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Bergen Facebook Addiction Scale

The document discusses validation of the Bergen Facebook Addiction Scale (BFAS) in a Portuguese sample of emerging adults ages 18-29. The study found: 1) The BFAS demonstrated good internal consistency (Cronbach's alpha = 0.87) and test-retest reliability (r = 0.94). 2) Scores on the BFAS were associated with increased symptoms of interpersonal sensitivity, depression, and anxiety as well as deficient self-regulation. 3) The results support use of the Portuguese version of the BFAS for research and clinical assessment of Facebook addiction.

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116 views6 pages

Bergen Facebook Addiction Scale

The document discusses validation of the Bergen Facebook Addiction Scale (BFAS) in a Portuguese sample of emerging adults ages 18-29. The study found: 1) The BFAS demonstrated good internal consistency (Cronbach's alpha = 0.87) and test-retest reliability (r = 0.94). 2) Scores on the BFAS were associated with increased symptoms of interpersonal sensitivity, depression, and anxiety as well as deficient self-regulation. 3) The results support use of the Portuguese version of the BFAS for research and clinical assessment of Facebook addiction.

Uploaded by

Abrar Ahmad
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© © All Rights Reserved
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Bergen Facebook Addiction Scale (BFAS)

Based on the six key components of addiction, the Bergen Facebook Addiction Scale
(BFAS) is a widely used instrument to assess Facebook addiction. This study aimed to
conduct a psychometric validation in a Portuguese sample of emerging adults (ages 18 to
29 years). The construct validity analyses confirmed the one-factor solution and a
statistically significant association found between Facebook addiction and Preference for
Online Social Interaction, measured by the Generalized Problematic Internet Use Scale 2,
warranted the scale criterion validity. Internal consistency was scrutinized using
Cronbach’s α (α = .87) and stability measured by test-retest (r = .94). Associations
between BFAS scores and Brief Symptom Inventory dimensions scores (e.g.,
interpersonal sensitivity, depression, anxiety) and the GPIUS2 subscale, deficient self-
regulation, scores were evaluated. A subsample with higher levels of addiction was
analyzed. In summary, the results of the present study support the use of the Portuguese
version of the BFAS in both research and clinical milieus. Further implications for
research and practice were considered.

Social networking sites (SNSs) are a global phenomenon, enjoying an


exponential increase in their use (e.g., Facebook, Twitter). Participation
in SNSs is currently one of the main activities on the Internet, especially
for younger generations (Eurostat 2016; Kuss and Griffiths 2011). In
Portugal, the use of SNSs is also extremely popular, being one of the
preferred online activities of Portuguese adolescents and young adults
(Pontes and Patrão 2014). SNSs constitute virtual communities where
users can: (1) create a public or semi-public profile, (2) manage a list of
other users with whom they have a connection, and (3) view and
intersect their list of connections with those made by other users (Boyd
and Ellison 2008). One specific aspect of SNSs is their focus on
connecting with other individuals (Kuss and Griffiths 2017), which
relates to certain fundamental human needs, such as social support and
self-expression (Andreassen et al. 2012; Kuss and Griffiths 2011),
further increasing the popularity of SNSs and overall levels of
engagement. However, previous research has suggested that excessive
engagement with SNSs and their users’ perceived need to be constantly
connected to these services are considered problematic (Kuss and
Griffiths 2017). Although the use of SNSs is a common behavior,
excessive and compulsive use has recently been suggested as a
behavioral addiction (Andreassen 2015).

Turkle (2015) has argued that diminishing social skills (e.g., empathy) in
excessive SNSs users may be partly attributable to an increasing
overdependence on technology as meaningful social interactions are
disregarded and replaced with a constant, though shallow or
unsubstantial, virtual connection (Turkle 2015). Other authors have also
argued that the need for a constant virtual connection may increase the
risk of SNS overuse, which in extreme cases may present characteristics
similar to those of substance-related addictions (Kuss and
Griffiths 2017). Given the potential addictive properties of SNSs, a large
body of research has investigated problematic use and addiction to SNSs
and its potential negative consequences for users, such as reduced
communities in “real life” and diminished interpersonal relationships,
impoverished family time, decline in academic and professional
performance, increased levels of psychopathological symptoms, and
poor health, among other detrimental health-related effects
(Andreassen et al. 2012; Jacobsen and Forste 2011; Carvalho et al. 2017;
Kuss and Griffiths 2017; Pontes 2017; Satici and Uysal 2015;
Turkle 2015).

Since the appearance of the first studies on SNS addiction, research in


the field has advanced rapidly, with a growing number of studies
published internationally in the last few years (Kuss and Griffiths 2011).
In Portugal, however, research in this area is still in its infancy, and
although studies are scarce, they mostly focus on adolescents’ use of
SNSs (e.g., Assunção and Matos 2017; Pontes et al. 2016a; Pontes 2017).
More recently, international studies have emphasized the need to
investigate more diverse age groups, such as emerging adults (e.g.,
Coyne et al. 2013; Holmgren and Coyne 2017). Emerging adulthood is a
developmental stage particularly susceptible to an ever-expanding use of
these virtual communities as emerging adults no longer feel the
constraints present in adolescence (e.g., parental control) and have not
yet assumed the full duties of adulthood (e.g., professional/family
responsibilities) (Coyne et al. 2013). Thus, it is common for emerging
adults to spend a significant part of their day using SNSs (Jacobsen and
Forste 2011).

According to Griffiths (2013), SNS addiction can be defined as a


behavioral addiction within a biopsychosocial framework, featuring six
core components: salience, mood modification, tolerance, withdrawal
symptoms, conflict, and relapse (Griffiths 2005). Although gambling
disorder is currently the only behavioral addiction officially recognized
by the American Psychiatric Association [APA] (APA 2013), Internet
gaming disorder has been added to section III of the fifth edition of the
Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-5) as a
tentative disorder (APA 2013), further underscoring the potential
negative impact of specific Internet-related activities, as numerous
studies and authors have suggested (Dieter et al. 2017; Griffiths and
Szabo 2014; Pontes et al. 2015a, b; Pontes and Griffiths 2016).
With regard to the estimation of prevalence rates of SNS addiction,
findings in this area remain mostly inconclusive as most studies relied
on inconsistent psychometric assessment methods and heterogeneous
theoretical frameworks (Kuss and Griffiths 2017). Moreover, the lack of
consensus in measurement methods is likely to inflate prevalence rates
of SNS addiction (Bányai et al. 2017). Therefore, in order to overcome
such methodological drawbacks, research has focused on developing
psychometrically sound instruments to assess SNS addiction, such as
the six-item Bergen Facebook Addiction Scale (BFAS) (Andreassen et
al. 2012). The BFAS offers many advantages, including but not limited
to its solid theoretical framework, brevity and ease of use, and extensive
cross-cultural validity across many countries and samples (e.g.,
Jafarkarimi et al. 2016; Phanasathit et al. 2015; Salem et al. 2016; Silva
et al. 2015), applicable to Portuguese teenage populations as well
(Pontes et al. 2016a).

The Specific Case of Facebook


Although SNSs are a specific type of the broader set of social applications available
online, there is still great diversity in both their composition and purpose (e.g.,
information sharing, photo sharing, messaging, gaming, etc.) (Kuss and Griffiths 2017).
Facebook is a particular case. Launched in 2004, it became the most popular SNS, and
the number of users has been growing ever since (Statista 2018). Unlike other SNSs,
where only one main activity is developed (e.g., Instagram), Facebook brings together
several features and possible activities, and as such, different gratifications are enjoyed
by individuals who use it. Facebook’s main attraction is the maintenance and
establishment of relationships, but the network is also a means for self-expression,
content sharing, entertainment, information seeking, spending leisure time, and gaming,
among other activities (Andreassen et al. 2012; Holmgren and Coyne 2017; Kuss and
Griffiths 2017; Ryan et al. 2014). Due to Facebook’s unique characteristics and potential
to trigger addictive behavior, several studies have argued for the need to conceptualize
Facebook addiction as a mental health disorder (Andreassen et al. 2012; Andreassen and
Pallesen 2013; Błachnio and Przepiorka 2016, Ryan et al. 2014).

Several positions underlying our understanding of the phenomenon of addiction may be


appropriately employed for the study of Facebook addiction taken as a particular case.
According to the General Theory of Addiction (Jacobs 1986), addiction encompasses
persistent, out-of-control behavioral patterns involving substances (e.g., alcohol) and
activities (e.g., gambling), acquired over time, performed as a coping strategy (i.e., as a
way to escape unpleasant situations or thoughts). Additionally, the adoption of addictive
behaviors is noted by researchers as being a stress relief mechanism associated with lack
of self-regulation, leading to increased procrastination and depressive symptoms
(Holmgren and Coyne 2017). Concordantly, several authors have corroborated that
Facebook is used for reasons of mood modification, avoidance of negative or undesired
thoughts, and procrastination (Holmgren and Coyne 2017; Ryan 2014).

Caplan’s model of generalized pathological Internet use (2010) proposes that individuals
who prefer online interactions (versus face-to-face interaction) are more likely to use
online communication to regulate their mood. Similarly, preference for online social
interactions and the motivation to use the Internet for mood regulation are predictors of
deficient self-regulation. As argued by Caplan (2010), individuals who are socially
anxious or have poor social skills are more predisposed to exhibit a preference for online
social interactions as they perceive online communication as less threatening and believe
it to be more efficacious when interacting online. Such individuals are at a greater risk for
experiencing the negative consequences of Internet overuse (Caplan 2010). Additionally,
it has also been argued that online communication may represent a way to mitigate their
anxiety about self-representation in interpersonal situations, feelings of loneliness, and
depression (Caplan 2010). Accordingly, several studies have explored the association
between Facebook addiction and the existence of psychological symptoms such as
anxiety and depression (Andreassen et al. 2012; Holmgren and Coyne 2017; Ryan et
al. 2014) or feelings of inadequacy and diminished interpersonal qualities (Holmgren and
Coyne 2017; Ryan et al. 2014).

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