who account for around 68% of the country's nearly 4 million
population.

The widening gap between the growth rate of the Kuwaiti and the expatriate populations is
seen as a major cause of concern for the country's demographical structure and cultural
identify as well as efforts to address lingering issues impacting the Gulf state such as
increasing pressure on public services and unemployment. Many proposals have been made
in recent years on the political, economic and social scenes to address this issue.

Last year (2012) the then Minister of Social Affairs and Labour Thekra Al-Rashidi
announced a plan to deport 100,000 foreigners every year as part of a scheme to cut the
country's expatriate population by one million within a decade. No further details or actual
procedures were made but police crackdowns that launched simultaneously and saw
thousands of illegals being arrested and deported were seen as an unannounced step in that
direction.

Nevertheless, several proposal were made in the parliament since then to address the
demographic imbalance, including one announced by MP Khalil Abdullah last week that
calls for reducing expatriates by 1,100,000 within five years, which means deporting an
 300

_..-,----. ( .
1 ta..\'Y) CN p t-
average of290,000 expatriates every year, so that the number of foreigners can drop below
that ofKuwaitis.

The action

In what can be considered as the clearest statement from a government official on plans to
address the demographic imbalance since
Rashidi announced her plan in March 2013, Subaih announced that a committee would be
formed in order to provide state statistics of the expatriate labour forces in Kuwait, with the
main objective being "organising entry through a system that sets quotas for each
nationality". The maximum quota will be subjected to the labour market's need, ':"'orkers
academic qualifications and culture, in addition to their qualification to work in Kuwait" ,
( --- ~-~~~~~~~--~--~~---
Subaih said in statements published by Al-Jarida dmly on Tuesday. "The goal is to avoud
crowding the market with unqualified marginal labour forces", she added, "who are
considered a main target for traffickers."

And while confirming that "readjusting the demographic structure in Kuwait would be the
committee's main objective, Subaih said that the panel members will be selected from several
state departments, including the Supreme Council for Planning and Development and the
Central Statistical Burequ in addition to the labour and interior ministries.

Time and effect

Currently, there is no clear date for when the ministry will start adopting the quota system,or
how it will impact the entry procedures for citizens f countries with large communities in
Kuwait, such as India and Egypt. These two countries have over 706,000 and 493,000
residents in the state respectively, according to the latest official Interior Ministry Statistics as
of June 30th, 2012.

Social affairs ru.J.a labour ministry officials are also scrambling to finalize readjustments in the
labour department's database system before opening recruitment in the private sector. Hiring
and transferring visit visas to work permit was clo~ed over a month ago in order to introduce
better procedures to ensure that the employer adheres to labour regulations. Subaih also
noted last week that work continues to prepare the Public Labour Authority for an official
launch sometime this summer. Once established, the state-run body will replace the flawed
sponsorship of Kafala system in handling the affairs of Kuwait's expatriate population.

By Ahm<ld J abr

~~rJ--d/4-

6\ §
 301

Minister defends 'right to balance population' - 'Visas to work permit' transfers suspe... Page 1 of 1

ABOUT US ADVER11SING CONTACT US JOB CLASSIFIEDS MEMBERS AREA IMPORTANT UNKS

Minister defends 'right to balance population'- 'Visas to work permit' transfers suspended
t<UWAIT: .Kuwait has suspended transactions for lransferJing o:>mmercial visas into work permits in the private sector except under strict condrtions as the
11rst step m the Gulf state's efforts to organize the labor mar'~el and address the demographic imbalance, a senior government official said in a recent
statement. Mmister of Social Affairs and Labor Thekra AI-Rashidi further defended Kuwait's "right as a stale to maintain the demographic structure and
address any flaws in this regard," and indicated that "several other steps [in that regard) will be taken in the next few days.''

Regarding deportations carried out in recent weeks, Minister AI-Rashidi said that her ministry does not have the authority to issue deportation orders.
"Departing expatriate labor forces who are in violation of residency regulations is the job of other stale departments, and the Ministry of Sociai Affairs and
Labor seeks only to regulate the labor market," she said. Last March, AI-Rashidi announced a plan to deport 100,000 foreigners every year as part of a
strategy to cut the Gulf state's expatriate community by one million in len years.
Criticism sparked by the lack of details about the proposed plan prompted the minister to later clarify that the plan targets illegal residents who comprise up
to 93,000 people as of official statistics released last year. Kuwait is home to 2.6 million expatriates. who account for 68 percent of the country's 3.8 million
population. Minister Al-Rashidi made her latest observations at the openins of the new main 'cooperative society · supermarket in AI-Andalus Sunday night.
She also defended a new law introduced for the co-operative societies ·~hat introduces more controls to improve the co-operahve work and prov•de better
protection for shareholders' money.' The new law. which the parliament passed in its first hearing, includes tougher penalties agai~st violators as well as
new standards for running for co-ops boards. Meanwhile, minister AJ..Rashidi commented on recent developments regarding a dec1s1on to suspend soc1al
security allowances paid to Kuwaiti women married to non-Kuwaitis unless they provided medical certificate proving that the husband was unable to work.

On \hal issue, the minister clarified that this stipulation was included in the law in its original form since its promulgation in 2011. adding that all efforts t~
amend it in the parliament and remove this condition have failed. She added that she will continue efforts to "amend the law m order to help the Kuwaiti
women, including women married to non-Kuwailis."-Agencies

Tweet G + Share

Th1s article was published on 05/06/2013

r\t.nvcuJ- 11h1 es
;)-CI~CL-

E\

http://news.kuwaittimes.net/minister-defends-right-to-balance-population-visas-to-work-permit-tra...
 302

~
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'
Kuwait Times 5/6/2013 · 1 f'cU'\5

Minister defends 'right to balance population'- 'Visas to work permit' transfers

suspended

Kuwait has suspended transactions for transferring commercial visas into work permits
in the private sector except under strict conditions as the first step in the Gulf state's
efforts to organize the labor market and address the demographic imbalance, a senior
govemment official said in a recent statement. Mini~er of social affairs and labour
Thekra Al-Rashidi further defended Kuwait's right as a state to maintain the
demographic stmcture and address any flaws in this regard, and indicated that several
other steps(in that regard) will be taken in the next few days.

Re: deportations carried out in recent weeks, Minister Al Rashidi said her ministry does
not have the authority to issue deportation orders. Deporting expatriate labour forces
who are in vioiation of residency regulations is the job of other state departments, and
the Ministry of social affairs and labour seeks only to regulate the labour market she
said. Last MarchAl-Rashidi announced a plan to deport 100,000 foreigners every year
as part of a strategy to cut the Gulf States expatriate community by 1 mill~on in 10
years.

Criticism sparked by the lack of details about the proposed plan prompted the minister
to later clarify that the planned targets illegal residents who comprise up to 93,000
people as of official statistics relea.sed last year. Kuwaiti is home to 2.6 million
expatriates who account for 68% of the country's 3.8 million population. Minister Al
Rashidi made her latest observations at the opening of the new main cooperative
Society supermarket in AI Andalous Sunday night. She also defended a new law
introduced for the cooperative societies that introduces more controls to improve the
cooperative work and provide better protection for shareholders money. The new law
which the parliament passed in its first hearing includes tougher penalties against
violators as well as new standards for running cooperative boards.
~ u~ aJ- \i~nt- 5
d-0 I '~ C\_

1
 303

TroJ''{>C~~ p}-
Meanwhile minister AI Rashidi commented on recent developments regarding a
decision to suspend the social security allowances paid to Kuwaiti women married to
non-Kuwaitis unless they provided medical certificates proving that the husband was
unable to work

On that issue the minister clarified that this stipulation was included in the law in its
original form since its promulgation in 2011, adding that all efforts to amend it in the
pariiament and remove this condition have failed. She added that she will continue
efforts to amend the law in order to help the Kuwaiti women including women married
to non-Kuwaitis.

1-<lJ\~uol/- T7 me S
d-O (2 cv

Sl @

2
 304

~ i-pa+.s cl e-pCJr·+a -\--1o~s, h~~t-s .J~~t~vO.d: lcd:~r-

08 May 2013 IYJcu-1~-e.-+- ..- v1 sq -bra f+\'ne:: ~ICJ LLN s ht'l3
KUWAIT: The announcement of a govetnment p1an to deport 100,000
expatriate hiborers-annually has negatively impacted the labor market as the
cost of recruitment has gone up while visa trafficking has increased, a top
unionist said in a recent statement.
:Minister of Social Affairs and Labor Thekra Al-Rashidi had announced in last
( ).0 1';).) ~ her plan aimed at restoring Kuwait's demographic balance. Kuwait 1S
home to around 2.6 ·million expatriates who make up nearly two thirds of the
state's total population of 3.8 million, a~cording to official statistics.
The announcement had since garnered widespread criticism focusing mostly
on the plan being described as 'impractical', and sometimes even as 'inhuman'
by rights groups.
Most recently, a senior official at the Kuwait Trade Union Federation
indicated that private companies raised costs after workers' daily wage
increased from KD8 to KD 15 following the announcement of the plan. "The
state is looking to construct mega projects which require thousands of
. technical labor forces; an important asset which will be in short supply should
the government go ahead with the annual depmtation plan," said
Abdurrahman Al-Ghanim, who 1s the Prest dent of the Expatriate Labor Forces

I
Office in the KTUF.
Details of the plan, by which the government looks to deport a million
foreigners in ten years, are yet to be revealed, but AI-Rashidi hadopreviously
hinted that individuals to be targeted will mainly be 'marginal labor forces' or
workers who usually accept to do menial labor and often live without valid
visas. ''Cancelmg the sponsorship system is the only solution for the country's
·demographic imbalance problem besides stopping visa trafficking,'' Al-
Ghanim further told Al-Jarida, and added that the ministry has no legal right
to cancel contracts signed between workers and employers.
The sponsorship or 'kafala' system contains loopholes that are often exploited
by visa traffickers to release work permits in t.he name of fake companies or
non-existent job openings which are then sold to unskilled labor forces
looking for a chance to work in the oil-rich Gulf region.
It has thus been the subject of regular criticism by international organizations
for human right violations recorded in Kuwait and the entire region.
Advertisement
Iv1eanwhile, Al-Jarida reported that directors of labor departments expressed
disapproval about the workers' reduction mechanism discussed during a
meeting held by minister AI- Rashidi recently which was also attended by
Undersecretary Abdulmuhsin AI- Mutairi.
According to sources with knowledge of the case, the officials believe that
Kuwait is 'in need' of the workers that the plan targets to ensure that the
country can carry out construction projects effectively. "Kuwaitis do not
I
E I J-O t3 b
@
 305

accept working in a majority of technical and construction works that these

workers perform," said the sources who requested anonymity to speak.
According to the same sources, the proposed strategy consists of steps that
include suspending work visas; either issuing new ones or transferring
commercial and family visas to working ones, as well as suspending the
transfer of article 20 visas issued to domestic workers to article 18 visas
which is issued to private sector labor forces . "The directors told the minister
during the meeting that such steps contradict with the state's development plan
which needs nearly two million expatriate labor forces of different specialties
to finish planning and infrastructure works," the sources said.
They also suggested that the strategy should be to instead focus on visa [1
traffickers ''by introducing tougher penalties and more effective prosecution
steps." In the meantime, the sources revealed that the Labor Public Authority,
a proposed body to replace the sponsorship system in handling expatriate
labor recruiting duties, is expected to be announced in two months "as its
executive regulations have already been finalized."
In other news, Al-Jarida repm1ed that at least 1,000 expatriates with article 18
and 20 visas were!ssued smart civil IDs in the first 48 hours since the Public
Authority of Civil Information started releasing them last Sunday, as per
estimates by a PACI employee who did not wish to be named. _
©Kuwait Times 2013

Kuwrul- Tlr11 ~~ E\ J_0/3 b

@
 306

KUWAIT: The announcement of a government plan to deport 100,000 expatriate laborers annually has
negatively impacted the labor market as the cost of recruitment has gone up while visa trafficking has
increased, a top unionist said in a recent statement.
Minister of Social Affairs and Labor Thekra AI-Rashidi had announced in last· March her plan aimed at restoring
Kuwait's demographic balance. Kuwait is home to around 2.6 million expatriates who make up nearly two thirds of the
state's total population of 3.8 million, according to official statistics.

The announcement had since garnered widespread criticism focusing mostly on the plan being described as
'impractical', and sometimes even as 'inhuman' by rights groups.

Most recently, a senior official at the Kuwait Trade Union Federation indicated that private companies raised costs
after workers' daily wage increased from KD8 to KD15 following the announcement of the plan. "The state is looking to
construct mega projects which require thousands of technical labor forces; an important asset which will be in short
supply should the government go ahead with the annual deportation plan," said Abdurrahman AI-Ghanim, who is the
President of the ·Expatriate Labor Forces Office in the KTUF.
Details of the plan, by which the government looks to deport a million foreigners in ten years, are yet to be revealed,
but AI-Rashidi had previously hinted that individuals to be targeted will mainly be 'marginal labor forces' or workers
who usually accept to do menial labor and often live with out valid visas. "Canceling the sponsorship system is the only
solution for the country's demographic imbalance problem besides stopping visa trafficking," AI- Ghanim further told
AI-Jarida, and added that the ministry has no legal right to cancel contracts signed between workers and employers.

The sponsorship or 'kafala' system contains loopholes that are often exploited by visa traffickers to" release work
permits in the name of fake companies or n?n-existent job openings which are then sold to unskilled labor forces
looking for a chance to work in the oil-rich Gulf region .
-r
It has thus been the subject of regular criticism by international or:gani:z.a · uman ri ht violations recorded in

Kuwait and the entire region . ..=----J /--.J'i:-k_J ft, f-1~ US S-1-cvf-e_.-. O.eR~'h, g~f- . --t--~c(· s-n,
0 1t-o c:t-c: ec€ CI Y'"' &o { C6/ M I ~ t'}ft D ...,-r:.
Meanwhiie, Ai-Jarida reported that directors of iabor departments expressed disapproval about the workers' reduction
. mechanism discussed during a meeting held by minister AI- Rashidi recently which was also attended by

Undersecretary Abdulmuhsin AI- Mutairi. l}f-e- LC f.-PD fl-JCtTt::: GrCJU eP-N;tN.Cc:::-

Ccx:tl D 0--..)
According to sources with knowledge of the case, the officia s believe that Kuwait is 'in need' of the workers that the
plan targets to ensure that the country can carry out constru ion projects effectively. "Kuwaitis do not accept working
in a majority of technical and construction works that the e workers perform ," said the sources who requested
anonymity to speak.

According to the same sources, the proposed strategy consi ts of steps that include suspending work visas; either
issuing new ones or transferring commercial and family visa to working ones, as well as suspending the transfer of
article 20 visas issued to domestic workers to artie~ 18 vi as which is issued to private sector labor forces. "The
~ ~~N~ ~
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~~ \~ ~~5,-
 307

directors told the minister during the meeting that such steps contradict with the state's development plan which needs
nearly two million expatriate labor forces of different specialties to finish planning and infrastructure works," the
sources said .

They also suggested that the strategy should be to instead focus on visa traffickers "by introducing tougher penalties
and more effective prosecution steps." In the meantime, the sources revealed that the Labor Public Authority, a
proposed body to replace the sponsorship system in handling expatriate labor recruiting duties, is expected to be
announced in two months "as its executive regulations have already been finalized."

In other news, AI-Jarida reported that at least 1,000 expatriates with article 18 and 20 visas were issued smart civil IDs
in the first 48 hours since the Public Authority of Civil Information started releasing them last Sunday, as per estimates
by a PACI employee who did not wish to be named.

© Kuwait Times 2013

The announcement of a government plan to deport 100,000 expatriate laborers annually has negatively impacted
the labor market as the cost of recruitment has gone up while visa trafficking has increased, a top unionist said in a
recent statement. http://mybloogle.com/kuwait-expat-affairs-expat-expulsion

http://www.arabtimesonli ne.com/NewsDetailsltabid/96/smid/414/Article! D/196346/reftab/73/Defa ult. aspx

Sourced on 12-8-2013

Mol 'deports' 1,285 expats for serious traffic violations

KUWAIT CITY, May 18: Assistant Undersecretary for Traffic Affairs at the Ministry of Interior Major General Abdul Fattah AI-Aii
announced that the General Traffic Department deported 1,285 expatriates in the last few weeks for committing serious traffic
violations, reports AI-Anba daily.

He said the department received instructions from the Deputy Premier and Minister of Interior Sheikh Ahmad AI-Humoud to deport
expatriates who commit several serious traffic violations. He revealed that 1,005 vehicles, most of which were of models prior to
1985, were referred to scrap as they were not coosidered safe for driving

Current situation of expats in Kuwait similar to scary movie 'Phenomenon' instills fear
 308

Kuwait to start medical care segregation on June 1 - ArabianBusiness.com Page 1 of2

Kuwait to start medical care segregation on

June 1
g-eJ~-~c)
~-1-d-ot b
• Friday, 17 May 2013 11:52 AM

Kuwait is to bar foreigners from attending public hospitals in the mornings fronm June 1, local
medi<,t have reported .

Health Ministet~ Mohammad al-Haifi, who is also a surgeon, ordered that the outpatient clinics at
the public hospital in Jahra, west of Kuwait City, will only receive Kuwaiti patients in the morning
from next month.

The new system will be applied at the clinics at Jahra hospital for six months on a "ttial basis
before its application at other (government) hospitals", local papers said.

The decision comes after complaints in parliament of Kuwaiti patients having to wait for treatment
at public health facilities because of t.f).e large number of expatriates.

Under the change, Kuwaitis will be given priority for medical checkups at public hospitals and
clinics during the morning, with foreigners only able to access doctors in the afternoon, unless it is
an emergency.

Last month, it was reported that staff also will be segregated according to their nationality, with
Kuwaitis working in the morning and expat doctors in the afternoon.

The move is seen as favourable to Kuwaitis while reducing the level of care given to expats, who
make up about two-thirds of the Gulf state's population but would have fewer hours they could
seek medical attention.

Kuwait is home to 2.6 million foreigners, mostly from India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, the
Philippines, Egypt and Syria, and 1.2 million native Kuwaitis.

Kuwait provides free medical services to citizens but expats must pay an annual fee of $175 each
besides paying reduced charges for certain procedures like x-ray
El
Je_;l3
http://m.arabianbusiness.com/kuwait-start-medical-care-segregation-on-june-1-501976.html
 309

}\uwait says deported 18,000 expats in two years - ArabianBusiness.com Page 1 of2

Bl!l
lilil
like Arabian Business
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Kuwait says deported 18,000 expats in two

years
~eJN~d
By J)anie/ Shane 4- - r- d--0 I G
• Sunday, 7 April2013 9:28AM

Kuwait has deported close to 18,000 expats over the last two years, according to local media in the
country.

English language Kuwait Times reported that the oil-rich Gulf state had expelled 9,300 women
and 8,500 men, citing a top official from the Ministry oflnterior.

The official did not specify the precise reason for the deportations above stating that they had
broken the countty' s laws.

In recent months authorities in Kuwait have taken measures to introduce tough new regulations for
foreign workers, which make up about two-thirds of the country' s 3m population.

In March, Minister of Social Affairs and Labour Thekra Al-Rasheedi said that the country would
seek to reduce its number of expats by 1m over the next decade. About 100,000 would be culled
each year, she said.

Other proposals that have been tabled in the country ' s parliament include policies that would
mean expats could only use medical services at certain times of the day and a required minimum
salary in order to obtain a driving licence.

The country also last week gave the green light to a plan to bailout citizens' personal debt at a cost
of around $2.6bn.

Related:

Kuwait l"eil.'ctl< tlhlll t11 hikl' fm•l pricl.'s for t<X!lats

El
5~Ct()"L d0 l~q
h.m\ait dchtnr~· bailout llla\ t·nst S2.6!hn

http://m.arabianbusinesscom/kuwait-says-deported-18-000-expats-in-two-years-496804.html
 310

Kuwait hurt by expat deportations, says union- ArabianBusiness.com Page 1 of2

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Kuwait hurt by expat deportations, says

•
UDIOD
(< e:/-'1-; ~--e o1
By naniel Shane l.{--J- -J-o )b
• Thursday, 9 May 2013 2:52PM

The Kuwait government's decision to deport 100,000 expatriate workers per year has led to
soaring recruitment costs and increases in visa trafficking, according to a labour union.

In March this year the country' s labour minister said Thekra Al-Rasheedi said that the Gulf state
would seek to deport 1m overseas residents between now and 2023 in order to readdress Kuwait's
demographic balance. Approximately 2.6m ofthe Gulf state' s total3.8m population are non-
Kuwaiti.

The plan has been criticised by a prominent workers' union. "The state is looking to construct )\
mega projects which require thousands of technical labour forces; an important asset which will be
in short supply should the government go ahead with the annual deportation plan," said
Abdurrahman Al-Ghanim, President of the Expatriate Labour Forces Office in the Kuwait Trade
Union Federation.

Precise details of how Kuwait's plans to implement the proposal have yet to be disclosed, but Al-
Ghanim said that rather than targeting expat workers, the government should instead seek to close
loopholes in the country ' s sponsorship system that he claimed led to people trafficking.

"Cancelling the sponsorship system is the only solution for the country's demographic imbalance
problem besides stopping visa trafficking," Al-Ghanim said. He added that the Kuwait's
sponsorship, or 'kafala' , scheme allows traffickers to create work permits in the name of fake
companies, which are then sold onto workers.

As well as taking measures to limit expat workers, Kuwait's government has also recently pushed
ahead with other punitive policies against overseas nationals in the country, including scrapping of
some subsidies and segregated healthcare.

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 311

I}v;wait's traffic chief defends expat deportations- ArabianBusiness.com Page 1 of2

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Kuwait's traffic chief defends expat

deportations ((~+M-aje~
4 -';f- - ~CJ I t7
By Courtnev li·emrith

• Wednesday, 1 May 2C'i.3 9:34AM

The head of Kuwait's traffic directorate has defended the recent deportation of scores of expats
over traffic violations by comparing running a red light to premeditated or attempted murder.

Major General Abdui Fattah Al-Ali on Tuesday confirmed 213 expats had been removed from the
country in the past week under a crackdown on repeat traffic offenders.

Defending the decision, he said using a private vehicle as a taxi violated labour and residency
laws, while driving without a licence was equal to working without a permit.

The deportations have been criticised by the Kuwait Labour Union and former MP Abdullah Al-
Turaiji, who claim they are a violation of human rights and are illegal.

Head of Kuwait Labour Union's expatriate office Abdulrahman Al- Ghanem said in a statement it
would have economic and social consequences for the country, which should instead be focusing
its attention on punishing visa traders.

Traffic offences should be dealt with through fines or license suspensions, he said.

Al-Ghanem claimed the government was blaming expats for the country's demographic imbalance
and had resorted to oppressive measures against them.

The Kuwaiti Ministry of Social Affairs has announced it plans to cut expat numbers by 100,000
each of the next 10 years. Expats make-up about two-thirds of the country's population of3.8
million and relied on for menial work as well as high level expertise.

Many in the country's private sector fear the oil-rich nation - in which about 90 percent of national
workers are employed by the bloated public sector - is not prepared for self-sufficiency.

However, Al-Ali said the law allowed for deporting expats on the basis of repeat traffic offences.
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 312

_T(pwait's traffic chief defends expat deportations - ArabianBusiness.com Page 2 of2

"According to our criminal and penal laws, penalties for such violations include deportation," he
said, according to Kuwait Times.

"The law also authorizes the MOl [Ministry of Interior] to deport expats in [the] public interest in
case they commit repeated crimes or violations."

He said citizens also were severely punished for repeat traffic offences, citing the case of a
national who was recently jailed for three months.

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Saudi dc:ports thousands ul" \ c:mcnb, rcrnitt•mccs Itt sulli:r

1-.ul\ait C\t'., Iran.~! ban hu· Jtlfl,tl(l() dl'btm·,

Km1 ail sd to scr-ap media hill if criiturs ubjcct

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 313

Kuwaiti MP calls for rethink on citizenship ru1es - ArabianBusiness.com Page 1 of2

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Kuwaiti MP calls for rethink on citizenship

rules
By Courtnev Ji·emrith

• Wednesday, 8 May 2013 9:32AM

A Kuwaiti lawmaker is attempting to remove a "racist" clause in the country's citizenship law that
allows only Muslims to be granted citizenship.

MP Khalil Al-Saleh, who submitted a draft law to parliament on Tuesday, said the Muslim-only
religious precondition was discriminatory and contradicted the freedom of belief and faith that
was enshrined in the Kuwaiti constitution.

"This condition involves a hated discriminatory factor that we never experienced," Al-Saleh, a
Shiite Muslim and former Kuwait Airways pilot, told Kuwait Times.

Nearly all Kuwaiti citizens are officially Muslim, although there are a handful of Christians whose
families date back centuries.

Across the entire population of an estimated 3.8 million- of which two-thirds are expats- about
85 percent are Muslim.

According to Al-Saleh, the religious condition was added to the Kuwaiti nationality law in 1982,
requiring foreigners to be Muslim by birth or have embraced Islam for at least five years in order
to be granted citizenship.

Previously, it is believed they only had to be living legally in Kuwait, having a steady source of
income and have a good knowledge of Arabic. In 1966, a clause requiring professional
competence was added to the conditions.

Kuwait, like other GCC countries, rarely issues new citizenships.

The expat-reliant country has announced plans to cut the number of expats by 100,000 annually
for the next 10 years.

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 314

Kuwait deports 1,258 expats in a month- ArabianBusiness.com Page 1 of2

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Kuwait deports 1,258 expats in a month

By Courtner hemvith

• Sunday, 19 May 2013 12:08 PM

~ e_,+rt-e.0'-e cl
1{--1---l b

Kuwait has deported 1,258 expats for traffic violations in the past month, a senior government
official has told local Arabic media.

The Gulf country launched a crackdown on repeat or serious traffic offenders four weeks ago,
including returning n:ore than 200 people home within the first few days.

Thousands ofvehicles also have been seized, while 1005 have been taken to a scrapheap to be
destroyed, Interior Ministry undersecretary assistant for traffic affairs Major General Abdulfattah
Al-Ali told Al-Anba newspaper.

The deportations have been criticised by the Kuwait Labour Union and former MP Abdullah Al-
Turaiji, who claim they are a violation of human rights and are illegal.

However, Al-Ali has defended the program by comparing running a red light to premeditated or
attempted murder and claiming that using a private vehicle as a taxi violated labour and residency
laws, while driving without a license was equal to working without a permit.

The offences targeted by the traffic department include driving without a license, running a red
light, illegally carrying passengers and exceeding the speed limit by more than 40km/h.

Al-Ali said the vehicles to be destroyed were a 1985 model or earlier and failed to meet safety
standards.

He said numerous fake driver's licences also had been discovered and legal action would be taken
against those who had them or had issued them.

Fake licences are relatively common in Kuwait, where foreigners must meet strict conditions to
obtain a valid driver's license, including having a university degree, a minimum monthly salary of
KD400 .

The oil-rich country has been accused of targeting expats in recent times as it seeks to rebalance
the population of 3 .8m, of which about two-thirds are foreigners.
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 315

Kuwait deports 1,258 expats in a month - ArabianBusiness.com Page 2 of2

The Kuwaiti Ministry of Social Affairs has announced it plans to cut expat numbers by 100,000
each of the next 10 years.

It also confirmed on Saturday it would begin its segregation of expats and nationals at public
medical clinics and hospitals on June 1.

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hm~ait to star·t mcdiml can! scgr·cgatiun on .hmc 1

Kuwait hur1 In npat dcoor·tatiuns, savs uniun

Kumtiti \II' calls for· rethink 1111 citizenship ntlcs

hmu1it savs IDs !iound fiJI' 67,UUU Bidt>\IIIS

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 316

Kuwait minister defends right to cut expat numbers- ArabianBusiness.com Page 1 of2

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Kuwait minister defends right to cut expat

numbers
R~+~-e.v~
By Courtm!V Jinnrith 4.-l-d-Oi b
• Wednesday, 5 June 2013 9:37AM

A senior Kuwaiti minister has defended the country's right to rebalance its demographics by
culling thousands of expatriates.

It is Kuwait's ''right as a state to maintain the demographic structure and address any flaws in this
regard," Minister of Social Mfairs and Labour Thekra Al-Rashidi said in a statement on Tuesday.

"Several other steps [to reduce the number of expats] will be taken in the next few days."

The statement did not make it clear whether those steps will target the deportation of expats
already in the country or include new measures to make it more difficult for new workers to
arrive.

Al-Rashidi earlier this year announced the Gulf state would cut the number of foreigners, who
make up about two-thirds of the population, by 1m over 10 years.

"It's part ofthe ministry's efforts to regulate the labor market, curb the phenomenon of marginal
labor and restore the demographic equilibrium of the country," she said at the time.

Al-Rashidi said on Tuesday there were 93,000 illegal residents in Kuwait as of last week.

About 1,300 foreigners were deported last month over traffic violations, while authorities have
cracked down on incorrect visas.

A freeze was put on issuing new work permits from April 1, with companies only allowed to hire
nationals. The decision has been criticised by the private sector because there are fewer than lm
nationals of working age.

The country also is trialling segregation in public health services, banning expats from attending
public hospitals in the morning unless it is an emergency. The first hospital implemented the
change on Sunday. ·1t-e/)MJ j+J"' t:, 1J013c{

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 317

Kuwait minister defends right to cut expat numbers - ArabianBusiness.com Page 2 of2

Lawmakers also have called for large subsidies for services such as water, electricity and gas to be
scrapped for expats, which could push up monthly bills beyond the average salary .

Kuwait was named as one of the world's least friendly countries towards tourists in a global travel
and tourism competitiveness survey by the World Economic Forum released this week.

It was ranked 13 7 out of 140 countries for friendliness.

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hu11 nit l"l'l uk~~ ex oat dl'i\in<~ lit't•nrcs in lll'll rnu·kdtl\\11

hUIHiit dcpm1s 1,25R nrmts in a munth

huwait dcll'ltds drtwrting l':l.pats lin· tmtlk lin~'

hu\\ait bans WO,(I(l() rmm ka\ing l'fiUII!n

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 318

Proposed law in Kuwait cuts expats to 124,000 per country - Politics & Economics - ... Page 1 of 3

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Proposed law in Kuwait cuts expats to 124,000

per country
By Courtner li-emrilh

• Thursday, 30 January 2014 2:08PM

An independent Kuwaiti MP has lodged a draft law with parliament calling for a five-year limit on
expatriates' residence in the Gulf state and cutting the number of foreigners to a maximum of
124,000 per country.

The draft bill, which is highly unlikely to be adopted, is the latest sensationalist proposal by a
Kuwaiti MP to reduce the oil-rich country ' s dependence on foreign workers.

About two-thirds ofKuwait's total population ofless than 4 million are expats.

More than 90 percent of citizens who work are employed in the severely bloated public sector,
while foreigners fill many of the unskilled positions as well as expert roles in the private sector.

Independent Shia MP Abudllah AI Tameemi' s plan targets low and medium qualified workers -
those often in lowly paid jobs that Kuwaiti nationals have been reluctant to take up themselves. It
does not include specialist doctors, lawyers and judges and advisors in the Amiri Diwan.

The proposal also is racist, excluding workers from the US, the European Union and GCC states,
as well as the husbands of Kuwaiti women and their children, who in most cases are not eligible
for citizenship.

In an attempt to discourage expats from establishing themselves in Kuwait, those granted the five-
year visa would not be allowed to sponsor their family members or bring them to the country on a
visit visa.

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 319

Proposed law in Kuwait cuts expats to 124,000 per country- Politics & Economics- ... Page 2 of 3

The draft law states that those who already have lived in the country for more five years and
qualify under the criteria would be forced out within three months of the law being implemented-
which would see a mass exodus of at least an estimated 1 million workers.

Firms that employ residents past their five-year visa would be fined KD10,000 and owners would
face two years' jail.

Tameemi defended his proposed law on Twitter, saying it would prevent foreigners from settling
in Kuwait and would help young Kuwaiti graduates having difficulty finding suitable work, as
well as reducing pressure on the country's services and traffic.

He said it was "no longer acceptable" that Kuwait had allowed the Indian community to reach
730,000- more than half the number of Kuwaitis, while there was half-a-million Egyptians.

Kuwait Ivfinister of Social Al.Lfairs and Labor Thek:ra Al-Rasheedi has announced numerous tough
policies targeting expatriates in the past year under her plan to reduce the number by 1m in 10
years.

In March she announced a freeze on issuing new work permits, although it is not clear whether
this has been implemented.

The state' s top traffic cop also has announced the depm1ation of tens of thousands offoreigners
accused of repeat traffic offences.

Other GCC states also attempting to reduce their expatriate numbers, with various measures
announced to make it more difficult for foreigners to remain in the country.

More than 1 million foreigners left Saudi Arabia last year under a seven-month amnesty on illegal
workers, which. opponents criticised for being too implemented without warning and causirtg a
shortfall ofworkers.

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Eighh 1\:mutit public st,<'tor wm·kt·t·s dtm~•cd l\ith cmbcakmt>nl

l~uwait t•xpccts to spt•ml S77bn, raises budgt•l. In 3.2•;.,

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 320

Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

Appendix 3 - Electronic File E2

 321

Kuwait deports 20,000 expats in 9 months - Politics & Economics - ArabianBusiness.... Page 2 of 9

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Kuwait deports 20,000 expats in 9 months

• Article
• Photos

By Staff writer

• Monday, 19 October 20 I 5 10: SO AM

http://www.arabianbusiness.com/kuwait-deports-20-000-expats-in-9-months-
609295 .htmi#.V7USyTDr1D8

Kuwait deports 20,000 expats in 9 months

2015 October 19

Kuwait has deported 20,000 expatriates in the first nine months of the year for breaching residency or labour laws, Arabic daily AI Sevassah reported.

Another 7,000 are being held in custody, to be sent home "within days", on tickets paid for by their sponsors, a security source reportedly told the
newspaper.
"Those who were expelled from the country are from various nationalities and included expatriates without jobs or doing odd jobs, beggars and people
implicated in the selling of alcoholic beverages, managing flats for suspicious activities or engaging in immoral acts," the source said.

"The public order department has pledged a zero-tolerance towards all violations of the law and involvement in illegal or immoral activities."

T here were calls for authorities to also crackdown on visa traders who helped expats work illegally in the country.

About two· thirds of Kuwait's population of 3.5 million are expats.

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 322

Kuwait rejects Amnesty criticism of human rights record- Politics & Economics - Ara... Page 2 of 11

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Kuwait rejects Amnesty criticism of human rights

record
• Article
• Photos

By Reuters

• Friday, 18 December 2015 12:59 AM

htt : www.arabianbusiness.com kuwait-re·ects-amnest -criticism -of-human-ri hts-record-

615837.html#. V7VH2zDr1D8

Ku wa it r::ejects Amnesty crit icism of human rights record

2015, Decem ber 18

Retrieved on 18-8-16

Kuwait has dismissed criticism by Amnesty International that human rights have been eroding in the country since the
Arab Spring protests erupted across the region four years ago and said it remained an open society based on the rule of
law.

In a report published on Wednesday, Amnesty accused the Gulf Arab state of using a "web of vague and overly broad
defamation laws" to crack down on freedom of expression, of shutting media outlets and stripping some critics of their
citizenship.

The rights group also said there had been an increase in prosecutions over comments deemed "offensive" to the emir.

"Kuwait enjoys an open and qerpocratic society where over two dozen independent newspapers and television channels
host lively debates on Kuwaiti politics on a daily basis," said Information Ministry Undersecretary Tareq Al-Mezrem
in a statement. ''

http://www.arabianbusiness.com/kuwait-rejects-amnesty -criticism-of-human-rights-record-615 83 7 ...

 323

Kuwait rejects Amnesty criticism of human rights record - Politics & Economics - Ara... Page 3 of 11
.. ·~·

"No crime is charged, or penalty imposed, except through the virtues of the law ... The ministry confirms adherence to
the principle of freedom of expression, that is guaranteed by the Kuwaiti constitution and Kuwaiti law," he added.

Mezrem said Kuwait was preparing a new media law that would "adhere to the constitution", without giving further
details.

Kuwait, a Western-allied oil exporter, avoided large-scale protests during the Arab Spring when some rulers in the
region were overthrown, but citizens held large street protests in 2012 over changes to the electoral law.

While Kuwait allows more freedom of speech than some other Gulf Arab states, the emir has the last say in state affairs
and the country has been cracking down on people suspected of trying to "undermine stability". The government has
said it would strike with an "iron fist" against dissent.

Earlier this year, a court sentenced a human rights activist to three years in jail on charges of insulting the ruler.

Musallam al-Barrak, a former member of parliament, this year began serving a two-year term for a 2012 speech
criticising }ill election law which he and other opposition politicians said was intended to prevent them getting power.

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 324

Kuwaiti sentenced to 17 years in jail for slandering Emir - Culture & Society - Arabia... Page 2 of 8

Kuwaiti sentenced to 17 years in jail for slandering Emir

By Staff writer

• Thursday, 24 March 2016 1:36PM

http://www .arabi anbusi ness.com/kuwaiti-sentenced-17 -years-in-jail-for -slandering-emir-

626000.htmi#.V7U3UTDr1D8

Kuwaiti sentenced to 17 years in jail for slandering emir

(Image for illustrative purpose only - Getty Images)

Kuwait ' s criminal court on Wednesday sentenced a local citizen to 17 years in jail.

The man, who was extradited back to Kuwait after escaping to Qatar, was accused of slandering the country's Emir.

Two other suspects were also sentenced to I 0 years in prison for assisting the man ' s escape to Qatar by forging official papers.

The man reportedly made offensive remarks about Kuwait's ruler in a video, which was later uploaded onto social media, the Kuwait Times reported.

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http://www.arabianbusiness.com/kuwaiti-sentenced-17-years-in-jail-for-slandering-ernir-626000.ht. ..
 325

Kuwait jails three royals for insulting emir, judiciary - Culture & Society - ArabianBu... Page 2 of 9

Kuwait jails three royals for insulting emir, judiciary

• Article
• Photos

By Reuters

• Monday, 30 May 2016 8:08PM

http://www.arabianbusiness.com/kuwait-jails-three-royals-for-insulting-emir-judiciary-
633423.htmi#.V7U1KzDr1D8

Kuwait jails three royals for insulting emir, judiciary

2016, May 30

Retrieved 18-8-16

A Kuwaiti court sentenced three members of the country's ruling family to five years in jail on Monday for insulting the Gulf state's ruler and judiciary
on an internet messaging service, a defendant in the case said, confirming local media reports.

The court handed out jail terms to three other men as well as to the three royals, the defendant, one of seven people acquitted in the case, told Reuters.
The defendants convicted intend to appeal their sentences, be added.

The defendant declined to be named because the case is ongoing. Kuwaiti courts do not speak to the media and the government does not comment on
ongoing court cases unless it is directly involved.

One of the convicted men is Sheikh Atbbi ai-Fahad ai-Sabah, a former intelligence chief and brother of influential sports power broker Sheikh Ahmad
ai-Fahad ai-Sabah, the defendant said. Sheikh Athbi is also a nephew ofKuwaifs emir, Sheikh Sabah ai-Alunad ai-Sabah.

Reuters was unable to reach Sheikh Athbi or his lawyer for comment ~n Monday.

All but one of the convicted men were found guilty of sending the insulting messages on a Wbatsapp group. The court judged this a public space and
its contents therefore punishable by law, the defendant said.

Kuwait has one of the most open political systems in the Gulf and elected lawmakers and media commentators often attack the government and senior
ruling family members over policy.

http://www.arabianbusiness.com/kuwait-jails-three-royals-for-insulting-emir-judiciary-633423.html
 326

Kuwait jails three royals for insulting emir, judiciary - Culture & Society - ArabianBu... Page 3 of 9

But the emir has the final say in political matters and criticising hin1 is forbidden. Dozens of Kuwaitis have been jailed for comments made in public
and online that tbe courts deemed insulting.

It is not the first time that ruling family members have been prosecuted for sensitive remarks. Sheikh Ahmad al-Fahad was given a suspended prison
sentence and a fine in December 2015 for quoting remarks by the emir without permission.

In 2012 police released a ruling family member after holding him for several days over remarks on Twitter in which be accused the authorities of
corruption and called for political reforms.

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 327

Kuwait arrests 800 expats for residency, labour violations- Politics & Economics- Ar... Page 2 of 8

Kuwait arrests 800 expats for residency, labour violations

• Article
• Reader Comments (I)

By Staff Writer

• Sunday, 19 June 2016 2:53PM

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Kuwait arrests 800 expats for residency, labour violations

2016 June 19

Retrieved 18-8-16

Authorities in Kuwait have arrested 800 expats for violating residency and labour laws during a security crackdown.

Police also arrested three defendants linked to a drugs case in Hawalli, reported The Times Kuwait.

They also registered five drugs and alcohol cases in Farwaniya and took two others into custody following reports of absconding.

In the first three montbs of this year, 47,000 expats were arrested as part of a crackdown on labour law violators.

Expats account for 70 percent ofKuwait' s population.

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115,000 illegal expats said to be living in Kuwait

• Article
• Photos

By Lubna Hamdan

• Sunday, 16 August 2015 2:10PM

http://www.arabianbusiness.com/115-000-illegal-expats-said-be-living-in-kuwait-
602845.html#. V7ZQqzDr05s

Hamdan, Lubna

2015 AugusH.6

A general view shows the King Faisal Highway (Getty Images)

There are 115,000 expatriates living in Kuwait without a valid visa and 5,000 existing on an expired one, announced the
country' s Interior Ministry.
Of the 5,000, most are Syrian and Iraqi nationals who have been illegally living in Kuwait for three years or more, according
to a report by Kuwait Times newspaper.
According to officials, the high number of visa violators is due to unpaid, accumulated fines and strict visa renewal policies.

The Interior Ministry's General Department of Residency Affairs halted dependency visa renewals for expatriates' sons who
aged 15 year or more.

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Since there are few job opportunities for those under 18 years old, the sons have remained in the country on an expired visa.

This further created problems for the sponsors of illegal expatriates.

The investigations division at the Ministry has placed restrictions on sponsors preventing them from renewing their own
visas until the illegal expatriates' issues have been resolved.

In 2011 , the Kuwaiti government issued a four-month amnesty period for 42,000 illegals expatriates.

So far, no such decision has been made regarding the cases.

Kuwait's 2.9 million expatriates make up 69 percent of its 4.2 million population.

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 330

Kuwait steps up deportations of expat workers I The National Page 1 of5

Th ~ () Cl h""'aYla f
Kuwait steps up deportations of expat workers
April29, 2016 Updated. Apri/29. 2016 02:48PM ~ f 8+

Related KUWAIT CITY II Kuwait has stepped up deportations of expatriate workers

Kuwait to deport 23 this year, with most expelled for outstaying their residency permits but others
expats for beating up sent home for traffic offences.
citizen with sticks
In the first four months of the year, authorities have deported 14,400 expats,
Kuwaiti hit with
Dh?OO,OOO in fines for compared with 26,600 in the whole of 2015, Kuwait's AI Anba newspaper
1,600 traffic offences reported on Friday.
Deportation for minor Expatriates make up some 70 per cent of Kuwait's 4.3 million population .
road offences cannot
be justified
In April2013, Thekra AI Rashidi, then labour minister, announced plans to
Kuwait condemned for deport around 100,000 expatriates each year for the next decade to reduce
deporting expats for the number of foreigners living in the emirate by one million.
traffic offences
The government also made a string of traffic offences punishable by
deportation, including skipping red lights and driving without a licence, a
Topics: Kuwa1t
document difficult for many expats to obtain.

AI Anba said most of the deportations were carried out without trial, using
controversial powers given to senior interior ministry officials that have
drawn criticism.

*Associated Press

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Kuwait steps up deportations of expat workers orting expats
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2016 April 29

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 331

. Ku':ait pushes ahead with infrastr':lcture build out 1 Kuwait 2015 1 Oxford Business Gr... Page 1 of 3

http://www.oxfordbusinessgroup.com/overview/pipeline-projects-countrv-moving-forward-
key-developments-number-sectors I About
-ch
Oxford business group report on Construction Projects in Kuwait

Kuwait pushes ahead with infras-tructure build

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Kuwait Construction Economic News Update Textsize + _
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21 Ju120t~ Aecomm nd

First name
With the state planning to develop new rail links and upgrade its roads, seaports and airports.
construction is set to surge in Kuwait over the coming years. Plans to deliver hundreds of thousands
Last name
of government-funded residential units by 2020 will also keep the sector on a growth path, despite
challenges presented by reduced oil revenues and the rising cost of raw materials.
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The country's infrastructure sector is forecast to grow by 15-20% this year. according to investment bank Register for updates
Alpen Capital. with projects aimed at greater GCC integration and economic diVersification also serving as
key growth drivers

The reg1on's broader economic strategy is expected to bolster this trend The GCC plans to boost investment Recent Report
10 the constrUction sector by showcasmg the reg10n as a tounst and mvestment destmat1on. helping to
increase the industry's value from S91.5bn to S1262bn in the three years to 2016. according to Alpen
Cap1tal's june "GCC Construct1on Industry" report
The Report: Abu
Dhabi 2016
Infrastt.Ucture and housing in the driver's seat R.ead our Abu Dhabi l016
Ec;onomic Report and
Kuwa1t's construction mUustry IS forgmg ahead With several large mfrastructure pr oJect • w1Lh planned Investment AnalysiS onhne or
developments worth an estimated $123 6bn. accordmg to MEED. outpacing Qatar (Sll3 8bn). Oman purchase f rom our online store
($29 6bn) and Bahram (S25bn) In an analys1s of the 100 largest constructiOn contracts m the GCC m 2014.
Kuwait came in third after the UAE and Saudi Arabia, based on the combined value of projects in the pipeline.

Progress has been promrsmg to date In june. Ca1ro based Arab Contractor sa1d the 58 ~ 5 7m AI )ahra road
project- a 142-km highway connecting the industnal area ofShuwaikh to Kuwait City- was on track to be
completed 10 2016 The project IS one of a number of planned Infrastructure upgrades. along With the Related Content
52 6bn She1kh Jaber Causeway. wh1 h will hnk Kuwa1t to ilk C1ty. and the S7bn Kuwa1t C1ty Metro. scheduled
for completio n in 2018 and 2019, respect1vely. futu1'41d s.ctorrs In Kuwait
Kuwait Energy )
At the samt time, rising .demand for pubbc: l'lousmg is expected tndrive long-term residential const.r uctton
growth. with the Pubhc Authority for Housmg and Welfare announcmg plans to build 17 4.000 hous1ng umts Kuwait Construction )

by 2020. Private contractors will be able to bid on a raft of developments. including the Mutlah Residential KuwaitiCT )
· Project. AI Subtyah Residennal Crty and Sabah AI Ahmad township. that together should help to reduce the
lCuwait Transport )
1 waiting list for public housing, which currently ranges from 15 to 20 years.
Kuwait Industry )
The Kuwaiti government also plans to employ a public-private partnership model to deliver public housing,
' including 11.000 units under the Sabah AI Ahmad project. which will house up to 100,000 people upon Futuncl Countries In
completion. c~

Qataf Construction )

Building blocks Oman CoostruCtion )

Although the rndustry 1s p01sed for srgn1hcant growth m the long run. contractors wtll nonetheless be faced Indonesia Construction )

with the rising cost of materials. while falling oil prices could curtail state spending. Consolidated revenues UAE: Abu Dhabi Construction ')
at state-owned Kuwa1t !'..,lfOieum Corporation are expected to fall by 36"1. year-on-year m FY 2015/16.
Turtcey Construction )
accordmg to statements made m June by Ad nan Abdulsamad. cha~rman or the National Assembly's Budget
and final Account Committee.

The rising cost of construction materials within the GCC also poses a significant problem. The region is facing
an acute shortage of pnmary building matenals. such as limestone. gabbro. cement and steel. as a result of
huge anticipated demand through to 2022. Alpen Capital reported that the GCC's construction cost index

®
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 332

_K uwait pushes ahead with infrastructure build out 1 Kuwait 2015 1 Oxford Business Gr... Page 2 of 3

rose 57 5% to 156 4 m the decade ·~··h1le raw matenals prices are proJected to mcrease by 4-5% over
exacerb~:pply bottJenecks.
the short to medium term. COY'b~'-c:J-)~ . .
. 9n #-c- c\eco.cle. _-p f"ea_dl-;., ~ - - L6s-K f\CL~~ k~
Kuwa1t saw the second-largest tncrease m the regton. wrth 1ts cost mdex up 70% over the same period, to
170. The impact is already being felt. with reports that an additional K0800m ($2.6bn) was needed for the AI
Zour refmery upgrade. already budgeted at S4bn. due to nsmg construction costs

W1th some btg· ttcket proJects facmg delays - mcludmg a natmnal ratlway whtch Will connect to the 2177 -km
GCC rail network and a planned second terminal at Kuwait International Airport- falling energy revenues
and nsmg mput costs could dampen prospects for ttmely delivery Whtle these are perhaps the most
significant medium-term challenges for the industry, the pace of development is likely to preserve the
sector's long-term growth trajectory

See also: Kuwait Petroleum Corporation. GCC. Alpcn Cap1tal

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2014. S.wral major hlfrastl't.let:l.lre ct.v.fopmfttl in the traMpOrt. power and water s.ctorsllave
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bMn telldentd or are In the pt'OC*'S of Hing .wanted. furt.tMrto this. strong economic perfol'mance
and thegovemmlllrt"s commitment to reform bu. sumlnH dema.nd for re~t. commerdatand Register for updates
...uu construetton proJ.cts..
In parttcular. the new law on public pnvate partnershtps (PPPs) w111 have a trans formatiVe tmpact on the
local construction mdustry. While the government can afford to fund its project p1pehne and will remain the Related Content
largest fmanCJer w1th1n the domestiC construction mdustry. PPPs are an Important part of the country's
broader economic diversification strategy. fNtured Seeton In KIIWalt

Kuwait Energy )
Whtle lower oil prtees have stgntfiCantly affected government revenues. the budget for the new ftscal year
starttng m Apnl2015 provtdes strong reassurances that the government w tll conunue to follow tts cap1tal
mvestment programme Although there are sttll some fears that polrttcal developments may llm1t the
Kuwait Construttion

KuwaltiCT
•
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potential for major investment proj ects. the approval of the Kuwait Development Plan 2015 -20 provides a
K ait TranSport
reassunng roadmap for Jhe construction tndustry
Kuwait Industry

~arketStructure FNtuntd Countries In

Construction:
Kuwatt's construction 1ndustry IS domtnated by a number of government agenCies that oversee publtc
expenditures on infrastructure. housing and other urban construction projects. Two major agencies manage Qatar Construction )

th e implementation of the most government-financed projects The Mtnistry of Public Works (MPW). )
Oman Construction
established in 1945, serves as the government's main construction arm. planning and overseeing Kuwait's
Indonesia Construction )
construction requtrements. Meanwh1le. the Mega Projects Agency. whtch serves the executive arm of the
MPW. Ieads the des1gn and implementation of the b1gger mfrastructure proJects UAL Abu Dl)abl Construction )

Turtey Construction )
A separate arm of the government manages government -sponsored housing projects. which comprise one
of the largest construction segments m Kuwatt The Public Authonty for Hou tng and Welfare (PAHW). whtch
was established in 197 4 as the national housing authority, has the ambitious mandate of providing housing
for 2.6m people by 2030 The PAHW also has the authonty to establish local JOint-stock shareholding
companies to implement urban residential projects.

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Kuwait moving forward with key construction and real estate developments I Kuwait .. . Page 2 of 5

The tendenng process is undergomg reforms but IS also split between two agenc1es The Central Tenders
Committee (CTC) comes under the purv1ew of the mmister of economy and fmance. and IS respons1ble for
awardmg tenders and auct1ons for government entitles. However. the Kuwa1t Ports Authonty. the PAHW.
Kuwait University, Ministry of Defence and the Ministry of Interior are allowed to manage their own bids and
tenders The CTC is responsible for the tender auctions until the project IS awarded. As well as construction
proj«ts. the comlllittee manages the procurement and distribution of subsidised food for citizens.

The Partnerships Techmcal Bureau (PTB) currently manages government projects that are implemented
under PPPs. The agency was established in 2008 to encourage greater private sector participation in the
government's development programme The PTB 1s bemg phased out and replaced by a new formal
government entity called the Kuwait Authority for Partnership Projects (KAPP) under the new PPP law of
2014. but the reform process IS st1ll under way Until the new authonry 1s fully operat•onal. the PTB w111
contmue •dent•fymg potential development proJects. conductmg proJeCt evaluations, manag1ng the
procurement process and monitonng project implementation.

Steering Committee
A h•gh·level steenng comm1ttee. formally known as the H1gh Committee for Projects on State-owned Real
Estate. wh1ch was established under the 2008 PPP law. oversees nat1onat poliCy related to PPP contracts and
is the ultimate authority for all such projects. The committee refers projects to the PTB for study, approving
them before they can be advertised . It also selects the relevant entity to partiCipate in the project and sign
the PPP contract. The committee has the authority to terminate a PPP contract if doing so is determined to
be in the public interest. Construction companies. suppliers and real estate developers operate within this
structure The country 1s home to maJor construction companies. some of whiCh have become regconal as
well as global players. Three Kuwaiti firms made the list of the top-10 publicly traded construction
compames m the GCC reg1on m 2013. accord10g to Construction Weekly

The construction industry saw significant growth 10 2014. w1th a substantial 10crease 1n the number of
proJects awarded Kuwa1t awarded contracts worth a total of KD7 Jbn (S25 lbn) as part of 1ts development
plan in 2014. This represented growth of almost 400% over the previous year. according to a March 2015
report from the Nat1onal Bank of Kuwa1t (NBK) The boost to the proJects market pmnts to the successful
implementation of ttle wider reform agenda. enabling ttle government to move forward on strategic
projects.

looking ahead, the totat"Value of Kuwait's pipeline of planned and active projects is estimated to be in the
range of KD64bn ($220 )bn). accordmg to NBK and busmess mtelhgence publicatiOn M££0 Th•s repre ents
an 8% increase from a year ago. when MEELA!stimated the total value of projects planned or under way in
Kuwait at S202bn_ The pipeline is likely to remain strong. as the government is close to approving projects
worth an estimated KD14bn (S48 2bn) m 2015 atone.

Reform
There was some uncertainty surrounding Kuwait's construction industry prior to 2014. Many of the projects
10 the government's 2010· 14 development plan were not approved and those that were approved ended up
delayed However. key pohtical developments m 2013 alongs1de reforms that were set 1nto motion between
2013 and 2014 have helped to inject the sector with a sense of optimism. For example, the passing of the
new Fore1gn D1rect Investment Law 10 2013 and the new PPP Law 10 2014 paved the way for the launch of a
range of projects in 2014 and these are likely to be among the major drivers of sector growth, particularly in
the non-oil segment

As weD as attractinq private funding irrto its projects martet. PPPs are important to Kuwait's development
strategy because the pnvate sector has the necessary techmcal expert1se to develop and manage complex
infrastructure projects. Unlike its regional counterparts, Kuwait has not yet undertaken many projects on a
PPP basis. One of the few examples to date is the $377m Sulaibiya wastewater treatment and reclamation
proJect. wh1ch was structured as a bUild -operate transfer {BOT) PPP proJect 10 2002 The government has
primanly used internal engineering. procurement and construction (EPC) contracts to develop its
10frastructure. despite prev1ous efforts to encourage PPPs

The government issued its first PPP law in 2008 with the goal of developing projects by leveraging local and
mternat10nal prcvate mvestors The programme did not have as great an 1mpact as hoped. as overly complex
institutional arrangements as wen as risk allocation concerns deterred potential private partners.

NewPPPLaw
In early 2014. however. PTB reached fmanCial close on the KD2 4bn ($8 2bn) AI Zour North Independent
Water and Power Project (IWPP) phase one proJect one of the largest projects to be structured as a PPP m
Kuwa1t A consort1um led by ENGlE ( prev1ously known as GOF Suez) m partnersh•p With um1tomo and

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Kuwait moving forward with key construction and real estate developments I Kuwait .. . Page 3 of 5

Abdullah Hamad AI Sager & Brothers won the BOT contract for the IWPP The success of the PPP 1s attnbuted
to a number of factors that have since been used to form the baSIS for the new PPP Law of 2014.

According to the old law, the shareholder arrangements under the PPP transaction were structured through
a pubhCjomt stock company that was established for the proJeCt For proJects that were larger than KD250m
($861 3m). 50% of the company share were reqwed to be placed for ubscnpuon by local Kuwa1t1s through
an initial public offering on the Kuwait Stock Exchange. This added a layer of complexity for the project
mvestors, as they could not rely on a spec1f1c share pnce Under the AI Zour IWPP. and gomg forward under
the new PPP law. the PTB will hold the 50% public allocation until the plant begins operations.

The limit on the concession period has also been extended to 50 years from the previous maximum of 40,
wh1ch gives the private partiCipants a b1gger window for recouping their costs. Furthermore, the joint stock
proJect company can now mclude all non -land assets as part of 1ts secunty package These reforms Within
the PPP law were a direct consequence of the successfuiiWPP development and will help make PPP projects
more attractive to prtvate ftnaneters

Going forward. the PTB will transition into KAPP. which is expected to help expedite procurement and other
processes Construction of the IWPP plant IS reported to be progresstng qu1ckly, With an expected
construction completion date of November 2016. A partnership of Spain's Sidem and Korea's Hyundai Heavy
lndustnes won the S437m construction contract for the desalinatiOn plant and the power ~tat1on .
respectively. When complete, the plant will produce 107m imperial gallons per day of drinking water and
1500 MW of power, roughly equiValent to 20% of Kuwait's water and 10% of the country's electncity needs.
respectively.

Power & Water

Building on the success of the AI Zour lWPP, the government will initiate other power and water projects. It
has already awarded contracts worth an estimated KD283m (59 15m) within the power sector in 2014,
according to NBK AJOint venture between the Mm1stry of ElectnCity and Water and the Kuwait Institute for
Scient1f1c Research awarded a KD13m (S44 8m) contract for phase one of the Shagaya Renewable Energy
Complex The planned complex IS expected to support the country's goal of d1vers1fymg Its energy base by
testing the efficacy of different renewable energy technologies in Kuwait. The plant will eventually generate
a total of 70 MW of electricity. including 50 MW from a thermosolar plant.10 MW from solar photovoltaic
cells and 10 M'W from w1nd power

As for water, the government awarded K079m ($272 2m) worth of proJects m 2014, accordmg to NBK. w1th
plans to award the K0442m (51 Sbn) Umm AI Hamyan Wastewater Treatrnent Plantm ldte 2015

Housing
The PAHW is one of the largest clients in Kuwait's construction sector. with the agency implementing plans
to construct residential townships that are expected to provide housmg for Kuwatt's c1t1zens and expatriate
labour force. The PAHW constructed a total of 1263 housing units across its developments in 2014. with a
broader atm of completing 1200 units per year for the next 10 years These f1gures do not mclude the public
bUJidtngs, retail spaces and utalittes reqUired for the res1dent1al developments

The PAHW's housing developments are generally greenfield proJects located m remote areas of the country
that may not attract private sector developers. Townships can range from a collection of under a hundred
residential units to towns with space and tnfrastructure for thousands of residents and workers. The PAHW
recently completed construction of the Saad AI Abdullah Township and has a number of other proJects
under development or in the planning and design stage. The completed township was constructed at a total
cost of S700m. covers an area of 514 ha and Includes 35/6 res1dent1al umts that are expected to support a
population of over 30,000 residents.

Other maJor PAHW projects currently under construction mclude the Jaber AI Ahmed Res1dent1al Ctty The
new district will eventually have around 6649 residential units that Will support a populat1on of an estimated
100.000 people. The $2.5bn construction project is being built on 1245 ha with EPC contracts awarded to AI
Ahmadiah Contracting and Trading Company for the residential units and to Mohammed Abdulmohsin AI
Kharafi & Sons (MAK Group) for the Infrastructure.

MAK Group has also won a number of EPC contracts for the construction of Sabah AI Ahmad Township. The
S6 2bn development 1s expected to house over 110,000 restdentsm 11,000 umts Other compames mvolved
in constructing the new seaside city include the AI Tawbad General Trading and Contracting Company. which
won a S159m contract to build residences in 2012, and the United Gulf Construction Company, which won a
S465m contract to bu1ld mfrastructure work and a S441m contract for re tdences m 2010 Construction ot
ttle project is expected to condude in 2015.

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Urban Reclamation
The PAHW's biggest construction proJect, however. is the ongoing construction of housmg at the $15bn At
Kha1ran Residential C1ty. wh1ch 1s part of a much larger urban reclamation proJect known as the Sabah AI
Ahmed Sea City. The PAHW's rote is to develop more than 30,000 residential units as part of the larger urban
development that is expected to eventually house half a million residents.

When complete. the Sa bah AI Ahmed Sea City will be one of the larger urban developments in Kuwait_ The
c1ty Will occupy an area of around 6 700 ha. much of wh1ch consists of low·lymg salt-encrusted land that IS
being reclaimed to develop the city. Public sector investment into infrastructure and land preparation is
startmg to attract mterest from pnvate developers

For example. Kuwa1t's Tamdeen Group launched 1ts AI Kha1ran proJect mMarch 2015 The new S700m mixed-
use development Will be spread across 350.000 sq metres of waterfront property that IS part of the
reclaimed land. According to Tamdeen, the site will eventually include the construction of Kuwait's first
outlet mall, two h1gh-rise res1dent1al towers. one furnished apartment tower and a marina w1th capac1ty for
more than 900 boats The 75.000-sq-metre outlet mall w1ll cater to Kuwait's growmg presence of luxury
brands Tamdeen also has plans to bu1ld a fiVe -star hotel and a large central garden space for public use

Affordable Housing
In addition to residential areas for Kuwaiti Citizens. the PAHW is also in the process of building the South AI
Jahra Labour C1ty. whiCh w111 eventually mclude 20.000 affordable housmg umts for low mcome expatriate
labourers. The South AIJahra Labour City project is structured as a BOT scheme and is set to cover 100 ha
and mclude entertainment facilities, along With the necessary public ut1ht1es

Whale the maJonty of PAHW constructron proJects are implemented through separate EPC contracts for
infrastructure and housing units, the public authority is increasingly turning towards PPP models to help
finance and build infrastructure and housing units. Indeed, in March 2013 the PAHW issued requests for
project proposals. sncludsng the AI Kha1ran and AI Jahra Labour City res1dentlal developments

Transport Links
The transport infrastructure segment also saw srgnifrcant activity in 2014. with the NBK reporting that the
government awarded co-ntracts worth K026 7m (S920m) These mcluded the delayed K0169m (SS82.2m)
Doha hnk. wh1ch wrll eventually connect Doha port to the She1kh Jaber AI Ahmad Causeway The proJect was
awarded toGS Engineering fr Construction, a Korean company. with construction of the project expected to
be completed in four years. according to the Kuwait News Agency. The Doha link will consist of a marine
bndge that will connect the mam $2 6bn causeway project. wh1ch was awarded 1n October 2012. wrth the
Doha motorway.

OIL fr GAS: Kuwait's oil and gas sector was a major beneficiary of the country's resurgence in construction
projects. Oil and gas projects awarded in 2014 represented more than 60% of the K07.3bn (S25.1bn)
awarded through the year. according to NBK. Major contributors to this total included some of the contracts
for the new refmery at AI Zour. which is set to cost a total of K04bn (Sl 3.8bn), and the Kuwa1t Clean Fuels
project. which will have a final price tag of KD4.6bn (S15.8bn).

On the refmery s1de. the kuwart Nat1onal Petroleum Corporation (KNPC) awarded a S679m dredgmg
contract to Dutch company Van Oord 10 2014. to reclaim land for the 615.000 bcmels per-day faohty Van
Oorcfs mandate under the contract includes the redamation of about 65m cu metres of sand and the
constructiOn of a jetty. a barge dock and roads The contract IS the first to be awarded out of KNPCs
investment programme for the refinery. KNPC also signed three contracts with consortiums led by JGC
Corporation. Petrofac and Fluor Corporation in April2014. These included a S3.4bn contract to design.
onstruct and comm1 ston the Mma Abdullah Package 2 of the Clean Fuel Ploject. a 53 7bn contract for
related work at the Mina Abdullah and Shua1ba refinenes. and a $4 9bn EPC contract for work at Mtna AI
Ahmadi.

Outlook
After a challenging few years due to political and institutional complexities. 2014 saw the end of that cycle.
with a record number of large-scale projects awarded to developers and companies across all major sectors.
Allmdtcators suggest that the government w1ll contmue to Implement planned prOJects NBK's estimates
suggest that the total outlay for the proJect market could top $50bn tn 2015 Around S7 2bn of th1s will be
directly for construction. while the remamder will be help lay the groundwork for future projects.

"In recent years some plans for major mfrastructure and development projects have failed but 2014 was a
good year for the construction mdustry. With pos1t1ve results for the government as well." Ha1tham AI Refae1.

http://www.oxfordbusinessgroup.com/overview/pipeline-projects-country-moving-forward-key-de ...
 337

Kuwait moving forward with key construction and real estate developments I Kuwait .. . Page 5 of 5

C£0 of lnsha'a Holdtng. told OBG. "It has set the base for a sohd 201 5 and the sector has the potential to
continue building up m the upcoming years." PPP prog rammes m the utilities and transport sector look to be
mov1ng smoothly. which should lead to construction contracts to bUild the accompanymg Infrastructu re in
the near future. While there are fears that contracts awarded may not result in project execution. progress
made throughout 2014 pomts to a sustamed period of growth for Kuwa1t's construction sector.

See also: National Petroleum Corporation, GCC

Request reuse or reprint of article

Chapter overview Next article from this chapter and report

V1ew the Con~tructlon &: Real f_state chapter l.arge scale constructaon prOJeCts an Kuwa1t
overv1e •from The Report: Kuwait 201~ developed in partnership with privm sector

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large scale mnstruclion projects in Kuwait Construction It Real
developed in partnership with private sector Estate chapter of The
Report: Kuwa1t 2015
Khaled Al Masbaan. Vice-Chairman and CEO. Explore other chapters
Alargan from this report.

Investment and commercial real estate driving

growth in Kuwait's real estate sector; l(uwaifs )
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http://www.oxfordbusinessgroup.com/overview/pipeline-projects-country-moving-forward-key-de ...
 338

Kuwait arrests 800 expats in security crackdown Page 1 of 4 ·

- ~ :-:.·· -,'f!

Arab

Search
Q --
Homepage : News : Kuwait arrests 800 expats in security crackdown

htt s:

Kuwait arrests 800 expats in security crackdown

The New Arab

Kuwait arrests 800 expats in security crackdown

Expats make up 70 percent of Kuwait's population [AFP]

Date of publication : 20 June, 2016

f 17

Hundreds have been arrested for various violations in Kuwait's latest

drive against offenders and absconders.

Kuwaiti authorities have arrested 800 people for violating labour and residency laws.

In this latest security crackdown that took place in all six of the country•Rp,drMB~

https://www.alaraby.co.uk/english/news/2016/6/20/kuwait-arrests-800-expats-in-security-crackdown
 339

Kuwait arrests 800 expats in security crackdown Page 2 of4

police also arrested people in relation to drugs, alcohol and caught individuals who
had received sentences in absentia or were reported absconding by their
sponsors, the Times Kuwait reported on Saturday.

These arrests add to the huge number of foreign nationals who have been arrested
this year in relation to labour law violations.

Expats account for 70 percent of Kuwait's population of around 3.7 million, with of
whom hail from the Indian Subcontinent.

Earlier this month, Kuwaiti authorities warned that expatriates caught begging during
the Muslim holy month of Ramadan would be subjected to immediate deportation.

The move was announced in a statement by the country's Ministry of Interior, who
said that it was part of an effort to crack down on panhandlers who frequent mosques,
shopping centres and certain neighbourhoods.

Read also:

The New Arab & agencies

Nearly 60 percent of Qatar's population live in camps
A government survey has shown that almost 60 percent of Qatar's 2.4 million population
live in 'labour camps' , which remain on the fringes of mainstream society.

The New A-rab

Indian women 'sold' in Gulf states for $1,500
Female migrant workers lured to the Gulf with promises of higher salaries are finding
themselves working in slave-like conditions, an Indian state minister has said.

Comments reflect the opinions of the visitor and not those of ai-Araby ai-Jadeed, its
editorial board or staff.

Add Comment via @ Visitor f Facebook "# Twitter

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 340

Kuwait bans driver's licences for multi-worded job titles- Politics & Economics - Ara ... Page 2 of 11

LANGUAGE

• 4+.: ;:.R.-:

® All 0 Articles 0 Videos 0 Photos 0 Companies 0 People · 11 Click here to search

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Kuwait bans driver's licences for multi-worded job

titles
• Article
• R~:ader Comments ill

By Courwev Trenw ith

• Tuesday, 15 July 2014 1:38PM

http://www.arabianbusiness.com/kuwait-bans-driver-s-licences-for-multi-worded-job-titles-
557873.•htmi#.V7VKvDDr1D8

Courtney Trenwith 2014, July 15

Kuwait bans driver's licences for multi-worded job titles

Retrieved 18-8-16

In a fm1her clampdown on the issuing of driver's licences in Kuwait, the General Traffic Department has announced
that employees with multi-worded titles will not be exempt from tougher criteria introduced earlier this year.

Expats must have a minimum monthly wage ofKD400 ($1 ,418) and a university degree to qualify to apply for a
driver' s licence.
The new measures were brought in last year in a bid to reduce traffic congestion, which is significant in Kuwait City,
where there has been an influx of foreign workers but little new roadworks.

Applicants can be exempt from the criteria if they have a visa specifically to work as a household driver.

/' . .
· \ !'£J1u>,4-h )0 I It

http://www.arabianbusiness.com/kuwait-bans-driver-s-licences-for-multi-worded-job-titles-557873 .. .
 341

,., Kuwait bans driver's licences for multi-worded job titles- Politics & Economics- Ara ... Page 3 of 11

But some employers were fabricating employees' job titles or adding additional words in a bid to make them appear
eligible for the exemption, Kuwait Times_renorted.

Examples include "sales manager", which implied the worker was required to drive daily, and managers with
additional descriptions, such as financial manager or labour affairs manager.

In response, the traffic department said it would not exempt such job titles.

The crackdown follows a temporary ban on issuing new driver's licences to expats and the deportation of more than
12,000 expats based on traffic infringements incurred in recent years.

It was reported in April that the department also was investigating an increase in fake university degrees used in
driver's licence applications.

Follow j IFollow J [ Likt'! 154~

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http://www.arabianbusiness.com/kuwait-bans-driver-s-licences-for-multi-worded-job-titles-557873 ...
 342

Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

Appendix 4 – Interview Question Formats

 343

INDICATIVE INTERVIEW QUESTIONS - WORKER PARTICIPANTS

CATHY ROBERTSON

Thesis Title: Migrant worker perceptions of life, work and health in Kuwait - a construction
industry perspective
Layer 1 - Receiving Country Factors

1. Please describe in detail what sort of work do you do

2. How long have you worked in Kuwait
3. Have you ever received any training for your work
4. What clothes do you wear at work
5. What equipment do you use at work
6. Explain what rights you have as a worker
7. Explain in detail your accommodation and living conditions
8. How do you purchase and prepare your food
9. What is life like for you in Kuwait
10. What things would you like changed to make life better for you in Kuwait

Layer 2 - Migrant Security

1. What kind of residence permit do you have

2. How did you obtain your residence permit
3. Have you ever been asked to sign a contract
4. Describe how the terms and conditions of your contract were explained to you
5. Do you know what workmens compensation is
6. How often do you visit your family
7. How does it feel to be away from your family
8. Do you feel safe working in Kuwait

Layer 3 - Migrant Worker Factors

1. Describe why you looked for work outside your country

2. Did you ever go to school
3. How many languages do you understand
4. What work did you do before you came to Kuwait
5. What sort of training for your work did you receive before coming to Kuwait
6. Does the weather in Kuwait affect the way you work
7. What things would you change to improve your work in Kuwait
8. Has your health changed since you came to Kuwait

Layer 4 - Management Systems

1. Describe how you are managed by your supervisor

2. Do you enjoy the type of work that you do?
5. Do you know what to do if something goes wrong at work?
6. What are the best things that you have experienced in your work
7. What are the worst things that you have experienced yourself or seen others to have experienced
at work

1
 344

INDICATIVE INTERVIEW QUESTIONS - STAKEHOLDERS

CATHY ROBERTSON

Thesis Title: Migrant worker perceptions of life, work and health in Kuwait - a
construction industry perspective

General Legislation
1. What are the laws or regulations that most affect migrant workers?
2. Which ones are the most difficult to understand and to deal with?
3. What impact do you think the laws have had on Kuwaiti businesses?
4. What impact have employment regulations, such as the employment, the health
and safety, and the workers’ compensation regulations had on Kuwaiti
businesses?
5. Which of the employment regulations have been the most difficult to manage?
6. Do you think that legislation in Kuwait has been effective and if so or if not
why?

Life, work and health

1. What do you think are the main issues for migrant workers in Kuwait?
2. What do you think are the main risks involved for migrant workers?
3. What do you think should be done to minimise them?
4. Describe the health and safety systems you have seen that work well and systems
that have not worked well?
5. Have you had any direct experience of managing migrant workers? If so please
explain?
6. What are the key issues around the general health and lives of migrant workers?

Government Agencies
1. Do you know which government department looks after occupational health and
safety? And if so which is it?
2. Has a health and safety inspector visited your organisation or business, and if so,
when was the last time and what was the outcome?
3. Have you ever phoned a government department regarding an OHS issue? If so,
what was the outcome?
4 Have you or any of your employees applied for workers’ compensation and if so
what was the outcome?
5 Do you have anything else to add?

Section F: General
1. Have you found other employer organisations or associations (e.g.
Trade/Industry or Chamber of Commerce, etc.) or other organisations or people
helpful to you regarding managing your migrant workers?
2. What are major employment relations difficulties for you as a business
owner/manager or organisation and how do you think these can be improved?
3. Do you have anything else to add?
 345

Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

Appendix 5 – Information Sheets

Participant Information Sheet
346

Participant
Information Sheet
Workers

Project Title

Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work and Health in Kuwait - a Construction Industry Perspective.

An Invitation

My name is Cathy Robertson. I am a Doctoral student at AUT University in New Zealand. I invite you to
participate in this research. The research will form the basis for my PhD Thesis. Your participation in this
research is entirely voluntary and you are at liberty to withdraw at any time.

What is the purpose of this research?

This research forms the basis of my Doctor of Philosophy degree. The purpose of the research is to learn
about how workers feel about their lives, work and health in Kuwait. It is hoped that the recommendations of
the study will improve the working lives of migrant workers in Kuwait.

How was I chosen for this invitation?

You have been chosen because you are a migrant worker who is working in Kuwait. The facility has sent
you to me as a possible participant. I will not tell the head of the facility or anyone else who you are, or the
company you work for, or whether I have actually chosen you as a participant, so this information is known to
the researcher and no-one else except the researcher.

What will happen in this research?

I would like to interview you as part of my research project. The research will involve about two hours of your
time. The questions will ask you to talk about your experiences as a migrant worker in Kuwait.

With your agreement I would like to audio-tape the interview. You may decline to be audio-taped prior to the
interview and you may also ask for the audio-taping to be stopped at any time, without providing a reason. If
you choose to withdraw from the research the tape will be destroyed. All information given as a result of this
interview will be transcribed and analysed only by the researcher. After that time the information will be
available as a finished Doctoral thesis.

What are the discomforts and risks?

You may feel stressed during the course of the interview when recalling experiences. The recorded material
may identify some things about you and your home country, food or customs, or mention another person’s
name. During the interview an interpreter will be present. There is a risk that if you talk to outside parties
about this research, and your name is mentioned to those other parties, in that you have discussed anything
about your work with that person, you may face the situation that your employer threatens you with
deportation. It is therefore very important to maintain confidentiality and that you do not talk about this
research to anyone. The researcher will protect you because your name, the name of your organisation, the
job you do, the country from which you come, will not be mentioned at any time. Any information which
could result in your identification will be removed from the interview transcript. Therefore it is in your own
interest to maintain confidentiality.

1
Participant Information Sheet
347
How will these discomforts and risks be alleviated and how will my privacy be protected.

If you feel stressed during the interview about any question you may refuse to answer the question and ask
the interviewer to stop the interview. If you still feel stressed, the researcher will immediately stop the
interview and you may choose to go to the head of the facility for counselling. You have the right to withdraw
any information that you provide without giving any reason. The interpreter will not know who you are. The
interpreter does not come from the clinic. The interpreter does not have access to any information and only
the researcher keeps details of the interview and what has been discussed. The interpreter does not know
anyone at the clinic and has no contacts with any employer or labour agent.

The only people with access to the actual interview data after the interview (i.e. the audio tape or
transcription of the audio tape) will be my supervisor (Associate Professor Felicity Lamm, in New Zealand).
Your name, the name of your company and who your managers are will not be revealed and no-one except
the researcher and the researcher’s supervisor will know this information. The interview data will be used for
the purpose of this research, and the writing of my Doctoral thesis. The results of the data analysis will be
used for any academic publications that may arise from this research. The data will kept in a secure location
in New Zealand for 10 years and will then be destroyed. No-one at the facility will know that you have
participated in this research and all information will be sent to New Zealand where it will be kept in a locked
place which can only be seen by the researcher’s supervisor. The laws of New Zealand do not allow any
other person to be able to locate the information so that all your information is kept a secret. You are
protected by the New Zealand law. Please be aware that the head of the facility will not be involved in the
research in any way except that he has organised that you are sent to me as a potential participant.
Therefore no-one at the facility is aware that you personally are involved in research, the nature of the
research or the contents of any forms, interviews, transcripts or any information which could threaten your
anonymity.

What are the benefits?

This research will add valuable knowledge about the experiences of migrant workers in Kuwait. The benefit
is also that through your participation there is a possibility that we can improve the workers lives in Kuwait.

What are the costs of participating in this research?

The only cost of participating in this research is the time you will give to the interview.

What opportunity do I have to consider this invitation?

You will be personally verbally invited to participate by the researcher, who will visit the facility and will have
an office there. The contents of this information sheet and the way the interview will be conducted will be
carefully explained to you in your own language by the researcher through the interpreter. You will be given
the opportunity to ask any questions. After that you will be given time to consider this invitation to be
interviewed. When you return to be interviewed you will once again be explained all the contents and once
again be given the opportunity to ask questions and to confirm whether you wish to be interviewed. The
interview will take approximately two hours.

How do I agree to participate in this research

Accompanying this Information Sheet is a research Consent Form. I will ask you to sign this form before our
interview takes place.

Will I receive feedback on the results of this research?

You will be given the opportunity to hear the recording at the end of the interview. At this time you may
request that sections of the recordings be removed, or choose to withdraw if you wish and all interview
material will immediately be destroyed.

What do I do if I have concerns or require any further information about this research?

Any concerns regarding the nature of this project should be notified in the first instance to the Project
Supervisor, Dr Felicity Lamm, felicity.lamm@aut.ac.nz,telephone 0064 921 9999 ext 5906

2
Participant Information Sheet
348

Concerns regarding the conduct of the research should be notified to the Executive Secretary, AUTEC,
Madeline Banda, madeline.banda@aut.ac.nz , telephone 0064 921 9999 ext 8044.
Approved by the Auckland University of Technology Ethics Committee on: 5/7/2011. AUTEC Reference number: 10/313

3
Stakeholder Participant Information Sheet
349

Participant
Information Sheet
Stakeholders
Project Title

Migrant worker perceptions of life, work and health in Kuwait - a construction industry perspective

An Invitation

My name is Cathy Robertson. I am a Doctoral student at AUT University in New Zealand. I invite you to
participate in this research. The research will form the basis for my PhD Thesis. Your participation in this
research is entirely voluntary and you are at liberty to withdraw at any time.

What is the purpose of this research?

This research forms the basis of my Doctor of Philosophy degree. The purpose of the research is to learn
about the experiences of migrant workers in Kuwait, from the worker point of view. It is hoped that the
recommendations of the study will influence managerial practices in Kuwait.

How was I chosen for this invitation?

You have been chosen because you are involved in managing migrant workers in Kuwait and our knowledge
and experience will be a valuable input into this research.

What will happen in this research?

Given your knowledge in this area, I would like to interview you as part of my research project. The research
will involve about an hour and a half of your time, on an occasion that is convenient to you. The nature of
the questions will require you to reflect on the effectiveness of management practice in Kuwait, and the
policies needed to best improve the lives and wellbeing of migrant workers.

With your agreement I would like to record the interview on a digital recorder. You may decline to be
recorded and you may also ask for the recording to be stopped at any time, without providing a reason. If
you choose to withdraw from the research the recording will be destroyed. All information given as a result
of this interview will be transcribed and analysed by myself. A transcription of the transcript will be provided
you to amend or correct within two weeks of the interview taking place. After that time the information will be
available as a finished Doctoral thesis.

What are the discomforts and risks?

Minimal discomfort or risk is anticipated for any participant. However the interview may be about things that
you are concerned about.

How will these discomforts and risks be alleviated?

You may at any time decline to answer any of the questions in the interview and ask the researcher to stop
audio-taping or terminate the interview. You also have the right to withdraw any information that you
provide, without giving any reason. All existing data will be destroyed if you should decide to withdraw from
the study.
Stakeholder Participant Information Sheet
350
What are the benefits?

This research will add valuable knowledge about the experiences of migrant workers in Kuwait. Through
your participation there is a possibility that the lives of migrant workers in Kuwait will improve.

How will my privacy be protected?

The only people with access to the actual interview data (i.e. the audio tape or transcription of the audio
tape) will be my supervisor (Associate Professor Felicity Lamm, in New Zealand). Your name, the name of
your company and any other individuals or organisations or any information which could lead to your
identification will not be included in the interview transcript or in the final report. The original recordings will
be kept in a secure place by my supervisors, at the Auckland University of Technology. The interview data
will be used for the purpose of this research, and the writing of my Doctoral thesis. The results of the data
analysis will be used for any academic publications that may arise from this research. The data will kept in a
secure location in New Zealand for 10 years and will then be destroyed.

What are the costs of participating in this research?

The only cost of participating in this research is the time you have given to the interview.

What opportunity do I have to consider this invitation?

You will be invited to participate by being contacted in order to set a meeting at a secure venue where you
will be handed the Information sheet and given a week to consider this invitation to be interviewed. At the
end of this week, the researcher will contact you by telephone to see if you wish to proceed with the
interview.

How do I agree to participate in this research?

Accompanying this Information Sheet is a research Consent Form. I will ask you to sign this form before our
interview takes place.

Will I receive feedback on the results of this research?

You will be given the opportunity to review and edit transcripts of your recordings if requested for one month
following the interview. You will be provided with a copy of the finished research if you wish.

What do I do if I have concerns about this research?

Any concerns regarding the nature of this project should be notified in the first instance to the Project
Supervisor, Dr Felicity Lamm, felicity.lamm@aut.ac.nz, phone 921 9999

Concerns regarding the conduct of the research should be notified to the Executive Secretary, AUTEC,
Madeline Banda, madeline.banda@aut.ac.nz 921 9999 ext 8044.

Whom do I contact for further information about this research?

Researcher Contact Details:

Cathy Robertson, C/O Associate Professor Felicity Lamm, Faculty of Employment Relations and Law, AUT
University, Private 92006, Auckland.

Project Supervisor Contact Details:

Dr Felicity Lamm, felicity.lamm@aut.ac.nz, phone 09 921 9999 ext 5906

Approved by the Auckland University of Technology Ethics Committee on: 5/7/2011. Reference Number 10/313
 351

Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

Appendix 6 – Consent Forms

 352
Consent Form - Worker Participants

Consent Form - Worker

Participants

Project title: “Migrant Worker Perceptions of life, work and health in Kuwait - a construction
industry perspective”
Project Supervisor: Dr Felicity Lamm
Researcher: Cathy Robertson
o I have listened to the translator and have understood the information provided about this research
project in the Information Sheet.
o I have had an opportunity to ask questions and to have them answered, on two occasions, one
when I was invited to participate, and one prior to the actual interview.
o I understand that no-one at the clinic will know about this research except [name redacted to
ensure anonymity] who has signed a Memorandum of Confidentiality Agreement and who will not
be aware of who was chosen to be interviewed. I understand that this was the only time in which
[name redacted to ensure anonymity] will be involved in the research and will not be shown or
given any further information to do with either my own identity or anything to do with the research.
o I understand that notes will be taken during the interviews and that they will also be audio-taped
and transcribed.
o I understand that the interview will be translated by a translator. I also understand that I will be
given the opportunity to hear my responses to the interview questions.
o I understand that the translator has been trained in the interview process and is fully aware and
has signed a confidentiality agreement in which the translator agrees that all information discussed
during the course of the interview is confidential and that at no time will the translator have access
to any of the information.
o I understand that I may withdraw myself or any information that I have provided for this project at
any time prior to completion of data collection, without being disadvantaged in any way.
o If I withdraw, I understand that all relevant information including tapes and transcripts, or parts
thereof, will be destroyed. I also understand that any information which could threaten my
anonymity will be removed from the interview transcription and that the original recordings will be
sent to New Zealand just as soon as they have been transcribed and encoded, for safekeeping in
a secure place at the Auckland University of Technology, and that I am protected by New Zealand
law which demands that my information is not divulged to any other person than the researcher
and the researcher’s supervisors.
o I agree to take part in this research.
Participant’s signature:.....................................................……Participant’s name………………………

Date : ......................................

Approved by the Auckland University of Technology Ethics Committee on 5/11/2011,AUTEC Reference number 10/313
 353

Consent Form -
Stakeholders

Project title: Migrant Worker Perceptions of life, work and health in Kuwait - a
Construction Industry perspective
Project Supervisor: Dr Felicity Lamm
Researcher: Cathy Robertson

o I have read and understood the information provided about this research project in the
Information Sheet.
o I have had an opportunity to ask questions and to have them answered.
o I understand that notes will be taken during the interviews and that they will also be audio-
taped and transcribed.
o I understand that I may withdraw myself or any information that I have provided for this project
at any time prior to completion of data collection, without being disadvantaged in any way.
o If I withdraw, I understand that all relevant information including tapes and transcripts, or parts
thereof, will be destroyed.
o I agree to take part in this research.
o I agree that my or my organisation’s name will not be identified in the finished thesis and any
resulting publications.
o I wish to receive a copy of the report from the research (please tick one): Yes No

Participant’s signature:
.....................................................…………………………………………………………

Participant’s name:
.....................................................…………………………………………………………

Participant’s Contact Details (if appropriate):

………………………………………………………………………………………..

………………………………………………………………………………………..

………………………………………………………………………………………..

Date:

Approved by the Auckland University of Technology Ethics Committee on 5/7/2011 - AUTEC Reference number 10/313
 354

Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work, Health and Safety in Kuwait – A Construction Industry Perspective

Appendix 7 – Confidentiality Agreements

 355
10 September 2017 page 1 of 1

Confidentiality Agreement -
Interview Interpreter

.
Project title: Migrant Worker perceptions of life, work and health in Kuwait - a
construction industry perspective.
Project Supervisor: Associate Professor Felicity Lamm
Researcher: Cathy Robertson
 I understand that the interviews meetings or material I will be asked to translate is confidential.

 I understand that the content of the interviews meetings or material can only be discussed with the
researchers and that any material which is given to me will be handed back to the researcher after reading
under the supervision of the researcher, in order to protect my own anonymity and the anonymity of the
participants.

 I will not keep any copies of the translations nor allow third parties access to them. Translation will take
place during the course of the interviews only.

 I hereby signify that I do not have any management contacts in either the medical field or construction
industry.

 I agree that I have been fully trained by the researcher in terms of the Interview Protocol, I have been
shown the questions and information sheets, research protocols and coached in semi-structured
interviewing techniques and agree that I will protect the anonymity of the participants. I agree that I will
arrive at the clinic separately from the researcher and will dress in clothes that will not draw any attention
to myself.

Translator’s signature: .....................................................…………………………………………………………

Translator’s name: .....................................................…………………………………………………………

Translator’s Contact Details (if appropriate):

………………………………………………………………………………………..

………………………………………………………………………………………..

Date:

Project Supervisor’s Contact Details (if appropriate):

Dr. Felicity Lamm, Auckland University of Technology

006499219999 x 5906 email address felicity.lamm@aut.ac.nz

Approved by the Auckland University of Technology Ethics Committee on 5/7/2011

AUTEC Reference number 10/313

Note: The Translator should retain a copy of this form.

This version was last edited on 13 October 2010

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Interview Validation Translator Confidentiality Agreement page 1 of 1

Validation Translator
Confidentiality Agreement -
and Validation

Project title: Migrant Worker Perceptions of Life, Work and Health in Kuwait - a
Construction industry perspective
Project Supervisor: Associate Professor Felicity Lamm
Researcher: Cathy Robertson
 I understand that the interviews meetings or material I have been asked to validate is confidential and that
meetings have taken place at a secure venue.

 I understand that the content of the interviews meetings or material can only be discussed with the
researcher.

 I will not keep any copies of the translations nor allow third parties access to them. Translation has taken
take place during the course of an interview with the researcher and the researcher has controlled all the
material which is under discussion, retaining the material at the conclusion of the interview.

 I verify that I have listened to the worker interview interpreted conversations and that the interpretation has
been broadly correct and conducted in an honest manner and with good intent.

Verifying Translator's signature: …………………………………………………………………………………………

Translator’s name: .....................................................…………………………………………………………

Translator’s Contact Details:

………………………………………………………………………………………..

………………………………………………………………………………………..

Date:

Project Supervisor’s Contact Details:

Dr. Felicity Lamm

Auckland University of Technology, Wakefield Street, Auckland.

Tel 0064992999x5906

Approved by the Auckland University of Technology Ethics Committee on 5 July 2011

AUTEC Reference number 10/313

Note: The Translator should retain a copy of this form.

This version was last edited on 13 October 2010