East West University

GEN 226 / Lecture 3 (2)

Pakistan Period, 1947-71

On 5 August Khwaja Nazimuddin defeated Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy by 75-39 votes and formed the
first cabinet of East Bengal on 14 August 1947. Sir Frederick Bourne was appointed the first Governor of
East Bengal. None from Suhrawardy's cabinet was inducted in the cabinet of Nazimuddin. It showed a
lack of understanding among the political leadership.

When Mohammad Ali Jinnah died in September 1948, Nazimuddin became the Governor General of
Pakistan while Nurul Amin was appointed the Chief Minister of East Bengal. Nurul Amin continued as the
Chief Minister of East Bengal until 2 April 1954. The abolition of the Zamindari system in East Bengal
(1950) and the language movement were two most important events during his tenure.

During the provincial elections of East Bengal in 1954, the question of language was incorporated in the
21-point election manifesto of united front. So, when the United Front emerged victorious in the
election, Bangla language subsequently received constitutional recognition as the principal state
language in the first constitution of Pakistan framed in 1956. The language movement had a lasting
impact on the politics of East Pakistan (now Bangladesh). The spirit and craving for self-determination
germinated in this land from the language movement.

The first election for East Bengal Provincial Assembly was held between 8 and 12 March 1954. Under the
provision of reserved seats for non-Muslims in separate electorate, the number of seats for the
Assembly was fixed at 309. Of these, 237 (including 9 for women) were Muslim seats, 69 (including 3 for
women) seats for Hindus, 2 for Buddhists and 1 for Christians. Those who had attained the age of 21
years on 1 January 1953 were enlisted as voters. The total number of voters was 1,97,39,086. The
Awami Muslim League, Krishak Sramik Party and Nezam-e-Islam formed the United Front, on the basis
of 21-points agenda. Notable pledges contained in the 21-points were: making Bangla one of the state
languages, autonomy for the province, reforms in education, independence of the judiciary, making the
legislative assembly effective, etc.

The United Front bagged 215 out of 237 Muslim seats in the election. The ruling Muslim League got only
9 seats. Khilafat-e-Rabbani party got 1, while the independents got 12 seats. Later, 7 independent
members joined the United Front while 1 joined the Muslim League. There were numerous reasons for
the debacle of the Muslim League. The party got detached from the people since 1947. Many dedicated
leaders and workers of the party left it to form new parties. As the party in power at the centre and the
provinces, the Muslim League also had to bear responsibility for the diverse disparity that cropped up
between East and West Pakistan from 1947 onwards. The economy of East Bengal deteriorated during
the period between 1947 and 1954, and the prices of essential commodities rose sharply. Above all, the

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Muslim League regime angered all sections of the people of Bengal by opposing the demand for
recognition of Bangla as one of the state languages and by ordering the massacre of 1952. Voting for the
United Front, the people of East Bengal had implicitly expressed their support for the autonomy of East
Bengal. The number of Muslim League members in the Pakistan Constituent Assembly decreased due to
this reduction in their number in East Bengal Legislative Assembly. As a result, a coalition government
became inevitable at the centre.

The United Front got the opportunity to form the provincial government after winning absolute majority
in the 1954 election. Of the 222 United Front seats, the Awami Muslim League had won 142, Krishak-
Sramik Party 48, Nezam-i-Islam 19 and Ganatantri Dal 13. The major leaders of the United Front were
Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy and Maulana Abdul Hamid Khan Bhasani of Awami Muslim League and A K
Fazlul Huq of Krishak-Sramik Party. Suhrawardy and Bhasani did not take part in the election and Fazlul
Huq was invited to form the government. But a rift surfaced at the very outset on the question of
formation of the cabinet. The unity and solidarity among the component parties of the United Front
soon evaporated. Finally, on 15 May, Fazlul Huq arrived at an understanding with the Awami Muslim
League and formed a 14-member cabinet with 5 members from that party.

But this cabinet lasted for only 14 days. The Muslim League could not concede defeat in the elections in
good grace. So, they resorted to conspiracies to dismiss the United Front government. In the third week
of May, there were bloody riots between Bengalee and non-Bengalee workers in different mills and
factories of East Bengal. The United Front government was blamed for failing to control the law and
order situation in the province. Fazlul Huq was then quoted in an interview taken by the New York Times
correspondent John P Callaghan and published in a distorted form that he wanted the independence of
East Bengal. Finally, on 29 May 1954, the United Front government was dismissed by the central
government and Governor's rule was imposed in the province, which lasted till 2 June 1955.

Curiously enough within two months of his sacking, Fazlul Huq was appointed the central Home
Minister. As Home Minister, Fazlul Huq utilised his influence to bring his party to power in East Bengal.
Naturally, the United Front broke up. The Muslim members of the United Front split into two groups. In
1955 the Awami Muslim League adopted the path of secularism and non-communalism, erased the
word 'Muslim' from its nomenclature and adopted the name of Awami League. On the other hand, the
group led by Fazlul Huq became acceptable to the Muslim League government and on 3 June 1955 Abu
Hossain Sarkar of Krishak-Sramik Party was invited to form the government in East Bengal. The Awami
League demanded the government to prove its majority in the assembly but the demand was ignored.
No session of the legislative assembly was summoned during the next eight months.

The position of Huq's party in the province got a boost when he was appointed the Governor of East
Bengal on 5 March 1956. He summoned the Assembly for its budget session in May 1956, but on 24 May
suspended the session in apprehension that his party government would collapse if the budget were not
passed. Only seven days after Governor's rule was withdrawn and Abu Hossain Sarkar ministry was
reinstated. This ministry was also not directed to prove its majority. In this way, the coalition
government of Krishak-Sramik Party remained in power in East Bengal through unconstitutional means
until 30 August 1956. In exchange for his Governorship and the installation of his party's government in
East Bengal, Fazlul Huq made two important promises to the central Muslim League government, to
which he remained committed. The pledges were ' first, his party would support the draft Constitution
placed in the Constituent Assembly, and second, the party would not support the demand for regional
autonomy and joint electoral system proposed by the Awami League.

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As the Krishak-Sramik Party opposed the joint electoral system, the minority members of East Bengal
Provincial Legislative Assembly withdrew their support to the party and instead extended support to the
Awami League. But the Governor postponed the session on the advice of the Chief Minister just a few
hours before it was scheduled to commence. The cabinet headed by Abu Hossain Sarkar collapsed on 30
August 1956 and in its place a coalition government led by the Awami League was formed comprising of
minorities and left parties. Ataur Rahman Khan of the Awami League was elected the Chief Minister of
this new cabinet. On 12 September, a coalition cabinet of the Awami League and the Republican Party
was formed at the centre. Led by Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy, the Awami League remained in power at
the centre for 13 months (12 September 1956 to 18 October 1957) and in East Pakistan for 18 months (6
September 1956 to 31 March 1958).

As they were simultaneously in power at both the centre and the province, the Awami League could
initiate a number of development programmes in East Pakistan. Notable among these initiatives of the
Awami League government were: construction of power station in East Pakistan, constitution of Jute
Trading Corporation, setting up of gas factory at Fenchuganj, establishment of dairy farm at Savar,
constitution of Water and Power Development Board (WAPDA) for the purpose of flood control and
irrigation, establishment of Dhaka Improvement Trust (DIT) for development of Dhaka city, formulation
of 'Greater Dhaka City Master Plan', establishment of Film Development Corporation (FDC),
development of Dhaka's Ramna Park, setting up of Veterinary College at Mymensingh, construction of
Dhaka-Aricha, Nagarbari-Rajshahi and Dhaka-Chittagong Highways for improving the communication
system, setting up of Planning Board for economic development of the province and framing of the 3-
year development plan (1957-60). The Awami League government also declared 21 February as an
official holiday.

When Maulana Bhasani founded the National Awami Party (NAP) in 1957, twenty eight Provincial
Assembly members of the Awami League resigned from the party and joined the NAP. They withdrew
support from the Awami League government and instead extended support to the Krishak-Sramik Party.
A few minority members also withdrew their support from the Awami League. In this situation, when it
became clear that it was impossible for the Awami League to pass the budget in the upcoming budget
session, the government requested the Governor to postpone the budget session for a few days. But AK
Fazlul Huq dissolved the cabinet (31 March 1958) and invited Abu Hossain Sarkar to form a new cabinet.
At this juncture, the cabinet of Feroz Khan Noon's Republican Party was in power at the centre with the
support of the Awami League.

In order to keep the Awami League government in power in East Pakistan, the central government
dismissed Fazlul Huq from the post of Governor (1 April 1958) and gave the charge of Governorship to
the Chief Secretary of East Bengal. The new Governor reinstated the Awami League government (1 April
1958). The government won the vote of confidence by a margin of 182-117. But one and a half months
after this episode, the government lost in a motion on the question of food situation on 18 June 1958.
As a result, the Awami League government collapsed on 19 June 1958 and a Krishak-Sramik Party
government headed by Abu Hossain Sarkar was again formed on 20 June 1958. With the support of the
NAP, the Awami League defeated the Abu Hossain Sarkar government in a vote of no confidence (156-
142) on 23 June 1958. But this time, rule of the centre was imposed (25 June 1958) instead of inviting
the Awami League to form the government. Exactly two months after this, another Awami League
government headed by Ataur Rahman Khan was formed.

In this way, seven cabinets were formed in East Pakistan and Governor's rule was imposed thrice
between March 1954 and August 1958. Finally, an anarchic situation developed in the Legislative

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Assembly on 23 September 1958 and the Deputy Speaker Shahed Ali died on 25 September after being
hit by a group of unruly members. After this episode, Martial Law was imposed throughout Pakistan on
7 October 1958.

After the imposition of Martial Law on 7 October 1958, the constitution of 1956 was scrapped, the
central and provincial governments were dismissed, the national and provincial legislative assemblies
were dissolved, all political parties were banned and fundamental rights were suspended. Expelling
Iskander Mirza, ayub khan seized all powers on 27 October. In this way, parliamentary democracy in
Pakistan died a premature death. Immediately after imposition of Martial Law, Ayub Khan brought
charges of corruption and nepotism against politicians, high officials, rich businessmen, former central
and provincial ministers, members of national and provincial assemblies, and so on. On 7 October 1959,
he promulgated two Orders titled 'Election Bodies Disqualification Order, 1959' (EBDO) and 'Public
Offices Disqualification Order' (PODO). Under EBDO, 3978 politicians from East Pakistan and 3000
politicians from West Pakistan lost their right to engage in politics. Under PODO, 13 officers from
Pakistan Civil Service, 3 from Foreign Service, 15 from Police Service and 1662 officers from the
Provincial Service were dismissed or retired. Under PODO, those newspapers, which wrote about
provincial autonomy and rights (such as Ittefaq, Sangbad and Pakistan Observer), were black-listed and
deprived of government and semi-government advertisements.

An innovation during Ayub Khan's autocratic military rule was basic democracy. Framed through an
Ordinance of 1959, basic democracy was a 4-tier system of local autonomous governance. Apart from
establishing local governments, Ayub Khan built up a coterie of his supporters up to the village level.
Through the basic democracy system, arrangements were made to elect a total of 80,000 basic
democrats (40,000 each) from East and West Pakistan. They in turn acted as voters in an electoral
college for electing members to the provincial and national assemblies as well as the President. In this
way, people were deprived of their right to vote for electing the President and members of the
legislative assemblies, the role of the political parties and the general masses in national politics became
secondary and the control and influence of the government on a limited number of basic democrats
became easy. Election of basic democrats took place throughout the country on 11 January 1960. Ayub
Khan promulgated the 'Presidential Election and Constitutional Order, 1960' on 13 January 1960. He was
elected President for five years with the powers to frame a constitution through a referendum held
under the Order on 14 February 1960. The Constitution was declared on 1 March 1962 and it was made
effective from 8 June. The basic democrats also elected members to the national and provincial
assemblies between 1 March and 8 June. Martial Law was lifted on 8 June.

When Suhrawardy was arrested on 30 January 1962, the student community called a strike on 1
February in protest and brought out a militant procession on the streets. The strike continued at a
stretch up to 5 February. The Anti-Ayub movement started from this episode. The student community of
East Pakistan held militant rallies and boycotted classes the moment Ayub Khan announced the
Constitution on 1 March 1962. Another movement started in September 1962, which is known as
'education movement of sixty two'. A students-movement commenced under the joint leadership of
Chhatra League and Chhatra Union in September 1962 as soon as the report of the Sharif Education
Commission was released. Protest rallies were held every day between 15 August and 10 September.
During the strike observed on 17 September, students such as Babul, Golam Mostafa, Waziullah, etc
died from police firing and around 250 were injured. The recommendations of the Sharif Commission
were kept in abeyance by the government as a result of this movement. The significance of this
movement was that the students became the driving-force in the Anti-Ayub movement. Since then, the
student community has been observing 17 September as the 'Education Day'.

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The politicians got back their right to take part in party politics after the lifting of Martial Law on 8 June
1962. Suhrawardy called for forging an Anti-Ayub Front comprising of all parties. As a result of his
initiative, a front styled National Democratic Front or NDF led by the Awami League was formed on 4
October 1962, comprising of Jamaat-i-Islam, Nezam-i-Islam, National Awami Party, Krishak-Sramik Party,
Council Muslim League and the faction of Muslim League led by Nurul Amin. The goal and objective of
this Front was to build up a movement to restore democracy and to democratise the Constitution.
Another strategy of Suhrawardy was at work behind the formation of the front. Although politicians
punished under EBDO were banned from participating in politics, there was no such embargo on their
taking part in activities of the Front. So he attached much importance to the formation of the Front. And
very soon, the Front earned wide popularity.

After the death of Suhrawardy in December 1963, the Awami League came out in the open the very next
month on 25 January 1964. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was nominated the General Secretary of East
Pakistan Awami League. Prior to that, parties like NAP, Jamaat-i-Islam, Nezam-i-Islam had come out of
the Front. As a result, the NDF became weak and inactive. An alliance styled Combined Opposition Party
(COP) was formed by parties like the Awami League, NAP, Council Muslim League, Jamaat-i-Islam,
Nezam-i- Islam, etc. to field a common candidate against Ayub Khan in the presidential election slotted
for 2 January 1965. COP made Fatima Jinnah (sister of Mohammad Ali Jinnah) their presidential
candidate. 80,000 basic democrats were the voters in the presidential election and Ayub Khan was in
control of those democrats. So, although much enthusiasm was observed among the people in favour of
Miss Jinnah, in the election Ayub Khan polled 49,951 votes, whereas Miss Jinnah could muster only
28,961. Elections to the national and provincial assemblies were held after the presidential election. The
Convention Muslim League won absolute majority in those elections. The election results proved that it
was not possible to oust Ayub Khan as long as basic democracy was in operation.

Under the patronisation of Ayub Khan, the basic democrats became a class of beneficiaries with special
interests. So, cancellation of basic democratic system became a major issue in the anti-Ayub movement.
Demand for direct election came to be articulated in East Pakistan. Then, before the dissatisfaction of
the people of East Pakistan emanating from the election results could subside, the 1965 Indo-Pak war
started in September. It became clear during this war that the defence of East Pakistan was not strong
enough. Even administratively, this province remained cut off from the centre during the 17 days of the
war. Thus it was proved once again that with two provinces 1600 kilometers apart, the concept of the
state of Pakistan was an absurdity. Meanwhile, the conscious segments of population in East Pakistan
became angry at the growing disparity between East and West Pakistan in the fields of administration,
economy and society.

The bureaucrats were at the centre of all administrative power since the emergence of Pakistan. The
representation of East Pakistan in the bureaucracy was very nominal. Out of 42,000 officers in the
central government of Pakistan in 1956, the number of people from East Pakistan was a mere 2,900. As
Islamabad the capital of the country, the West Pakistanis got a monopoly of jobs in government offices
and courts. Due to the geographic distance, it was not possible for the people of East Pakistan to appear
at interviews to get those jobs. Besides, it was not easy for the Bengalee students to achieve success in
different competitive examinations before Bangla was recognised as a state language in 1956.

In this situation, the disparity between East and West Pakistan in administration widened day by day.
The proportion of East Pakistanis in the foreign service in 1962 was 20.8%; the proportion of East and
West Pakistanis among the officers of defence services was 10:90. It was observed in the field of
education that whereas West Pakistan was allocated a sum of Rupees 1530 crore during 1948-55, East

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Pakistan was sanctioned a mere 240 crore rupees (13.5%) during that period. During the period 1947-55,
only 10% of total expenditure of the central government was spent in East Pakistan. Whereas Rupees
1496.2 million was spent in the development sector in West Pakistan during the period, the amount
spent in East Pakistan was only Rupees 514.7 million. Three capital cities were built in West Pakistan
(Karachi, Rawalpindi and Islamabad) in phases during the Pakistan era. An amount of Rupees 5700
million was spent till 1956 for Karachi alone in order to build it up as the capital city. This was 56.4% of
the total expenditure for East Pakistan, its share in the total expenditure during the period being only
5.10%. Whereas Rupees 3,000 million was spent for the development of Islamabad until 1967, the
amount spent for development of Dhaka was a meager Rupees 250 million. Due to the location of the
capital and the head offices of different civil and military departments in West Pakistan, the West
Pakistanis got sweeping benefit in the fields of employment, outlays for construction of buildings,
furniture, residences for staff etc., and the employment opportunities generated from construction and
supplies.

In this way, the demand for autonomy of East Pakistan became stronger due to discriminations it
endured in different fields, failure to get desired results from elections and the inadequate defence
status of the province. When the Awami League leader Sheikh Mujibur Rahman raised the 6-points
charter of demands for autonomy of East Pakistan at a convention of opposition leaders in Lahore on 5
and 6 February 1966, 735 out of 740 delegates present rejected it. In protest, Sheikh Mujib walked out
of the convention and returned to Dhaka. There was no party decision regarding the six-point
programme that Sheikh Mujib declared at Lahore. But the 6-point demands got approval of the Awami
League working committee on 13 March.

Sheikh Mujib and other leaders of the party then started a countrywide campaign for realising the 6
points. There was unprecedented public backing in support of the 6-points; apprehensive, the regime
started to arrest the leaders and workers of the Awami League. Sheikh Mujib was arrested under the
security law of the country on 8 May 1966. In protest the Awami League and Chhatra League observed
strike throughout the province on 7 June 1966. The working class also responded to this strike. 10
people died in Dhaka and Naraynganj due to police firing. After this strike of 7 June, the government
became vindictive. The editor of Ittefaq Tofazzal Hossain (Manik Mia) was arrested on 15 June and
Ittefaq was banned on 16 June. 9330 workers and supporters of Awami League were arrested within
September. Newer onslaughts were carried out against Bengali language and culture. The government
banned the broadcast of Tagore songs over radio and television in August 1967.

The Anti-Ayub political parties formed a political alliance called Pakistan Democratic Movement or PDM
on 2 May 1967. The PDM announced an 8-point program. These 8-points were an extended form of 6-
points. These 8-points of PDM not only included the demand for provincial autonomy, they also included
programmes for removal of accumulated disparities between the two provinces within a period of ten
years. The Awami League's 6-points were the demands of a regional party, whereas the PDM's 8-points
became a national demand. As the main demand in PDM's 8-points was the demand for provincial
autonomy, the wrath of the government fell on Sheikh Mujib. To detach Sheikh Mujib and the Awami
League from the general masses and to create divisions within the opposition alliance, the government
discovered a conspiracy on 6 January 1968. This conspiracy was dubbed as the 'Agartala Conspiracy'.
Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and 29 others were arrested on charge of involvement in the conspiracy. In
protest, strike was observed throughout East Pakistan on 29 January. A new phase of Anti-Ayub
movement erupted. To invigorate this movement, Democratic Action Committee or DAC was formed
comprising of the alliances NDF, PDM, parties like the pro-6-point Awami League, NAP (Wali), Council

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Muslim League, Jamaat-i-Islami, Nezam-i-Islami, etc. But as it was formed by both leftist and rightist
parties, it became difficult for DAC to undertake united programmes.

A 'Students Action Committee' was formed jointly by the East Pakistan Chhatra League and the East
Pakistan Chhatra Union in January 1969. They announced the 11-point demand as part of the
movement. The 6-point demand of the Awami League was incorporated in the 11-point demand of the
'Students Action Committee'. Besides, other demands relevant for the Bengalee middle class and the
peasants and labourers were also included. As a result, the 11-points received massive public support in
East Pakistan. Anti-Ayub meetings, processions and gatherings became a part of everyday life. The
movement intensified due to the participation of working class. The government failed to contain the
movement with the aid of police, EPR and the army. When student leader M. Asaduzzaman embraced
martyrdom in police firing on 20 January 1969, the situation went beyond the control of the government
and the movement assumed the form of a mass upsurge. Around 100 East Pakistanis were killed in the
movement of 1969. The movement reached its peak when the Proctor of Rajshahi University Dr.
Mohammad Shamsuzzoha was killed by a bullet fired by the Pakistani military on 18 February 1969
while he was performing his duty.

The government withdrew the Agartala conspiracy case on 22 February 1969 and was forced to release
Sheikh Mujibur Rahman. Sheikh Mujib was accorded a reception at Racecourse Maidan on 23 February
attended by around 5 lakh people where he was given the title of 'Bangabandhu'. The slogan 'Joy
Bangla' was also born there. Ayub Khan then took an initiative for dialogue and compromise. He
arranged a meeting of the opposition leaders at Rawalpindi on 10-13 March 1969. Although Bhasani
NAP and People's Party boycotted that meeting, Sheikh Mujib joined it and demanded full
implementation of the 6 and 11-points. Resolutions were adopted at the meeting for establishment of a
federal form of parliamentary democracy under universal adult franchise. Although the rightist parties
were happy about this decision, the Awami League and NAP (Wali) rejected it. These two parties
withdrew from the DAC.

Meanwhile, the movement intensified in West Pakistan as well. In this situation, Ayub Khan handed over
power to the then Army Chief, General Mohammad Yahya khan, on 24 March 1969 and Yahya Khan
imposed Martial Law in the country on 25 March. Eight months after assumption of office, Yahya Khan
declared on 28 November 1969 that elections to the National Assembly would be held on 5 October
1970 and to the Provincial Assembly on 22 October. The outline of that election was announced on 28
March 1970 through the 'Legal Framework Order'. Yahya cancelled the unitary status of West Pakistan
and instead created four provinces there. The policy of 'one person one vote' for the election was also
adopted. Under the Legal Framework Order, the number of seats in the Jatiya Sangsad was fixed at 313
(including 13 for women); out of these, the share of East Pakistan was 169, including 7 for women. The
Order stipulated that the National Assembly would have to frame a constitution by tabling a
'Constitution Bill' within 120 days after its first session was summoned; the Assembly would stand
dissolved if it failed to do so. The National Assembly could also be dissolved if the bill failed to get the
assent of the President. It could therefore be seen that the survival of the National Assembly was made
subservient to the will of the President through that Order.

Although critical of the Legal Framework Order, all parties except the Bhasani NAP and the National
League decided to participate in the election. The Awami League termed the election as a 'referendum'
for its 6-point and 11-point demands. Around 11 political parties of Pakistan participated in this election,
and the powerful political parties (such as the Awami League and the Pakistan People's Party) had
regional base.

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The dates for election to National and Provincial Assemblies were fixed for 7 December and 17
December 1970 respectively. But when 2 lakh people died after a devastating cyclone that struck East
Pakistan on 12 November, elections to 9 National Assembly seats and 21 Provincial Assembly seats in
the cyclone-affected areas of the province took place after one month.

The election saw the Awami League winning absolute majority by capturing 167 out of 169 seats in East
Pakistan. The Pakistan People's Party (PPP) won 88 out of 144 National Assembly seats in West Pakistan.
The Awami League failed to win any seat in West Pakistan while the PPP could not win any in East
Pakistan. In the election for East Pakistan Provincial Assembly, the Awami League won 288 out of 300
seats. Immediately after declaration of the election results, the PPP Chief Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto demanded
that as the PPP represented the provinces of Punjab and Sindh, so no government could be formed or
constitution framed without its support. In reply, the Awami League argued that the representation of
Punjab and Sindh was not essential as the election was held under the 'one person one vote' policy. The
Awami League Chief Sheikh Mujibur Rahman declared that as the people of East Pakistan had given a
mandate in favour of the 6 and 11 points, it could not be bypassed while framing the constitution. Amid
this furore, Yahya Khan announced on 14 February that the session of the National Assembly would
commence in Dhaka on 3 March 1971 for the purpose of framing the constitution.

But Bhutto refused to join that session unless he was given assurance that his views would be heeded.
As a result, Yahya Khan postponed the session of the National Assembly scheduled for 3 March through
an announcement on 1 March 1971. The people of East Pakistan erupted in anger at this announcement
of Yahya Khan. Sheikh Mujibur Rahman called hartal in Dhaka on 2 March and throughout the province
the next day. All governmental activities came to a halt. An announcement titled 'Declaration and
programme for independent and sovereign Bangladesh' was made by East Pakistan Chhatra League at
Dhaka's Paltan Maidan on 3 March 1971. Yahya Khan again summoned the session of the National
Assembly on 25 March through an announcement on 6 March. In his speech delivered on 7 March at
Dhaka Racecourse Maidan, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman put forward four preconditions for joining the
session of the National Assembly on 25 March as announced by Yahya Khan ' (a) martial law would have
to be lifted immediately, (b) the military has to return to the barracks, (c) investigations have to be made
regarding loss of lives, (d) power has to be handed over to the party having absolute majority before the
commencement of the National Assembly. The Awami League would consider joining the National
Assembly session only if those conditions were met.

Yahya Khan arrived in Dhaka on 15 March and held talks with Mujib up to 24 March. Bhutto arrived in
Dhaka on 21 March to join the talks. Yahya khan was in fact killing time in the name of talks; meanwhile,
he was bringing in military equipment and soldiers from West Pakistan. At last, after all preparations
were complete, the Pakistani Army carried out a genocide in Dhaka on the night of 25 March. In protest
against these brutal killings, the liberation war of Bangladesh was started. The armed liberation war that
started on 26 March 1971 continued for 9 months. [Md Mahbubar Rahman]

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