Until Johannes Gutenberg’s 15th-century invention of the movable type printing

press, books were painstakingly handwritten and no two copies were exactly the
same. The printing press made the mass production of print media possible. Not only
was it much cheaper to produce written material, but new transportation technologies
also made it easier for texts to reach a wide audience. It’s hard to overstate the
importance of Gutenberg’s invention, which helped usher in massive cultural
movements like the European Renaissance and the Protestant Reformation. In 1810,
another German printer, Friedrich Koenig, pushed media production even further
when he essentially hooked the steam engine up to a printing press, enabling the
industrialization of printed media. In 1800, a hand-operated printing press could
produce about 480 pages per hour; Koenig’s machine more than doubled this rate. (By
the 1930s, many printing presses could publish 3,000 pages an hour.)

This increased efficiency went hand in hand with the rise of the daily newspaper. The
newspaper was the perfect medium for the increasingly urbanized Americans of the
19th century, who could no longer get their local news merely through gossip and
word of mouth. These Americans were living in unfamiliar territory, and newspapers
and other media helped them negotiate the rapidly changing world. The Industrial
Revolution meant that some people had more leisure time and more money, and
media helped them figure out how to spend both. Media theorist Benedict Anderson
has argued that newspapers also helped forge a sense of national identity by treating
readers across the country as part of one unified community (Anderson, 1991).

In the 1830s, the major daily newspapers faced a new threat from the rise of penny
papers, which were low-priced broadsheets that served as a cheaper, more sensational
daily news source. They favored news of murder and adventure over the dry political
news of the day. While newspapers catered to a wealthier, more educated audience,
the penny press attempted to reach a wide swath of readers through cheap prices and
entertaining (often scandalous) stories. The penny press can be seen as the forerunner
to today’s gossip-hungry tabloids.

In the early decades of the 20th century, the first major nonprint form of

mass media—radio—exploded in popularity. Radios, which were less

expensive than telephones and widely available by the 1920s, had the

unprecedented ability of allowing huge numbers of people to listen to the

same event at the same time. In 1924, Calvin Coolidge’s preelection

speech reached more than 20 million people. Radio was a boon for
advertisers, who now had access to a large and captive audience. An early

advertising consultant claimed that the early days of radio were “a

glorious opportunity for the advertising man to spread his sales

propaganda” because of “a countless audience, sympathetic, pleasure

seeking, enthusiastic, curious, interested, approachable in the privacy of

their homes (Briggs & Burke, 2005).” The reach of radio also meant that

the medium was able to downplay regional differences and encourage a

unified sense of the American lifestyle—a lifestyle that was increasingly

driven and defined by consumer purchases. “Americans in the 1920s

were the first to wear ready-made, exact-size clothing…to play electric

phonographs, to use electric vacuum cleaners, to listen to commercial

radio broadcasts, and to drink fresh orange juice year round (Mintz,

2007).” This boom in consumerism put its stamp on the 1920s and also

helped contribute to the Great Depression of the 1930s (Library of

Congress). The consumerist impulse drove production to unprecedented

levels, but when the Depression began and consumer demand dropped

dramatically, the surplus of production helped further deepen the

economic crisis, as more goods were being produced than could be sold.

The post–World War II era in the United States was marked by

prosperity, and by the introduction of a seductive new form of mass

communication: television. In 1946, about 17,000 televisions existed in

the United States; within 7 years, two-thirds of American households

owned at least one set. As the United States’ gross national product

(GNP) doubled in the 1950s, and again in the 1960s, the American home

became firmly ensconced as a consumer unit; along with a television, the

typical U.S. household owned a car and a house in the suburbs, all of

which contributed to the nation’s thriving consumer-based economy

(Briggs & Burke, 2005). Broadcast television was the dominant form of

mass media, and the three major networks controlled more than 90

percent of the news programs, live events, and sitcoms viewed by

Americans. Some social critics argued that television was fostering a

homogenous, conformist culture by reinforcing ideas about what

“normal” American life looked like. But television also contributed to the

counterculture of the 1960s. The Vietnam War was the nation’s first

televised military conflict, and nightly images of war footage and war

protesters helped intensify the nation’s internal conflicts.

Broadcast technology, including radio and television, had such a hold on

the American imagination that newspapers and other print media found

themselves having to adapt to the new media landscape. Print media was

more durable and easily archived, and it allowed users more flexibility in

terms of time—once a person had purchased a magazine, he or she could

read it whenever and wherever. Broadcast media, in contrast, usually

aired programs on a fixed schedule, which allowed it to both provide a

sense of immediacy and fleetingness. Until the advent of digital video

recorders in the late 1990s, it was impossible to pause and rewind a live

television broadcast.

The media world faced drastic changes once again in the 1980s and 1990s

with the spread of cable television. During the early decades of television,

viewers had a limited number of channels to choose from—one reason

for the charges of homogeneity. In 1975, the three major networks

accounted for 93 percent of all television viewing. By 2004, however, this

share had dropped to 28.4 percent of total viewing, thanks to the spread

of cable television. Cable providers allowed viewers a wide menu of

choices, including channels specifically tailored to people who wanted to

watch only golf, classic films, sermons, or videos of sharks. Still, until the

mid-1990s, television was dominated by the three large networks. The

Telecommunications Act of 1996, an attempt to foster competition by

deregulating the industry, actually resulted in many mergers and buyouts

that left most of the control of the broadcast spectrum in the hands of a

few large corporations. In 2003, the Federal Communications

Commission (FCC) loosened regulation even further, allowing a single

company to own 45 percent of a single market (up from 25 percent in

1982).
Technological Transitions Shape Media
Industries

New media technologies both spring from and cause social changes. For

this reason, it can be difficult to neatly sort the evolution of media into

clear causes and effects. Did radio fuel the consumerist boom of the

1920s, or did the radio become wildly popular because it appealed to a

society that was already exploring consumerist tendencies? Probably a

little bit of both. Technological innovations such as the steam engine,

electricity, wireless communication, and the Internet have all had lasting

and significant effects on American culture. As media historians Asa

Briggs and Peter Burke note, every crucial invention came with “a change

in historical perspectives.” Electricity altered the way people thought

about time because work and play were no longer dependent on the daily

rhythms of sunrise and sunset; wireless communication collapsed

distance; the Internet revolutionized the way we store and retrieve

information.

Not long afterward, wireless communication (which eventually led to the

development of radio, television, and other broadcast media) emerged as an
extension of telegraph technology. Although many 19th-century inventors,
including Nikola Tesla, were involved in early wireless experiments, it was
Italian-born Guglielmo Marconi who is recognized as the developer of the
first practical wireless radio system. Many people were fascinated by this
new invention. Early radio was used for military communication, but soon
the technology entered the home. The burgeoning interest in radio inspired
hundreds of applications for broadcasting licenses from newspapers and
other news outlets, retail stores, schools, and even cities. In the 1920s, large
media networks—including the National Broadcasting Company (NBC) and
the Columbia Broadcasting System (CBS)—were launched, and they soon
began to dominate the airwaves. In 1926, they owned 6.4 percent of U.S.
broadcasting stations; by 1931, that number had risen to 30 percent

In addition to the breakthroughs in audio broadcasting, inventors in the 1800s made

significant advances in visual media. The 19th-century development of photographic
technologies would lead to the later innovations of cinema and television. As with
wireless technology, several inventors independently created a form of photography at
the same time, among them the French inventors Joseph Niépce and Louis Daguerre
and the British scientist William Henry Fox Talbot. In the United States, George
Eastman developed the Kodak camera in 1888, anticipating that Americans would
welcome an inexpensive, easy-to-use camera into their homes as they had with the
radio and telephone. Moving pictures were first seen around the turn of the century,
with the first U.S. projection-hall opening in Pittsburgh in 1905. By the 1920s,
Hollywood had already created its first stars, most notably Charlie Chaplin; by the
end of the 1930s, Americans were watching color films with full sound,
including Gone With the Wind and The Wizard of Oz.

Television—which consists of an image being converted to electrical impulses,

transmitted through wires or radio waves, and then reconverted into images—existed
before World War II, but gained mainstream popularity in the 1950s. In 1947, there
were 178,000 television sets made in the United States; 5 years later, 15 million were
made. Radio, cinema, and live theater declined because the new medium allowed
viewers to be entertained with sound and moving pictures in their homes. In the
United States, competing commercial stations (including the radio powerhouses of
CBS and NBC) meant that commercial-driven programming dominated. In Great
Britain, the government managed broadcasting through the British Broadcasting
Corporation (BBC). Funding was driven by licensing fees instead of advertisements.
In contrast to the U.S. system, the BBC strictly regulated the length and character of
commercials that could be aired. However, U.S. television (and its increasingly
powerful networks) still dominated. By the beginning of 1955, there were around 36
million television sets in the United States, but only 4.8 million in all of Europe.
Important national events, broadcast live for the first time, were an impetus for
consumers to buy sets so they could witness the spectacle; both England and Japan
saw a boom in sales before important royal weddings in the 1950s.

Key take away

Media fulfills several roles in society, including the following:


o entertaining and providing an outlet for the imagination,
o educating and informing,
o serving as a public forum for the discussion of important issues, and
o acting as a watchdog for government, business, and other institutions.
 Johannes Gutenberg’s invention of the printing press enabled the mass production of
media, which was then industrialized by Friedrich Koenig in the early 1800s. These innovations
led to the daily newspaper, which united the urbanized, industrialized populations of the 19th
century.
 In the 20th century, radio allowed advertisers to reach a mass audience and helped spur
the consumerism of the 1920s—and the Great Depression of the 1930s. After World War II,
television boomed in the United States and abroad, though its concentration in the hands of three
major networks led to accusations of homogenization. The spread of cable and subsequent
deregulation in the 1980s and 1990s led to more channels, but not necessarily to more diverse
ownership.
 Transitions from one technology to another have greatly affected the media industry,
although it is difficult to say whether technology caused a cultural shift or resulted from it. The
ability to make technology small and affordable enough to fit into the home is an important aspect
of the popularization of new technologies

Reference
UNIVERSITY OF MINNESOTA LIBRARIES PUBLISHING EDITION, 2016, “Understanding media and
culture. https://open.lib.umn.edu/mediaandculture/chapter/1-3-the-evolution-of-media/

History of Nigerian Mass media

What is today’s known as mass media in Nigeria came chronologically i.e from one
stage to the other, from one technological advancement to the other, from one regime
or government or the other. There is no doubt about the fact that print media
pioneered and ushered the history of the Nigerian mass media. 

However, despite the disagreements among earlier scholars, researchers and media
experts on how and when the press began in Nigeria, yet most of the scholars and
experts agreed that Nigerian’s first newspaper was Iwe-Iroyin fun Awon Egba (the
Newspaper for the Egba People) floated by Reverend Henry Townsend in Abeokuta
in 1859 (Lawal, 2014). The newspaper was published in Yoruba language with its
English supplement came in March 1860, although it was mainly a Christian
evangelical paper (Aliagan, 2006). 

From the humble beginning of the print journalism in 1859, different newspapers and
magazines have emerged; later the nation witnessed another development of
electronic media particularly the radio services through British Broadcasting
Corporation Rediffusion in 1932 among other growth in the broadcast media up till
date (Oyekanmi, 2018).

This piece shall holistically examined history of the Nigerian mass media particularly
the broadcast media with emphasis on the radio and television respectively from 1932
till today.  

INTRODUCTIO
N
A central theme i
n the history of th
e Nigeriamass me
diais its political 
orientation. This i
sunderstandable,a
lthough it has led 
to the neglect of o
ther aspects of the 
history andconte
mporary structure 
of the Nigerianpr
ess.Most, if notal
lhistorical accou
nts of the Nigeria
n press are premi
sed on its overtp
olitical nature. T
hisis probably lar
gely due to the fa
ct that the Nigeria
n press has itsroot 
in the anti-
colonial agitation 
of thefrustrated L
agos elite whom 
a Nigerianhistori
an,Ay
andele (1974) desc
ribed as the “delud
ed hybrids”
.Golding and Elli
ot
remarked that “
Nigerian journalis
m was ... created 
by anti-colonial p
rotest,baptised int
he waters of politi
cs
, and matured in p
arty politics”
(1979).This legac
y has continued t
oinfluence both a
cademic and popu
lar assessment oft
he Nigerian mass 
media.The traditi
on is so embedde
d in popular cons
ciousness that it h
asmore or less ob
scured other aspe
cts of Nigerian pr
ess history.Howe
ver, amultiplicity 
of media voices c
an be foundin Nig
eria largely becau
se of the diversity 
of the population 
of the country an
d the history prec
eding its indepen
dence.This study 
thereforeexamine
d the historical d
evelopmentof Ni
geriamassmedia.
 

THE GENESIS 
OFNIGERIAN 
MEDIA
The Nigerian med
ia, particularly th
e print media and 
to a great extent t
he electronic med
ia, was nursed byt
he British coloniz
ers and some fore
ign educated Afri
cans. However, A
kinfeleye (1985) 
argues that, despit
ethe early British 
influence in Niger
ian journalism, its 
exact origin is so
mehow unclear. F
or him,it is difficu
lttodetermine if E
uropeans brought 
journalism to Nig
eria or that Nigeri
ans had somejour
nalism before the
arrival of the Eur
opeans although h
e provides eviden
ce of irregular ne
wspaper publishi
ng ventures befor
e
1859. However, the consensus among scholars and experts of varied backgrounds is that the first
printing press was found in Calabar Nigeria, in 1846 and was owned by the Presbyterian Mission.
Another consensus also is that the history of Nigerian mass media can be traced to Rev. Henry
Townsend of the Presbyterian Mission, who in 1859 established a newspaper called ''Iwe iroyin
“which has been acknowledged as the first newspaper in Nigeria and Africa’s first and oldest
vernacular newspaper in Abeokuta, (Omu, 1978; Nigeria yearbook, 1973-76; Dimkpa, 1997).
Reverend Townsend according to Akinfeleye (1985) is today still remembered as the father of
Nigerian Journalism. The Iwe Irohin newspaper which was a fortnightly was from inception
published in Yoruba language but started an English edition in the form of a supplement six years
later. The purpose of establishing a newspaper was because he wanted to inculcate reading habit
among the Yoruba people and also to create avenues or a platform where by business men would
publish their advert on the papers.
Also, during the colonial era, the newspapers were established for the purpose of fighting the
colonial masters. Nigerians were enlightened on their right for freedom and the need to
vehemently reject colonial laws and policies. In other words, the independent that Nigeria got in
1960 can be traced to the press. This is because the press used their weapon which was the
newspaper to fight their colonial masters. No wonder it is said that the pen is stronger than
sword. After the demise of Iwe Irohin, Robert Campbell set up the Anglo-African in 1868.
However, Omu (1978) notes that, “the first of these foreign dominated newspapers was the
Anglo-African founded by Robert Campbell” (p.20).
Dimkpa (1997) confirms that:
The second key owners of the media were foreigners who immigrated to Nigeria during the
colonial days. These foreigners were mostly Sierra Leoneans and Liberians who were earlier
exposed to western education before Nigerians (pp.19- 20).
But two years after its establishment, the Anglo-African collapsed. By 1880, Omu (2000) notes
that, many people in Lagos began to feel the need for a newspaper to fill the gap created by the
collapse of Iwe Irohin in 1867 and the Anglo-African in 1880. In addition, Omu (2000) explains
that educated Africans showed frustration about the absence of a voice they required to sooth
the temperament of the times. It was therefore not a surprise that a wealthy businessman,
Richard Beale Blaize brought out the first truly Nigerian newspaper in November 1880. He called
it the Lagos Times and Gold Coast Colony Advertiser. The paper however was unable to survive
financially and was extinct by 1883.
In 1890, persuaded by John Payne Jackson who was dismissed as a bookkeeper at the Lagos
Times because of drinking problems, Blaize revived the Lagos Times under a new title, The Lagos
Weekly Times. Again, financial problems arose between Blaize and Jackson, who was managing
the paper, and Jackson’s response was the launching of his own newspaper, The Lagos Weekly
Record in 1891. John Payne Jackson later had an extra-ordinary career with the Lagos Weekly
Record and was for twenty-five years, the most outstanding journalist in West Africa. Jackson was
a major influence in Nigeria journalism. He created the vibrant tradition of fearless journalism,
fostering seriousness of purpose and a spirit of enterprise in the newspaper industry. However,
The Lagos Weekly Record continued its tradition of erudite and combative style under John
Payne’s son, Thomas Horatio Jackson. Its readership was mainly the steadily increasing Lagos and
Gold Coast Colony elite and its contents were political, ranging from the activities of the
movement towards African nationalism.
Like most newspapers of the period (1880 – 1930s), circulation was small as individual newspaper
sales ranged from 200 – 9000 annually, readership of a leading newspaper such as the Record
would at best represent an increase of about 4000 to 9000 during the period. But Jackson’s Lagos
Weekly Record seems to have surpassed that estimate. Omu (1978) confirms that: “the greatest
circulation during the period under review was 700 a week and that was attained by The Record
and The Standard around 1919” (p.81). The collapse of the Lagos Weekly Record in 1930 and the
death of Thomas Horatio Jackson in 1936 drew the curtain on an era in the history of the Nigeria
press. Though John Payne Jackson’s Lagos Weekly Record was described as an “arsenal of ideas
from which opponents and the government took their weapons”, Omu (1978) and Dare (2000)
regarded Blackall's Observer as the most successful 19th century newspaper both financially and
in terms of readership.

Pre-Independence Newspapers
The first newspaper era in Nigeria came to an end when another generation of newspaper
publishers emerged on the scene. This new generation had new approaches to journalism and
was anxious to create opportunities for greater democratic participation. This new era was
epitomized in Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe and his West African Pilot. The Pilot launched in November
1937 announced its mission as the Sentinel of popular liberty and guardian of civilization with the
“supreme task” of making assertions in unequivocal terms (Omu, 1978).
The Pilot indeed heralded the revival and revolution in Nigerian journalism. Nnamdi Azikiwe
brought with him essential components of the new journalism, and his paper immediately
became the major forum for the now ever-increasing nationalist consciousness which was in
desperate need of an outlet for expressing the mode of the times. The Pilot sold about 9000
copies daily and ended the circulation supremacy of The Daily Times, which then had a
circulation figure of about 6000.
In the words of Omu (2000):
Azikiwe’s impact on the Nigerian press was significant. Among other things, he
widened the social basis for the profession of journalism, which lost its traditional elitist and
aristocratic definition (p.61).
Evidently, the period, 1880 to 1937 marked the birth of a radical press (newspapers having no
affiliation with the church) in Nigeria. Omu (2000) in his chronicle of the Nigerian press
highlighted “five milestones in journalistic service”. These are – the early newspaper – Iwe Irohin
(1859), Lagos Times (1880), The Lagos weekly Record (1891), pre independence newspapers such
as The West African pilot (1937) and the more recent Guardian/Newswatch (1983/85). Dare
(2000) also notes that “between the period, 1859 and 1937 (Irohin to the Pilot) there emerged
newspapers that became the spearhead of a nationalism that was at once cultural and political”
(p.12). He also adds that by 1937 no fewer than 51 newspapers had been established in Nigeria
signifying the emergence of the first indigenous industrial enterprise. Most of these newspapers
Dare (2000) observed:
Were founded by men in all sorts and conditions of distress, people who according to
Obafemi Awolowo ... himself a member of the second generation of pioneers of the press were
regarded as the “flotsam and jetsam” of the growing community of Nigeria’s intelligentsia (p.13).
Worthy of note though is the emergence of the Daily Times (later, Daily Times of Nigeria) in 1926.
The Daily Times was a different kind of newspaper in the sense that it was found (by a Nigerian
and four Britons) as a commercial paper, with most of the trappings of a typical “London Daily”
and as such was not considered that much part of “the struggle” but served as a training ground
for what could be described as some of the best hands in Nigerian journalism. The paper, which
had a circulation figure of 3000 in 1930, and rose to 5,900 by 1937 is believed by many to have
been Nigeria’s first daily newspaper; but this is technically not the case.
There appeared on the newsstands on November 9th, 1925, a tiny daily news sheet proclaiming
itself “West Africa’s first daily newspaper”. It was the Lagos Daily News, founded by a bookseller,
Babamuboni who hurriedly came out with the publication obviously to checkmate the plan of the
Daily Times coming out as the first daily newspaper. Herbert Macaulay, who was credited with
being critical, took over the Lagos Daily News in 1927. Macaulay developed the Lagos Daily News
into a “ferociously anti-government” newspaper and a political springboard as well as an organ of
his political party (The National Democratic Party) but it died like many others before it. In 1939,
the colonial authorities under the auspices of the Northern Literature Bureau, set up the first
newspaper north of the Niger. The paper was the Hausa–language Gaskiya Ta Fi Kwabo. The
Northern Literature Bureau in 1945 became the Gaskiya Corporation and added to the Gaskiya Ta
fi Kwabo an English-language fortnightly – The Nigerian Citizen in 1948.
In 1949, the late Obafemi Awolowo established the Nigerian Tribune as a voice and vehicle for his
political party – The Action Group (AG). Within this period and 1959 when there was the crucial
election that was to lead Nigeria into self determination from Britain, many newspapers were
launched while others went into partnership all in preparation for “independence” (Dare, 2000)

Post-Independence Newspapers
The early years of independence were not a story of glory for the Nigerian press. Omu (2000) said
political partisanship and overzealous parochialism served to reinforce primordial prejudices and
to heighten inter- group tensions and animosities (p.60).
Dare (2008) also notes that:
With the attainment of independence and the exit of the “common enemy” in 1960, cleavages
that had been hidden by the struggle for nationalism came into the open. The organized political
parties, ethnic groups, and regions turned inwards and played “black-on-black”. So intense was
the bitterness and rivalry among contending groups that the Nigerian press became an
“instrumental press” (p.17).
In the words of Omu (1978) as cited in Dare (2000), “editors and staffers working on newspaper
of different political persuasions, were hardly on speaking terms” (p.18) and veteran journalist,
Anthony Enahoro insists that whoever and whatever ruined Nigeria’s first Republic, did so with
the active collaboration of the greater section of the Nigerian press.
However, Omu (2000) observes that:
The advent of military rule in the mid 60s aroused a mood of self-criticism and regret as new
loyalties were affirmed as was the tradition and legacy of the pioneer press. Thus the seventies
witnessed some recovery of moral authority as the press played an active role in the projected
reform of society. It was in this new climate of stimulated enthusiasm and quest for new values
and directions that the Guardian and the Newswatch came into being (p.58).
The Guardian, Omu (2000) says calls itself the “flagship of the Nigerian press” and so it really is. It
has been indisputably the best newspaper ever produced in Nigeria and its brand of journalism
has had a profound and provocative impact on Nigerian journalism (p.60). The Guardian brought
with it new standards, penetrating and persuasive analysis, poise and polish of language and
above all stands out as the best of the Nation’s media Institutions. Newswatch on the other hand,
broke new grounds in investigative journalism, encouraged debate, lucid and simple like the style
synonymous with American quality magazines. For its style of investigative journalism, the
magazine’s founding Editor-in-Chief, Mr. Dele Giwa lost his life in 1986, courtesy of a letter bomb,
the first of its kind in the country.
Today, the Nigerian press industry is bustling with other quality newspapers and magazines like
the Concord, This Day, the Comet, Champion, Daily Independent, Punch, Vanguard, National
Interest, Examiner, The Post-Express, Trust and Anchor and so on. In the magazine category are
Tell, the News, Tempo, the Source and numerous others.
North–South Variations
A point of clarification however, is the observable fact that the history of the Nigerian press, its
personalities and activities all seem to centre around the then Southern Protectorate, especially
around the metropolitan city of Lagos and environs (Abeokuta for example where it all seem to
have started) where the newspapers are produced and largely consumed.
As Ngoa (2006) indicates:
This was the case and had remained so due to the fact that newspapers had their origin in the
south, plus that the gap in western education between the south and north of Nigeria was very
wide and still seems to be so. Gap in western education is largely wide between the two regions
because most of the schools in the country were established by Christian missions who also
pioneered newspaper publications in Nigeria (p.135).
Ngoa (2006) identified that comparatively in terms of the availability of newspapers between the
north and the south, the north had its first newspaper in 1939 with the introduction of the
Gaskiya Ta Fi Kwabo, by which time there were more than 16 newspapers in the south. The
implication of the above statistics as it relates to readership and circulation of newspapers in the
two areas of the country is that, by 1950, the north had only one University graduate compared
to the scores of hundreds of professionals and University graduates in the south.
He further points out that the activities and personalities of the pre-independence, independent
and military era's media had been punctuated by struggles. It was the struggle for independence
(anti-establishment journalism), and then with the military the struggle to be free from
dictatorship, and today the struggle for survival in the “dog eat dog” politically suffocating
environment.
RECENT DEVELOPMENTS IN THE NIGERIAN MEDIA
Today, the government controls and regulates most of Nigeria’s broadcast media through the
National Broadcasting Commission (NBC). Radio is said to be the most important mass medium
for reaching general audiences because it is inexpensive and does not require literacy. The federal
government owns stations affiliated with the Federal Radio Corporation of Nigeria, individual
states control other stations, and still others are privately owned. The Voice of Nigeria broadcasts
in Arabic, English, French, and five indigenous languages. Some Voice of Nigeria broadcasts are
aimed at domestic audiences; others, primarily shortwave, are transmitted around the globe.
(Library of Congress – Federal Research Division Country Profile: Nigeria, June, 2006). Similar to
the market for radio broadcasts, the federal government owns two stations affiliated with the
National Television Authority, various states have their own stations, and private operators
broadcast by satellite. Nigerians also obtain news via Voice of America, the British Broadcasting
Corporation (BBC), and Deutsche Welle. However, today there are many privately owned
television stations across the country.
In contrast to the broadcast media, the print media are dominated by private publications, a
situation that is
more amenable to criticism of the government. Nigeria has 14 major daily newspapers, but only
one ‘The
New Nigerian’ is government-owned. The country also has six news weeklies and various
tabloids. The government does not restrict access to the Internet, which is most widely available
at cyber cafés (Library of Congress – Federal Research Division Country Profile: Nigeria, June,
2006). Television and radio broadcast stations currently operational in Nigeria are: 83 AM, 36 FM,
and 11 short-wave radio stations and 116 television broadcast stations (40 cable stations)
(Telecommunications in Nigeria, 2011). Recent information on the number of radios and
televisions is not available. In 2005 Nigeria had only about 1.8 million Internet users, many of
whom relied on equipment at cybercafés. Internet hosts totaled 1,535. In 2004 more than 9.1
million mobile cellular telephones and 1 million mainline telephones were in use (Library of
Congress – Federal Research Division Country Profile: Nigeria, June, 2006). The current estimate
lies at about 88 million mobile phones as at October 2011, with most people having more than
one cellphone.
For the purpose of this study, the concept of mass media will be limited to Radio, Newspapers,
Magazines, Television and the new media. In Nigeria the print media and television face the
challenge of illiteracy, poverty and epileptic power supply respectively. However, radio is the
most accessible medium for reaching general audiences because of its inexpensive nature. On
the other hand, television is commonly available but the epileptic nature of electricity supply
seriously hampers usage across the country. Radio is the key source of information for many
Nigerians. Private radio and TV stations have been licensed, and there is substantial take-up of
pay TV. Today, there are about 83 AM, 70 FM and 11 Shortwave Radio stations as well as 116
television stations of which there are 40 cable stations (World Radio and Television Handbook,
2007). On the other hand, there are more than 100 national and local newspapers and
publications, some of them state- owned. They include well-respected dailies, tabloids and
publications which champion the interests of ethnic groups.
Furthermore, Nigeria's media scene is acclaimed as one of the most vibrant in Africa and the
Library of Congress (2006) indicates that:
State-run radio and TV services reach virtually all parts of the country and operate at federal,
regional and state levels. All 36 state governments run radio stations and most operate TV
stations as well. There are also many independent producers and community Radio/TV services
ran mainly by universities (p.9).
THE NIGERIAN PRESS AND ITS STRUGGLES
Traditionally, according to Sobowale (2002) “the role of the mass media is to inform, educate, and
entertain members of the society” (p.23). The role of the mass media in creating political
awareness, engendering empathy and mobilizing people for social change has also been
recognized. The press according to Akinfeleye (2003):

Is the watch-dog, check-on-to uncover and never to cover up corruption and/or wrong doings by
the other three estates. They are also to monitor governance and make the other three estates
accountable to the people at all times” (p.19).
These functions, the Nigerian press has been performing since 1859 when the first newspaper,
Iwe Irohin was published. The press has done creditably well especially in the area of surveillance
and correlation.
However, according to Uche (1989) it should be pointed out that:
The press has its own shortcomings too. It has been accused of “fuelling” the crises of the 1960s.
The press that was nationalistic during the independence struggle, that provided nationalists
arsenal from which they drew their lethal arms and ammunition, and served as launch pad from
which they launched vitriolic attacks on colonialists, suddenly became a parochial, primordial,
and tribalistic press at independence. The firebrand press suddenly became ‘tribal-brand’ press.
The press of the First Republic aligned with the three major political parties which themselves are
ethnic (or tribal) based (p.47).
This trend was to repeat itself again especially during the months preceding the 1967-1970 civil
war which polarized Nigeria into two; those supporting the Biafra cause and those against it.
During the Second Republic (1979 – 83) the press witnessed a “phenomenal growth”. Many
newspapers, radio and television stations were established.
Sobowale (2002) explains that:
“This sharp increase in the number of mass media establishment was, as in the past,
motivated by political considerations, it cannot be disputed that these media performed the
traditional functions of informing, educating, and entertaining their audiences...and contributed
in no small measure to the economic, political and social development of the country” (p.27).
Popoola (2003) pointed out that:
"During the Second military interregnum (December 31, 1983 – May 29, 1999) and the runoff to
the Fourth Republic (or is it Third Republic?), the Nigerian press had a “running battle” with the
various Military Juntas. The regime of Generals Muhammadu Buhari and Tunde Idiagbon
(December 31, 1983 – August 27, 1993) set the tone for subsequent regimes on how to relate
with the press. The regime remained one of the harshest military regimes in the country, for it
had no respect for human rights including that of the press” (p.15).
Other military regimes followed the footsteps of Buhari/Idiagbon and even surpassed them, in
their maltreatment of the press.
Ngoa (2006) reveals that:
"Under the Babangida and Abacha regimes, newspapers/magazines were proscribed and media
houses were shut at will for daring to inform the public of their dubious activities” (p.198).
He further explains that:
"As if closing down would not do, arsonists, hired killers and hit squads (Strike Force) were let
loose on the press, to burn media houses (arsonists were caught setting Guardian Newspapers
office on fire in 1996 or thereabout), kill journalists (Mr. Dele Giwa received a ‘parcel bomb’ in
1986, while Baguda Kaltho of the News magazine is still missing till date many years after he was
declared wanted by the police) and to maim (Mr. Alex Ibru, the publisher of Guardian newspaper
may not have fully recovered from the gun shots he received from agents of General Abacha). To
crown it all, journalists, both males and females, were arraigned before Military Tribunals on
‘trump up charges’ and many of them were jailed" (p.198).
It is important to note that the “war” of attrition against the press was not limited to the press
men; their families (including wives, children and relations) were not spared. Many at times,
families of news men were held hostage in their stead. Guns were pointed at their wives and little
children, their offence being that they are related to journalists.
In all these, according to Kalejaiye (1999):
The Nigerian press though harassed, pursued, bombarded...yet...remained undaunted in
the pursuit of its watchdog role. The press was beaten but not intimidated. It was humiliated but
not cowed (p.3).
It was this same press that led the struggle for the enthronement of democracy in Nigeria.
Akinfeleye (2003) points out that:
The Nigerian press literally led the ‘peoples’ army’ that fought the military to a standstill leaving
them with no choice but to hand over to elected “civilians” on May 29, 1999. The press in this
regard deserves a ‘locomotive’ pat on the back (p.21).
He adds that:
Since the advent of the 4th Republic on 29 May 1999, the Nigerian press have been up and doing.
They have to their credit great exposes such as the one that swept Salisu Buhari, the First Speaker
of the House of Representatives in this civil regime out of office and the Toronto certificate saga
involving Senator Bola Ahmed Tinubu, the governor of Lagos State, Nigeria (p.21).
Ngoa (2006) agrees that:
Since the return to civil rule on May 29, 1999, the Nigerian press has not witnessed too much
official harassments. But there are few reported cases of isolated official high-handedness against
the press but the one that readily comes to mind is the brutalization of the Vanguard
newspaper’s photojournalist by security operatives attached to the Vice President, Atiku
Abubakar, early 2005. The journalist was beaten to a state of coma and almost lost his life”.
Again, in June 2006 two journalists, Gbenga Aruleba and Rotimi Durojaiye of African Independent
Television (AIT) and Daily Independent newspaper respectively, were arrested and arraigned for
calling the recently purchased Presidential Jet “fairly used” or “Tokunbo” that is a second-hand
jet while the Federal government claimed the jet was brand-new. The irony is that the journalists
were charged under a moribund law, the Sedition Act, a law that has been declared null and void
by a competent court of law, the Court of Appeal, since 1983.
Also recently, the government seems once again to have stepped-up its harassment tactics
against the press. This can be attributed to the fact that many high ranking public and private
officers continue to engage in the looting of Nigeria's national resources. In February 2010, Mr.
Ikedi Ohakim, the incumbent governor of Imo state ordered the abduction of a journalist whom
he personally flogged and brutalized in his office for exposing the looting of the Imo state
treasury by the governor through award of dubious contracts.
Independent Nigeria: The Liberation Struggle
This period marked the birth of democracy in Nigeria. It marked a period of post-colonial
milestone that experienced a bewildering transition from repressive colonial government to an
environment of new found freedom of expression. However, it was not a glorious period in
history for the Nigerian press because the press had become an instrument of political rivalry,
ethnicity and sectionalism.
However, the military era in Nigeria was a period of 13 long years of bondage for Nigerians. A
period when
the military’s imposition of self on the people was rather repugnant and the people themselves
became so
polarized between those for and against the military to the extent that, the media too became
polarized along the same lines.
Like the period before this, the media still did not have a glorious story to tell. It was a press
divided amongst itself and so was weakened to fall. Discussing the first military era in Nigeria
veteran journalist M. C. K. Ajuluchukwu argues that the media was unarguably in no position to
fight for the restoration of democracy without which the media and the people were left under
the tyranny of the military.

Second Republic (1979-1983)

Nigerians enjoyed a second taste of democracy on October 1, but the media again seem unable
to adapt to the new environment of ‘freedom’ as they became very partisan. It was a period of
democracy under siege punctuated by foreign exchange jugglers, import licenses without
imports, rice importation experts and the government of the second Republic became afflicted
with treasury looters and certified pen robbers; and some media practitioners found themselves
in a consuming dilemma- i.e. they were either in the employ of military apologists or they worked
for a government owned newspaper. The result of all these was that again, Nigeria witnessed a
short–lived second Republic (four years and two months) and the military struck once more on
‘New Year’s Eve’.
However, in February of 1983, the flagship of the Nigerian press - The Guardian arrived with an
open ‘wound’ as its “conscience” which “only truth can heal”. The entry of the guardian into the
Nigerian newspaper industry accelerated the recovery of moral authority by the press and
encouraged the search for new values and directions. The Newswatch magazine and its team of
professionals led by the ebullient journalist – the late (courtesy of a parcel bomb) Dele Giwa
entered next. Newswatch reflected careful judgment and great courage; and together with the
journalistic achievements of the Guardian, the struggle for democracy began in earnest.
THE MEDIA IN THE NEW DEMOCRATIC REGIME
One is tempted to suggest that many years of military dictatorship in Nigeria made the mass
media alert to their function of watchdog of society. This is because within one year into the third
republic, the young speaker of the Federal House of Representatives was exposed by The News
magazine (an independent magazine) of certificate forgery and perjury. In the biography he
submitted when he stood for election, Alhaji Salisu Buhari claimed 36 years of age and to have
attended University of Toronto, Canada but he was younger and had never attended university
(Ojo, 2006). In an exclusive report entitled ‘The Face of a Liar’ – the magazine disclosed that the
speaker was a cheat (The News, 2 August, 1999). At the end of the day, the former speaker
admitted that he forged his birth and academic certificates. He was removed as Speaker, tried
and convicted of forgery and perjury and sentenced to jail, (Tell, 9 June, 2000).
Immediately after the removal of Speaker Salisu Buhari, another news magazine ''Tell'' ran a story
about the Senate President, Evans Enwerem. He was accused of having a questionable past,
which should have prevented him from becoming the third most important man in the country.
As the vanguard of the nascent democracy, the mass media discovered financial recklessness on
the part of the new Senate President Okadigbo (Tell, 9 August, 16 August and 23 August, 1999).
As a result of persistent media focus on him, the Senate set up a probe to investigate the
allegations against him. He was removed like his predecessor, having being found guilty of
corrupt practices too. Thus, in less than two years of the democratic experiment, Nigerian had
three Senate Presidents and two Speakers of the House of Representatives for no other reason
than corrupt practices exposed by the mass media. According to Tell magazine:
... from, Evan(s) Enwerem to Chuba Okadigbo and now to Anyim Pius Anyim, the
upper legislative house has become a laughing stock over allegations of impropriety (Tell, 7 May
2001).
Allegations of corrupt practices by the media were not limited to the legislature. In November
2000, a member of the House of Representatives, Adams Jangada, Chairman of the House
Anticorruption Committee, tendered about 4 million naira (N4m) packed in eight “Ghana-must-go
bags”, claiming it was a bribe offered to some members of the house by the trio of the President,
Chief Olusegun Obasanjo, the Vice- President, Atiku Abubakar and Governor Peter Odili of Rivers
State. The allegation caused some commotion and, for over an hour the law-makers engaged in a
free-for-all fight (Tell, 20 November 2000).
Continuing, Ojo (2001) adds that:
In the fight against corrupt practices, the mass media extended its investigations to the local
governments and discovered that the performance of local government functionaries seems the
opposite of what they were elected to do (p.11).
This led to a restructuring of the local government funding pattern which now tied local
government funds from the federation allocation committee to their state governments in the
form of joint accounts between states and local governments.
The News Magazine reported exclusively on 4th June (2001) that:
Three governors could soon face serious problems over sharp practices. One of them according
to the magazine, from the south-west had been spending money like confetti, buying houses in
Florida, United States. The magazine also alleged that over $100 million was found in the
personal account of one of the governors from south eastern Nigeria" (p.17).
Indeed, corruption under the new democracy has been “pervasive, open and shameless”, as the
Lagos-based Comet newspaper of February 15, 2000 editorialized that:
"In February 2000, the speaker of the Oyo State legislature was declared wanted by the police,
having been exposed for defrauding the Oyo State government of 6.5 million naira (about
$60,000)" (p.7)
Only recently, the Nigerian media was filled with stories of bank chief executives who were
relieved of their positions by the central bank governor and arrested by the Economic and
Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC) because they corruptly siphoned billions from their various
banks. The incidents above support the view of Curran and Gurevitch (2000) who says that:
The media protect the public by preventing those with power from overstepping the mark; the
media serve as an agency of information and debate that facilitate the functioning of democracy
(p.73).
MSI Africa (2008) believes that:
Nigerian citizens are generally able to access news and information when needed. However, news
is now being eclipsed by a preponderance of entertainment reports and programs, especially in
the broadcast sector (p.3).
It is common knowledge that the Nigerian state which was founded through colonization and
colonialism is highly and deeply complex and pluralistic. Many developments in the Nigerian state
during the postcolonial period have added new dimensions to the complexity and pluralism. We
can categorize Nigerian corporate society along several lines. There is the dimension of the
multiple ethnic nationalities and especially of the rate of transformation of each nationality into
the mainstream of the political economy of capitalist development.
Oyovbaire (2001) points out that:
In 1963, the former mid-western region was created, while 1967 saw the beginning of state
creation and today ''Nigeria has 36 internally complex and pluralistic states, 774 local government
areas and the Federal Capital Territory, Abuja. Recently, the country’s pluralism has acquired the
additional vocabulary of a six zone structure of south-south, south-east, south-west, north-
central, north-west and north-east (p.23).
There are also the complexities and pluralism of religion, religious sensibilities and religious
denominationalism. The two major religions of Christianity and Islam, together with their
denominational and intra-denominational divisions dominate the religious terrain in Nigeria.
They actually compete with a variety of traditional or indigenous religions, so that certain
individuals and families can and do transcend this religious terrain.
According to Dare (2000):
The responsibility of the press in exposing systematic abuses has been eroded by ethnic and
religious considerations. The newspaper that sets out to expose a corrupt public official may find
other newspapers vigorously defending the official for no reason other than [that] the embattled
official is from the same ethnic group (or religious landscape) as the proprietor or editor of the
sympathetic newspaper. Of course, it could well be that the crusading newspaper [has] picked on
its target official in the first instance because the official happens not to be from the same ethnic
group (or religious terrain) as the editor or proprietor (p.30)
Oyovbaire (2001) reveals that:
"In 2001, a former Minister of Mines and Power ''the late Chief Bola Ige'' was accused of illegally
depositing the National Electric Power Authority (NEPA)’s monies in a commercial bank at an
interest rate lower than the official rate at the time. A public outcry followed, to discover which
pocket had benefited from the deal. The mass media
did not consider it worthwhile to go further. Reason, the personality involved was from the
south-west, which is the dominant ethnic group in the Nigerian media industry" (p.21).
At the time of the allegation, the affected minister was the Attorney General and Minister of the
Federation as he had been moved from the Power and Steel Ministry before his assassination in
late December 2001. As Oyovbaire (2001) would summarize, ''the Nigerian media is not complex
nor is it pluralistic. It is a locational and institutional monopoly of the south-west'' (p.3). The
media in Nigeria is rooted in the south- western part of the country along the famous Lagos–
Ibadan axis. Consequently, the media is generally regarded as the mouthpiece of south-western
Nigerians (the Yorubas). In a plural polity like Nigeria such public perception of the media
because of their ethnic coloration and chauvinism is not good enough both for democratic
sustenance and national integration.
On the efficacy of the mass media generally in Africa and Nigeria in particular, Ekpu (1996) notes
that: The prevailing patterns of media ownership in the Third World represent another dimension
of the problems: ‘all too often, the government pulls all the strings, and the functionaries who
run the state-owned newspapers, magazines and broadcasting outlets
must either behave like pliant, puppets or lose their places to others (p.27).
On the ability of the private media to make any meaningful impact, Ekpu (1996) again notes that
the: Media juggernaut is the privately owned press lack the necessary skill, size and prestige
or is too eager to play ball in order to survive in the harsh economic environment of third world
publishing (p.27-28).
Commenting on the attitude of some journalists in Nigeria today, Ladepo (2007) calls them a
‘different breed’ altogether, he states that not only have many of their stories been tainted by
‘brown envelops’ most of the journalists themselves have become hired “political assassins”,
helping politicians to annihilate their opponents by publishing rumors, half-truths and outright
fabrications. He went further to add that the:
“‘Brown envelope’ stories you read do far less damage than the good stories suppressed because
‘brown envelope’ is in play. Other problems of the mass media world in Nigeria include
proprietary and ownership influence plus poor remuneration. All these constitute serious
setbacks in the bids of the mass media to serve as the vanguard of the people” (p.17).
It does appear that no proprietor in Nigeria establishes a media house for purely economic
reasons. For instance, late Chief M.K.O. Abiola established the Concord group of newspapers to
achieve two purposes: first, to boost his political image and, second, to counter the Nigerian
Tribune of Chief Awolowo in the south-west. One can easily understand why some of these
papers are regarded as the megaphones of their proprietors with very narrow and parochial
focus.
Addressing the poor remuneration of media practitioners in Nigeria, Eselebor (2008) declares
that: Poor remuneration of journalists has critically affected the level of application of ethical
standards. The search for additional income to make ends meet has made many journalists to
compromise their ethical convictions (p.32).
He further adds that:
Some journalists have commercialized news gathering and event coverage, as they are seen
hovering around venues of an event even after the event is over, hoping that the public relations
person of the organization or the organizer of such event would show some form of gratitude
[give them a bribe] (p.34).
Earlier studies confirmed that lack of credibility and the unprofessional conduct of some media
organisations could undermine the power of the press (Tettey, 2006; Sakr, 2003). Some
journalists in Africa have been accused of unprofessional conduct such as corruption, chasing
spectacular headlines and doctoring reports to attract monetary inducements (Tettey, 2008). This
phenomenon is popularly known as brown envelope syndrome in Nigeria where some members
of press organisations have colluded with government officials principally due to pecuniary
motives and the institutionalisation of corruption. The repression of press

freedom has remained widespread even in democratic dispensations and may adversely affect
the investment climate in Nigeria.
There is also problem with the equipment available to media practitioners in Nigeria. MSI Africa
(2008) confirms that:
The facilities available to the media for gathering, producing, and distributing news are neither
modern nor efficient. There is a deficiency in all aspects of the process, and these technological
deficiencies affect the quality of production, particularly audio output (p.5).
They insist that:
News reporting suffers from obsolete equipment; inadequate training; trying to satisfy the
inclinations and interests of owners; the economic conditions of media organizations; the
political environment; and cultural, ethnic, and social considerations (p.5).
The adequacy of training for media practitioners in Nigeria is also a challenge. Eselebor (2008)
argues that: Although there are numerous schools that offer journalism or mass communication
degrees, they are antiquated with regard to curricula, staffing, equipment, and technological
developments. Consequently, journalism training programmes are
obsolete. However, opportunities for training abroad are available, but most journalists who have
the opportunity to study in foreign countries do not return to Nigeria with their new expertise
and knowledge. Local and international opportunities exist for short-term training, and are
accessible to enterprising journalists. The types of courses available include writing business
news, covering climate change, health, environment, investigative reporting, and ethics (p.29).
CONCLUSION
The origins of the media however predated the nationalist struggle for independence. Without
recourse to a repeat of long history here, we acknowledge the fact that the Nigerian press is a
product of evolution from the early Christian missionary establishment in the South of the
country. The desire to inculcate reading habit among the Yoruba people caused the Rev. Henry
Townsend to start what is generally acknowledged as the first newspaper (Iwe Irohin) in
Abeokuta. After this publication, there arose some form of complexity and pluralism in the
Nigerian media industry. The press performs the basic roles of informing, educating and
entertaining the society at large. However, the Nigerian socio-political environment influences
press freedom with adverse implications for education, information, entertainment and
surveillance. A theoretical recognition of the press as the “fourth estate” connotes the capacity of
the press to monitor the tiers of government (the legislature, the executive and the judiciary).
However, the state monitors the press in Nigeria in a manner that negates the principle of the
fourth estate. All three types of government (colonial, civilian and military) that have functioned
in Nigeria have implemented policies that have actually restrained freedom of the press.
Journalists have been harassed, detained, jailed, and repressive laws and decrees enacted. These
led to lack of credibility and unprofessional conduct of some media practitioners and
organisations. Therefore, it was recommended that press organisations should pursue their
professionalism and the ethics of journalism rather than succumb to socio-political forces
influencing the quantity and quality of information made available to the public.

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social responsibility of the press. Lagos: University of Lagos Press.
Ayandele, E.A. (1974). The Educated Elite in the Nigerian Society. Ibadan: Ibadan University Press.
Curran, J., & Gurevitch, M. (2000) (eds.). Mass Media and Society. London: Edward Arnold. Ekpu,
R. (1996). Journalism: An Endangered Profession. In O. Dare & A. Uyo (Eds.), Journalism in
Nigeria: Issues and Perspectives (pp. 42-55). Lagos: NUJ, Lagos State Council.
Kalejaiye O.J. (1999). Short Notes on History of Nigerian Mass Media. Lagos: D’Managers’ Konsult
Study
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Ngoa, S.N. (2006). Agenda-Setting: The Neglected Role of some Agents of Power – Propaganda
(Rumour,
Gossip, Religion ...), Unpublished Ph.D Thesis. (Johannesburg, University of the Witwatersrand).
Omu, F. I. A. (1978). Press and Politics in Nigeria, 1880 - 1937. London: Longman Group Ltd. Omu,
Fred. (2000). The Nigerian Press: Milestones in Service. In T. Oseni & L. Idowu (eds.) Hosting the
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August.

Popoola IS 2003. The Role of Mass Media in a Transitory Democracy. Babcock Journal of
Management and Social Science, 2(1): 52 – 65.
Sakr, N. (2003). Freedom of Expression, Accountability and Development in the Arab Region.
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Sobowale, I. (2002). Mass media and nation-building. In: A.A. Akinsanya & G.J .Idang (Eds.),
Nigerian Government and Politics: 1979-1983 (pp. 271- 280). Calabar: Wusen Publishers.
Tell, 9 June, (2000).
The News Magazine 4th June (2001)
Tettey, W. (2006). The Politics of Media Accountability in Africa: An Examination of Mechanisms
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CONCLUSION
The origins of the 
media however pr
edated the nationa
list struggle for in
dependence. With
out recourse to ar
epeat of long hist
ory here, we ackn
owledge the fact t
hat the Nigerian p
ress is a product o
f evolution fromt
he early Christian 
missionary establi
shment in the Sou
th of the country. 
The desire toincul
cate readinghabit 
among the Yorub
a peoplecaused t
heRev. Henry To
wnsendto start w
hat is generally a
cknowledgedas t
he first newspape
r(
 Iwe Irohin)
in Abeokuta.Afte
r this publication, 
therearose some f
orm ofcomplexit
yand pluralism in 
theNigerianmedia 
industry. The pres
s performs the ba
sic roles of infor
ming, educating a
ndentertaining the 
society at large. H
owever, the Niger
ian socio-political 
environment influ
ences press freed
omwith adverse i
mplications for ed
ucation, informati
on, entertainment 
and surveillance. 
A theoretical
recognition of the 
press as the “fourt
h estate” connotes 
the capacity of the 
press to monitor th
e tiers of 
government (the l
egislature, the exe
cutive and the jud
iciary). However, 
the state monitors 
the press inNigeri
a in a manner that 
negates the princi
ple of the fourth e
state. All three ty
pes ofgovernment 
(colonial,civilian 
and military) that 
have functioned i
n Nigeria have im
plemented policie
s that have actuall
y restrainedfreedo
m of the press. Jo
urnalists have bee
n harassed, detain
ed, jailed, and rep
ressive laws and 
decreesenacted.T
hese ledto lack of 
credibility and un
professional con
duct of some me
diapractitioners a
ndorganisations.T
herefore, itwas re
commended that 
press organisation
s should pursue th
eirprofessionalis
mand the ethics o
f journalism rathe
r than succumb to
socio-
politicalforces inf
luencing the quan
tity and qualityof 
informationmade 
available to the p
ublic