Ways To Translation
Ways To Translation
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Łukasz Bogucki, Stanisław Goźdź-Roszkowski – University of Łódź, Faculty of Philology
Institute of English Studies, Department of Translation Studies, 90-236 Łódź, Pomorska 171/173
Piotr Stalmaszczyk – University of Łódź, Faculty of Philology, Institute of English Studies
Department of English and General Linguistics, 90-236 Łódź, Pomorska 171/173
Reviewer
Wojciech Kubiński
Cover Design
Barbara Grzejszczak
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Contents
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Preface
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Preface
though, that it is not always possible to differentiate between the two. He com-
ments on the difficulties involved in translating word play and puns, and ana-
lyses different strategies and procedures applied by translators when confronted
with such barriers. Since translation involves more than just linguistic opera-
tions, translators often face cultural barriers. Wróblewski focuses on the ‘cultural
turn’ in Translation Studies, he discusses different aspects of linguistic and cul-
tural transfer, and provides an interesting classification of culture-specific words
and phrases and appropriate translation procedures.
Various theoretical perspectives have been applied to analysing translation
processes and procedures. One of the most successful approaches has been pro-
posed within Cognitive Linguistics. Mikołaj Deckert provides in his chapter an
overview of selected cognitive models of translation analysis. He first lists the
major features characterizing Cognitive Linguistics, and next discusses the Co-
gnitive Linguistics approach to poetics of translation, referring to issues such as
perspective, salience, and metaphor. Also this chapter mentions re-
conceptualization and the complex processes in which the source language mes-
sage is reconceptualised in a number of cycles before it is expressed in the target
language.
Contemporary Translation Studies pay close attention not only to linguistic
theories, but also different methodologies, finding corpus linguistic methodology
very promising. Łukasz Grabowski presents the scope of possible applications
of language corpora and corpus linguistics methodology in empirical research on
translation. He explicates the difference between quantitative and qualitative
research methods offered by corpus linguistics, and discusses the three basic
types of corpora (parallel, comparable, and monolingual comparable) extensive-
ly used in descriptive Translation Studies.
Communication has its multimodal dimension, and hence Łukasz Bogucki
devotes his chapter to multidimensional translation, especially in audiovisual
contexts. He observes that audiovisual translation is a dynamic genre whose
main feature is the coexistence of visual and verbal communication, where the
visual element is a feature distinguishing audiovisual translation from translation
in the traditional sense. Bogucki discusses various aspects of multimodality in
translation research and methodological issues involved in this research (such as
multimodal analysis and transcription). Additionally, this chapter shows the
importance of terminological issues and adequate nomenclature in all domains
of Translation Studies.
Adam Bednarek and Joanna Drożdż tackle the issue of translation in the
digital age and within digital space. They focus on different aspects of machine
translation (with some historical context), computer tools employed in the pro-
cess of translation, and on the important issue of localization. Localization ac-
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Equivalence
Barbara Lewandowska-Tomaszczyk
University of Łódź
blt@uni.lodz.pl
Abstract: The chapter is an extensive survey of main topics, concepts and definitions in
the field of translational equivalence. The first sections present issues reflecting the rela-
tionship between linguistic theories of meaning and equivalence in terms of
a comparison between formal, behavioural and cognitive approaches to meaning and
translation. Touching upon the concept of indeterminacy in translation and the cognitive
notion of language commensurability and translation units, the chapter presents a theory
of reconceptualization as a theory of translation (Lewandowska-Tomaszczyk 2010).
Further sections discuss different types of equivalent structures in languages and the
chapter concludes with a presentation of a classification of qualitative and quantitative
equivalence types drawn from authentic language corpus data.
Keywords: Cognitive Linguistics, commensurability, conceptualization, construal,
equivalence, frames, frequency of use, Idealized Cognitive Models (ICMs), intertextuali-
ty, language corpora, mental spaces, re-conceptualization, semantic prosody, semantics,
sociolect, speech acts, tertium comparationis, translation strategies, universals
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There are basically two approaches to linguistic meaning1. One says that the
relation between man and reality is objective, i.e., human beings perform mental
categorization of objectively existing things and phenomena within their con-
texts, which leads directly to the hypothesis of the stability of linguistic meaning
and its universality.
An alternative semantic approach sees the origin of linguistic meaning in
the human subject. Linguistic senses are rooted in the human mind and mediated
by cognitive processes shared by all mankind. They are, however, shaped by
culture specific social conditions, which make semantic structures language-
bound and not universal patterns.
And yet, for translation to be possible, semantic approaches require a certain
stable universal entity which can be regarded as a point of reference – tertium
comparationis – between a SL and a TL utterance (Lewandowska-Tomaszczyk
1999). The first, objectivist, approach to meaning, perceives the text as a stable
pattern with one optimal (“best”) semantic interpretation. In the latter approach –
cognitively oriented – the text is considered dynamic and less stable, lending
itself to diverse numerous interpretations. In the first approach thus, a privileged
position is occupied by the notion of the context-free best translation. The sec-
ond philosophy assumes that the text is constantly subject to creative interpreta-
tion through listening, reading and, indeed, translation. Therefore, the concept of
the best translation loses much of its sense, while what requires a more stable
1
The present chapter is based on Lewandowska-Tomaszczyk 2010, 2012, 2013. Cf.
Lewandowska-Tomaszczyk 2004 for a thorough study of the relationship between se-
mantics and translation.
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value are rather human cognitive abilities and mental operations of universal
character. Most of the contemporary theories of meaning, particularly those cog-
nitively based, address the question of SL – TL equivalence from this perspec-
tive.
The preservation of the original SL meaning in the TL is implemented in
terms of achieving the optimal resemblance (comparability) between the SL and
TL texts. As meaning is portrayed not only in the semantic content of the mes-
sage but also resides in its form, cases where it is not semantic content but the
way the message is expressed is given priority include instances of the ‘phone-
mic translation’ of poetry (Lefevere 1975). In such cases it is the sound, syntax,
rhythm, melody or rhymes of the verse that are taken to be components of its
‘literal meaning’ rather than the semantic representation. This can be observed in
the translation of children’s poetry e.g., the title The Cat in the Hat by Dr Seuss
(Theodor Seuss Geisel), is translated by Stanisław Barańczak to retain the
rhythm and rhyme as Polish. Kot Prot. Equally important, particularly in chil-
dren’s literature, are paratextual elements in translation (visual form of the text,
typographic details, illustrations, see Oittinen 2000).
Faithfulness in semantic representation may also be disregarded in favour of
other factors such as constraints resulting from rhymes, puns or other play on
words (Gutt 1991:131).
Cognitively based approaches to language assume a holistic approach to
meaning, represented in terms of Idealized Cognitive Models (ICMs) (Fillmore
1982, Lakoff 1987), which include the representation of linguistic senses in the
context of cognitive knowledge frames (e.g., the word cauliflower is considered
a flower in the BOTANY knowledge frame and a vegetable in terms of CUISINE.)
The approach to meaning proposed by the linguistic theory of Relevance (Sper-
ber and Wilson 1986) on the other hand and its application to translation theory
(Gutt 1991, Bogucki 2004), assumes that it is not only the semantic content and
the way a message is represented that is of importance but also a (similar) degree
of mental processing effort related to the message that is considered a parameter
in establishing the closest possible equivalents across the languages.
Most of the contemporary approaches to meaning permit to incorporate not
only a strictly semantic layer of meaning but also what is conventionally as-
sumed to be the pragmatic realm of language, i.e., the speaker/author-intended
meaning in their frameworks, vital for the interpretation of the original text and
its translation into receptor language.
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The beginning of the twentieth century witnessed the first scholarly attempts at
capturing the nature of translation. In the thirties the outlook on translation was
inspired by German field-theories (Trier 1931) and later in the sixties – by
Chomsky’s Transformational-Generative (TG) theory of language (Chom-
sky1964). They were formal approaches, based mainly on a system of necessary
and sufficient conditions of word meanings such as e.g., a feature matrix for the
word boy is proposed to include the components (+animate, +human, +male,
+young).
Eugene Nida (1964) adopted a part of the formal theory dealing with the TG
deep and surface structures and extended a formal, linguistic concept of equiva-
lence towards the functioning of linguistic signs in the socio-cultural context in
terms of what he labels the “functional definition of meaning” and “functional
equivalence” between SL and TL texts. The concepts of formal correspondences
and literal meaning, characteristic of traditional investigation thus gave way to
the notions of dynamic meaning and dynamic equivalence. For example, besides
the literal equivalents between Polish and English as in: A: proszę B: dziękuję
and their literal English counterparts (?)A: please. B: thank you, a functionally
more adequate dynamically equivalent exchange should be proposed: A: here
you are B: thank you A: you’re welcome.
Early seventies bring a new interest in Translation Studies (TS) treated as an
independent empirical discipline which developed in the literary circles partly as
a reaction to the universalist tendencies in the rigorously formalised TG trend.
TS scholars are interested more in translation as a process than translation as
a product. The older semantic queries concerning equivalence, identity, refer-
ence, and the like, are replaced by questions of the relationship between the SL
and TL in the framework of the inventory of meaning conventions characteristic
of SL and TL cultures.
With the rise of Speech-Act (SAT)-based theories of meaning (Searle 1979),
there appear new trends in translation theory, this time – based on speech acts.
The SL speech-act, with its locution, illocutionary force, and intended perlocu-
tionary effects, is performed under certain social and interactional conditions.
The translated speech act is rarely strictly identical to the original SL speech act.
The task of the translator is to fill the gap to the extent possible in the TL. In the
SL oriented translation the locutions in the TL may be similar or even identical
to those of the SL, so most of the original message form has a chance to be pre-
served in the translation, but the illocutionary force and thus, perlocutionary
effects may be entirely or partly different. The translation then may not reach the
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Effability Hypothesis
The thesis has been discussed in numerous publications reaching the conclusion
that as a rule, there is no one-to-one correspondence between thought and its
linguistic realization, making it sensitive to background knowledge as well as to
the ultimate goal of the interaction. The speaker, to quote Sperber and Wilson
(1986), aims at optimal relevance, not at literal truth.
What this signifies is a concession to some form of sociolinguistic Relativi-
ty Theory, which can be phrased in terms of a weak Effability hypothesis as
proposed by Keenan (1978):
“Anything that can be thought can be expressed with enough precision for efficient
communication”.
Translation, as is the case with Quine’s gavagai, has always been one of the
major tests for any version of the Relativity thesis. However, there is a need at
this point to discriminate between the impossibility of translation and the
(im)possibility of understanding a text or a linguistic utterance. Lakoff (1987)
argues that even if translation is impossible, it does not follow that understand-
ing is impossible. Understanding is an ability to conceptualize on the basis of
verbal and/or nonverbal clues and to match these conceptualizations to the per-
son’s own experience. Translation involves one additional dimension – it re-
quires matching these mental products to expressions of the TL. Understanding
of SL and TL texts does not necessarily entail the ability to translate. Similarly,
translation is possible – without an in-depth expert understanding of the original
text – particularly a text within a restricted (scientific or technological) domain.
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The content of SL text does not have to be, and most frequently is not, in a one-
to-one correspondence with the content of a TL text. The semantic content of SL
concepts may partly overlap with that of TL in translated texts but cases of using
the lexical forms which have wider or narrower scope than the original ones are
numerous. In the case of TL conceptual or lexical gaps, translators search for
comparable concepts from domains different than in the original to achieve
a similar effect. The translator uses for that purpose either sets of conventional
translational correspondences between SL and TL or proposes more creative TL
forms.
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Languages are segmented into units such as discourses, utterances, words and
sounds and the units can refer to objects in the outside reality or in the mental
world. As demonstrated in the sections above languages are not mutually cali-
brated to express exactly the same set of relationships in the two realities. There-
fore, the number of equivalences possible – which are based on resemblance
rather than identity, and embrace the aspects of the (perlocutionary) effects on
the SL and TL users as well as aspects of mental access and processing of the
units – is large and not fully symmetric. The responsibility for the labour share
to capture aspects of the resemblance rests either with the phonetic, lexical or
syntactic level or else with different configurations of these.
The notion of equivalence, the crucial notion for any theory as well as prac-
tice of translation, lends itself to a number of possible interpretations. The histor-
ically earliest – ST-oriented theories – assume ‘faithfulness to the original’ to be
the main parameter of translational equivalence. This programmatic criterion,
seldom practiced, has been replaced in contemporary translation theory by
a requirement of TL-oriented equivalence (Even-Zohar 1990). Some theorists
evoke a more dynamic concept of the language-oriented equivalence, such that
covers the interlanguage space between the SL and TL texts in the form of ‘the
third language’ (Duff 1981), the interlanguage translational equivalence (Toury
1995) or, most visible in the case of literary translations – source-driven, target-
led equivalence. The language orientation typology, as proposed by Round
(1998) is complemented by the language-level criteria:
formal equivalence,
equivalence of the outside world referents (i.e. denotations or refer-
ents/extensions),
equivalents of mental representations or intensions,
equivalence in functions.
Each of them is subject to re-conceptualization processes presented in the
section to follow.
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Transfer of information is not limited to the transfer via linguistic forms alone.
Information is also conveyed by the whole linguistic and situational context,
including the properties of the sender and the receiver of the message as well as
the background knowledge of the outside world and of the conventions holding
in the community of the sender and that of the receiver. Semiotic approaches to
language, i.e. approaches which embrace linguistic and non-linguistic (visual,
auditory) levels, assume exactly that it is the totality of such properties that
makes meanings communicable. In this respect, translation cannot be viewed as
the transfer of linguistic meanings alone. Optimally, it should be the rendition,
via linguistic means, of the SL cultural, literary conventions and the totality of
background facts to the TL culture. This assumption, however, is not a viable
option. The SL and TL systems are not commensurable in their totality. The
universal semiotics hypothesis is then untenable as a possible solution to the
problems of meaning equivalence and translatability. What is practiced instead
though is a set of strategies compensating for the meaning losses and transfor-
mations.
In the course of communicative interaction, each participant builds up
a system of conceptual domains (mental spaces Fauconnier 1985 or discourse
domains) based on their knowledge of reality in the form of knowledge frames or
Idealized Cognitive Models (Lakoff 1987, Fillmore 1982) and enriched during
the interaction. When two or more conceptual models (knowledge frames) inter-
act a new, blended, entity is created. This process takes place through building
language-specific constructions (e.g. Tom sneezed off the papers from the desk,
specific for English but not syntactically possible in Polish) and in the language
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Looking at the world around, we perceive people, animals, objects, which inter-
act in varied scenes and events. We also resort to constructs of our imagination,
and devise abstract entities, which are put in some categorization schemes, then
shifted, reshuffled, etc. When a language user wants to convey a message to the
addressee, what she has at her disposal are the scenes perceived, filtered by her
conceptual system, a linguistic system and other semiotic codes she uses, which
structure her experience and shape the contents. Additionally, within the specific
codes, there are alternative ways to structure this experience, which are partly
conventional, partly discourse- and context-constrained, and partly entirely sub-
jective. In other words, what the conceptualizer presents in her message is her
construal of the world. The term construal is used here in the sense of Langacker
(1987), where it is defined as “the relation between the speaker (or hearer) and
the situation that he conceptualizes or portrays” (Langacker 1987: 487-488).
Translation, in cognitivist terms then, can be conceived of as re-
conceptualization of a SL message in the totality of its context and situation. The
term re-conceptualization (proposed and developed in Lewandowska-
Tomaszczyk 2010), is partly dictated by new construal parameters in the target
language form (TL grammar and meaning structures), different context (au-
thor/speaker – i.e. translator, time, place, addressee – TL audience), but also
brought about by subjective preferences of the translator in picking up or devis-
ing particular target language forms, which do not profile the same entities, i.e.,
do not identify them as figures against the base ground (see Langacker 1987,
1991). The translator and their readers’ mental spaces are populated by charac-
ters bearing some semblance to the original SL ones, interacting in ways, which
remind us of the source interactions, but clearly re-constructed. The TL words
and (fully semanticized) constructions give a new perspective, profile different
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parts of the base contents and make salient not necessarily identical elements
and parts of the original scenes. The translated text then is a blended outcome of
the original SL forms and meanings and fully native TL forms and their seman-
tics.
Words and their properties can be treated as ‘windows’ through which one can
reach deeper layers of meaning and offer us access to complex structured pack-
ages of stereotypical knowledge such as Idealized Cognitive Models, as well as
to massive networks of knowledge structures. If a speaker uses, say, the word
tree, she can conceptualize its sense with different degrees of specificity (sche-
maticity and granularity) – either down to the perceptual, biological, etc. proper-
ties of the object, or at the fairly general tree as a plant level. Distinct meaning
components of variable complexity will be more directly accessible to the expert
(e.g. a botanist) as opposed to a non-expert user of the word. Both lexical com-
positional properties of different character (e.g. partonymy, hyponymy e.g.,
corniferous vs. deciduous trees, etc.) as well as larger units of the ICM type (the
function of trees in biology, hydrology, forestry, industry, or else in fun and
entertainment, etc.) can be considered practical points of reference in contrastive
semantic applications, translation including. The role of classical lexical compo-
sitionality in the cognitive linguistic framework is limited to a ‘coarse-grained
picture’ of linguistic meaning. To achieve a ‘fine-grained picture’ what is need-
ed is access to the networks of both linguistic, encyclopaedic as well as interac-
tional (pragmatic-discourse) meanings. The latter are not made focal points in
cognitivist literature, but it is the elucidation of such concepts that would make it
possible for us to come to grips with the problems of perlocutionary effects and
the idea of a fully-fledged Target Language-oriented translation.
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(1)
I have not much at the bank right now but I propose to borrow – you know, as
the Bard said, with that cold in his head, to borrow and to borrow and to bor-
row3
The Bard in the text is William Shakespeare and the triple borrow presents
a play on the original phrase Tomorrow, tomorrow, tomorrow from Macbeth’s
final monologue in Act V. A translator into German would have no problem
with Nabokov’s text as the German opposition morgen ‘tomorrow’ fits closely to
the German borgen ‘borrow’. Translating the English text of Lolita into Russian
though, Nabokov changed the allusion into a reference to Eugene Onegin “ ‘budi
zhit’ dol’gam, kak zhil’ ego otec’, po slovam poeta”. The Polish translator Rob-
ert Stiller on the other hand employed a strategy of domestication:
(1a) W tej chwili akurat nie mam dużo w banku, ale jestem gotów dać w zastaw
ostatnie futro, jak Makbet, gdy wśród cieni znienacka zaseplenił: futro, a po
futrze, a po futrze znów futro i futro.
The transator makes reference to the Polish proverbial saying: jutro będzie futro,
a pojutrze po futrze lit. ‘tomorrow will be a furcoat, and the day after tomorrow
there will be after – past the furcoat, i.e. there will be no furcoat’, indicating the
flying time and change. This kind of reference to other, frequently culture-
specific texts, is called intertextuality.
2
The example and interpretation quoted after Wróblewski 2013:85.
3
The examples quoted in this chapter are ordered according to the following sequence:
the first examples in the pairs are the original SL texts and the second examples pre-
sent their translated equivalents.
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To render a message from one language into another the translator takes two
types of criteria into consideration. The first ones are conditions characteristic of
a SL and a TL, so-called typological language conditions. They are conventional
grammatical categories and rules of each of the two languages, not to be freely
changed by the translator. The other part of inter-language correspondences are
those properties of the TL which can be more freely selected (modified, added
and omitted) by the translator. It is the latter that can legitimately be called trans-
lation strategies while we retain the term linguistic or grammatical constraints
or pressure for the former. The repertory of strategies and pressures in transla-
tion has been frequently discussed in translation studies. The most widely adopt-
ed classification is that proposed by Vinay and Darbelnet (1958), which com-
prises :
Loan Pol. Christmas pudding for Eng. Christmas pudding
Calque or Loan translation (substituting the native senses of the expres-
sion in terms of similar structure) Pol. mysz (komputerowa) for Eng.
mouse
Literal translation (word-for-word) Pol. mieć z tyłu głowy for Eng. to
have at the back of one’s mind
Transposition (switching grammatical category) Pol. Czuję się dobrze
(Adverb) for Eng. I feel good (Adjective).
Modulation (different discourse conventions) Pol. Dzień dobry Pani
Profesor for Eng. Good morning, Professor
Correspondence Pol. piątek trzynastego for Eng. Friday the thirteenth (in
some other cultures (Spain) – Tuesday the thirteenth)
Adaptation Pol. schabowy z ziemniakami for Eng. fish and chips
Each of these general strategies can have more particular effects and procedures
such as amplification, reduction, explicitation, implicitation, generalization and
its opposite – particularization.
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4
Part of this section is based on the Meaning chapter of Lewandowska-Tomaszczyk
(ed.) 2010.
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translator resorts to borrowing (e.g. Fr. barbecue), (a set of) closest equivalents
(Germ. grillen, braten) or to descriptive techniques.
Implicative (also presupposed, reflected, implied) meaning of a lexical item
is another aspect of word meaning which should be looked after in the transla-
tion process. It may refer either to logical or pragmatic presuppositions of an
item (e.g. Eng. bald refers to objects which do not have natural covering but
presupposes the existence or the expectation on the part of a speaker of such
natural covering). Implicative meaning may also include implicatures present in
a given discourse, e.g. the Eng. phrase member states ‘państwa członkowskie’
has specific implicative meaning in the texts involving the European Union and,
as such, may have to be translated differently than when such a phrase has no
implications of that type.
A direct consequence of the exploitation of a phonetic form of a word on the
other hand in order to shape its cognitive, connotative or affective meaning is the
semantization of the linguistic form. The phonetic form is essential in poetry and
onomatepoeia i.e. vocal imitation of sounds, vowel harmony and sound symbol-
ism are also the instances of semanticized form e.g. Eng. ting, bang Est. tinn or
Indones. ting, bong or Pol. bim-bom, etc.
Peter Newmark (1988: 33) defines neologisms as “newly coined lexical units or
existing lexical units that acquire a new sense”. Neologisms appear in diverse
text types. In scientific or technological writing but also in the language of me-
dia or advertisements, they occur first of all to point to an outside world referent
discovered or created by the community members. In fine literature reference is
most frequently made to mental entities alone, the creations which have no des-
ignates in the surrounding reality. Such newly coined linguistic items are both
a product of human imagination and an outcome of linguistic rules used crea-
tively by language speakers. While the neologisms which have an outside refer-
ent (fax, laptop) are likely to find eventually their way into dictionaries, thesauri
or other reference tools like computer corpora, those invented by poets or au-
thors of literature (e.g., James Joyce shuit) are frequently unique coinages found
either in one text or in one author’s writing. Those then have very little chance to
appear in dictionaries of general language.
The problem with finding equivalents of such novel creations is complex. It
is not sufficient to say that they are the linguistic units which appear in the SL
texts but do not exist in TL. Such a statement could refer to all possible concep-
tual gaps of a TL when compared with a SL. Here the SL item can be a word of
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some currency in the SL system, such as e.g. labels for products of new technol-
ogies, while their import to the TL system may require either direct borrowing or
coining a novel form. A translator of technical texts can resort to either of the
two, though creating neologisms is not always recommended (cf. Newmark
1988:15). On the other hand, direct SL loanwords are not, as a rule, particularly
welcome by TL language policy makers.
The main techniques of translating novel SL forms in general involve the
processes of borrowing and loan translation, productive affixation, semantic
shifts and paraphrasing. Neologisms in fine literature are the forms and/or senses
novel to the SL and they should be rendered as such into the TL. Newmark dis-
tinguishes twelve types of neologisms, divided into two groups, which are ex-
tended and modified in later publications. Some examples of neologisms we can
provide here (Nineteen Eighty – Four George Orwell tr. Tomasz Mirkowicz)
include:
5
The abbreviation wb in Polish, pronounced as [‘voo ‘bǝ] additionally activates (particu-
larly with the older generation) a similar form – ub, pronounced alike as [‘oo ‘bǝ],
which stands for Urząd Bezpieczeństwa ‘Security Office’ and brings about worst
communist practices into mind. This case is an example of qualitative re-
conceptualization example.
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Barbara Lewandowska-Tomaszczyk
ately found in the TL. The translator has to, on the one hand, resort to the con-
ventional morphology and structure of the TL and look for possible original
creations that the TL system offers to convey the expressive function of the SL
text. The Polish translations (in fact the translated versions into numerous other
languages too) of Carroll’s poem are all creative and abound in impressive num-
bers of neologisms (www. http://home.agh.edu.pl/~szymon/jabberwocky.shtml):
The interesting strategies employed in all the versions of this first stanza of the
poem are mainly formation of new compounds and blended constructions, pho-
netic symbolism and associative meanings. What is striking though is the fact
that – to maintain intelligibility – grammatical processes (prepositional phrases
formation, nominal and verbal category formation, sentence patterns, etc.) are
not modified to such an extent either in the original or in its Polish versions.
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Colloquial language, most notably slang, has also a strong expressive func-
tion and is a rich source of neologisms (see Urban Dictionary6). However, its
lavish productivity is combatted by its mutability, characterized by lack of sta-
bility and frequent change. The translation of creative slang expressions poses
additional problems of the sociolinguistic nature. Slang, a language variety of
a social group in one community, cannot be simply rendered as a regional or
regional dialect of a TL community. To translate slang from the SL the translator
has to devise a new sub-code in the TL or resort to a modified version of one of
the available TL systems.
The situation gets even more complex when richer collocational patterns of use
are taken into consideration. Various metaphorical or otherwise extended uses,
nonce-formations, metaphors, may be fairly opaque to a translator. Access to full
contexts and the possibility of comparing various uses provided by language
corpora, large computerized collections of representative and balanced samples
of texts, comprising different types, styles, modes and registers, can facilitate the
task of comprehending and transducting the problematic linguistic items. The
other extreme end of the conventionality-creativity scale comprises domain-
restricted terms, idiomatic expressions and conventional phraseology. The ac-
quisition of this whole world of domain-restricted terminology, the familiarity
with which cannot be obtained without sufficient exposure to authentic TL texts,
is another advantage of the use of corpora for translation practitioners. For that
reason, it is not only concordancing programs, which extract a given item with
a smaller or larger context, and display them, that are important here, but the
possibility of accessing a more complete text on a computer is of comparable
importance as well. A good translation professional must, obviously, be familiar
with conventional uses, but, at the same time, s/he also has to be aware of prob-
abilities of other, less frequent, options. Corpus data, provided the corpus is suf-
ficiently large, can provide both. Moreover, the information on the frequencies
of such items, keywords, collocations and clusters, available in most software
6
http://www.urbandictionary.com/define.php?term=Knosh&defid=6821156.
E.g., Knosh
Knosh is slang for food. Knosh can refer to food itself (noun) or the act of eating food
(verb).
“Mike I’m starving man, let's go get some knosh.”
“Do you have snacks? I need something to knosh on.”
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Barbara Lewandowska-Tomaszczyk
now, can help the translator to select a TL equivalent of similar currency (Pęzik
2011), which is as important as the qualitative – meaning-based – criterion.
The requirement of the translator’s familiarity with the rarer nuances of both
the source and target languages puts a very strict discipline on the professional
translator and the translation trainer. They have to actively look for new vocabu-
lary items, phraseology, etc. This discipline is even stricter with interpreters who
deal in their jobs with the linguistic material of the immediate reference and
currency with no direct access to the relevant aids. Corpora, especially those
built on line, give translators a unique possibility to access more recent linguistic
material accumulated in a systematic way.
Metaphoric language and linguistic creativity and their expression (see
Lewandowska-Tomaszczyk 2012a) show language- and culture-specificity of
conceptualizations. SL and TL metaphors, though seemingly identical, may refer
to distinct outside world scenarios. The metaphoric Source Domain of TOUCH in
I am touched (with your kindness) in English is mapped on the Target Domain of
positive EMOTIONAL AFFECTION connected with kindness and desirable behav-
iour. The same target domain in Polish in Jestem dotknięty lit. ‘I am touched’
maps on a negative EMOTIONAL AFFECTION target domain as in Jestem dotknięty
twoimi obrzydliwymi oskarżeniami lit. ‘I am touched with your disgusting accu-
sations’ means in Polish ‘I am hurt with your disgusting accusations’, while the
semantic equivalent of the English I’m touched is the Polish Jestem wzruszony
lit. ‘I’m moved (w ‘inside’)’. In turn though the English I’m moved can also be
rendered as the Polish Jestem poruszony which is closer to the English I’m sur-
prised/astonished (often with a negative external stimulus). This kind of dis-
placement of senses, in this case distinct metaphoric mappings as well as the
frequency of use of particular metaphoric scenarios, can also be taken as
a dimension according to which differences between particular languages are
identified (see Lewandowska-Tomaszczyk and Wilson 2013).
Conventionally, languages also present distinct patterns in polysemic (i.e.,
multi-meaning) extensions. The English speaker perceives, for example,
a number of objects and phenomena in the real world, which he categorizes in
terms of similar properties of the polysemous concept (Lewandowska-
Tomaszczyk 2007) of running and assigns them to the same class, unlike the
Polish language user, for whom the English meaning extension patterns overlap
with Polish ones only to some extent:
(2) run
(2i) This man is running fast
(2ii) The horse was running to the barn
(2iii) Mr Clinton is running for presidency
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Barbara Lewandowska-Tomaszczyk
(3)
Pol.
prywatny lit. ‘private’ – państwowy referring/belonging to state’
The above English words and phrases in (3) are terms generated from newspaper
texts on American health care system (The Economist Oct-Dec 2013), addressed
to educated audiences.
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Equivalence
The examples in (3) above are mostly terms. The relationship between words in
general lexicon of a language and words which can be identified as terms is not
easy to define (Sager 1986, Cabré 1992). To put it briefly, terms are the lexical
units assigned a unique sense and identified with reference to only one concep-
tual system or a restricted knowledge domain as e.g. the concept of light in the
wave theory or the concept of grammar in the linguistic transformational-
generative theory. Both the understanding of terms in a SL as well as their TL
equivalents presuppose familiarity with the unique conceptual system underlying
a theory a given concept is a part of.
Each linguistic variety characteristic of a given restricted domain (referred
to as sublanguages in some publications) is associated with its own ontology, i.e.
a hierarchical system of terms representing this part of the outside reality, such
as e.g. contract law or nuclear physics. Contrary to the putatively universal on-
tologies created (or, sometimes perhaps, discovered) by philosophers (see Fig.
4 as an example of the universal top-branched ontology Casati 1998), whose aim
is to account for the structure of the universe in a language and in a domain-
neutral fashion, contemporary ontologies involved in computer-based conceptual
modelling are in the majority of cases domain-specific taxonomies (see Lewan-
dowska-Tomaszczyk 2003, 2005).
The oldest language-based ontological models come from lexicographic ma-
terial and can be found in thesauri of variouos kinds starting from medieval en-
cyclopaedic glossaries up to modern thesauri such as the widely-used Roget’s
Thesaurus. Such common-sense models are based on what is frequently referred
to as naive physics and, stemming from it, linguistic models incorporating naive
or folk-model semantics.
(4)
1. Objects, Natural Units and Natural Kinds
2. Events, Processes and Causality
3. Stuffs, States of Matter, Qualities
4. Surfaces, Limits, Boundaries, Media
5. Motivation, Requiredness, Value
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Barbara Lewandowska-Tomaszczyk
The term ontology has been recently extended to include a more specific sense,
i.e. “a neutral and (in the best case) computationally tractable description or
theory of a given domain which can be accepted and reused by all information
gatherers in that domain” (cf. Casati 1998). Here axiomaticity in terms of formal
representation of the system is a rule for the description to be ‘computationally
tractable’. Ontologies, together with their more domain-specific realizations, i.e.
taxonomies, are used in information storage, retrieval, and reuse for different
purposes. Ontologies for specific domains, frequently simple taxonomic termi-
nological structures, are built relative to their application. Therefore, one cannot
say that there exists a single best ontology of a domain. Likewise, the ontology’s
level of granularity tends to be domain-specific and function-dependent. The
purpose of more universal, foundational, as some would call them, ontologies, is
more general and aims at facilitating co-operation among different agents, hu-
man and artificial.
The British English ontological system for educational domain as for a number
of other domains (e.g. administrative system, law, etc.), is different from that in
Poland or USA. Taking the administrative structure of the country as another
example, the translator can either select the closest possible TL level of (admin-
istrative unit) equivalence for his/her purposes e.g., Pol. województwo ‘coun-
ty/shire, etc.’, resort to a higher, hyperonymic (less determined) unit ‘region’,
coin a calque ‘voivodship’ or retain the original Polish form as a loan-word ‘wo-
jewództwo’, most often with an adequate definition or explanation e.g., ‘the
chief unit in the territorial division in Poland for administrative, judicial and
political purposes’ or ‘the largest local government unit in Poland’.
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Equivalence
N Concordance
1 whereas secondary ones can be recharged. The lead-acid accumu-
lator used in cars consists of secondary cells.
2 Thus we have a processor register called the accumulator, the
same length as a word of computer storage.
3 Load the contents of a store location into the accumulator, over-
writing the accumulator’s previous contents.
4 Accumulated wealth outlasts the accumulator, as does accumulat-
ed knowledge; wealthy men establish funds
5 FIVE nations compete on the Serpentine this weekend in a six-
event accumulator for a possible $5,000.
(6a) Polish
(i) akumulator = bateria ‘accumulator = battery’ (ex. 1 below)
(ii) akumulować (formal) bogactwo ‘accumulate wealth’; akumulator
bogactwa ‘wealth accumulator’ ‘a tool to accumulate wealth’,
akumulatornia/akumulatorownia as a production area (ex. 2 be-
low)
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Barbara Lewandowska-Tomaszczyk
N Concordance
1 Najdroższe, bo kosztujące aż 300 zł, są podwójne lampy halogeno-
we z akumulatorem, które mogą świecić nawet przez kilkadziesiąt
godzin.
Pol. ‘(lamps with) a battery’
2 pomieszczenia produkcyjne o charakterze pomocniczym – akumula-
torownia, warsztat.
Pol. ‘room in a production plant where accumulators or batteries are
kept’
Metaphoric extensions such as the ones below are used in non-
terminological contexts (ex. 4 and 5 below):
4 Metheny bowiem, świadom rychłej zmiany barw, ładuje akumulato-
ry, czyli zbiera pomysły na pierwszą płytę w barwach nowej wy-
twórni.
Pol. ‘Thus Metheny, […] is charging [his] batteries i.e., collecting
ideas for his first record, in the new firm’
5 Wyjeżdżam w góry – muszę naładować akumulatory
Pol.’I’m leaving for the mountains – I have to charge my accumula-
tors’
As can be seen, the Polish equivalents of the English terms participate in differ-
ent word-formation processes, and can present a number of conceptual extension
patterns, some of them overlapping in the two languages (metaphorical charging
the batteries), some others like polysemic clusters (Eng. How much do you
charge for that?) or absence of absolute equivalence or synonymy (a battery of
tests), distinct for the structures and across the languages.
As to the comparison of terms with words of general language, terms are
more like ordinary words judging from their conceptual-semantic nature, but
they usually develop more elaborate systems of semantic determination, exhibit
more constrained selection potential with respect to knowledge frames as well as
syntactic patterns and they also acquire a special status when put in discursive
use. In a cross-linguistic perspective, terms get frequently borrowed together
with the phonetic/graphic form, as well as with a precise top-level ontological
model, most often with a similar type and system of concept elaboration, even
though their polysemic and extension patterns tend to remain language and cul-
ture-specific. To present various networks of terms, ontological hierarchies are
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Equivalence
used not only in more linguistically oriented applications such as e.g. lexicogra-
phy (cf. WordNet in Fellbaum 1990; BIT design in Lewandowska-Tomaszczyk
1993), translation and language teaching but also to explain different social and
economic phenomena.
The problem of synonymy and polysemy in lexical semantics is often con-
fronted with the problem of semantic sameness and differentiation in terminolo-
gy (compare the accumulator vs. battery examples). The ideal situation for ter-
minology would be if problems of contextual synonymy were the domain of
semantics and pragmatics while conceptual synonymy or equivalence were dealt
with only in terms of terminology and were solved by means of standardization.
In practice though, the two are not separate and translators working on their own
do not propose their individual linguistic solutions for standardization.
In many cases preference is given to international terms rather than to na-
tive solutions for reasons of frequency and range. Apart from the content of ter-
minological semantics in translation though as e.g, in the case of Pol. oferta –
corresponding regularly to English offer, what is of importance is also their
pragmatic constraints, which make the equivalent offer unsuitable for the con-
texts of say commercial bid as in Złożyliśmy ofertę w przetargu – We submitted
a bid in the tender (Sax 32012:14).
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Barbara Lewandowska-Tomaszczyk
7
See Lewandowska-Tomaszczyk 1987:103 for a Dynamic Semantics model of lan-
guage.
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Equivalence
The main divide then between re-conceptualizaton types is that between those
associated with a particular language type, i.e., a typologically-based re-
conconceptualization, i.e. linguistic constraints and pressures, and the other –
synonymous with translation strategies – associated with the subjective prefer-
ences towards particular linguistic choices translators show in their tasks.
The examples below are instances of typologically driven re-
conceptualization patterns:
(7) Eng. passive voice > Pol. reflexive verb (syntactic pressure)
Eng. (Passive + Prep Passive nominalization) > Pol. (Reflexive + Prep nominali-
zation)
The syntactic pressure is also clearly seen in the following pair in changing the
English passive voice into the Polish active voice with the simultaneous change
of the verbs (Transitive Passive receive > Intransitive Active nadszedł ‘ar-
rived’):
(8)
One day a letter was received
Pewnego dnia nadszedł list
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Polish kolacja can be a more modest (cold) meal and perhaps served at a later
time than English dinner. English country club has both outdoor facilities, loca-
tion, interior architecture, and numerous entertaining functions, elitist sports in
particular, totally different than Polish wiejski klub, usually with smaller, less
sophisticated interior. Evident here are also differences in the perlocutionary
effect on the Polish (SL) and Eglish (TL) audiences.
Differences in referents are multiple and they are conditioned by different
factors, e.g., by the rule of political correctness as in the example below;
8
As shown in Lewandowska-Tomaszczyk 1987, a cross-linguistic displacement of sens-
es is a typical phenomenon in comparing languages. For instance, the verb go in Eng-
lish, a superordinate category for numerous verbs of movement, has no direct equiva-
lent in Polish at the same categorial level. In Polish the concept of going can be con-
sidered to have equivalents implemented by two more specific verbs iść ‘walk’ and
jechać ‘move by/in a vehicle’, which, in turn, would correspond to still more specific
English verbs such as ride, drive, etc., at a lower level of the categorization hierarchy.
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Barbara Lewandowska-Tomaszczyk
(eye dialect). The third strategy is the use of a (more) formal TL style to repre-
sent a historically older, more formal or more distancing variety of language:
(15a) Po czym dodał z dumą: – Sam pan wielki powiedział, że Kali jest donkey
(15b) After which he added with pride: ‘The great master himself said that Kali
is a donkey.’
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Equivalence
Tomaszczyk (2012) analyses emotion terms in translation and finds that e.g., the
English translation of the contemporary Polish novel Samotność w sieci ‘Loneli-
ness in the net’ has a much less varied fear vocabulary and less complex syntax
than the Polish original. This tendency is also exemplified in other materials
from the PELCRA translation corpus:
(16a) żywiąc się (lit. feeding himself) od tygodnia prawie wyłącznie durrą wy-
kradaną (lit. stolen from) wielbłądom.
(16b) He sustained himself for a week almost exclusively upon durra taken from
the camels
(17a) It was his custom to mount straight to the nursery, taking about three de-
grees of the staircase at once
(17b) Zwykle przychodził od razu na górę do dziecinnego pokoju, przy czym
biegł szybko, przeskakując po trzy schody naraz.
(18a) He sent his son to Eton
(18b) Wysłał syna do elitarnego gimnazjum w Anglii.
(19a)...stary dziad. Mówiło się na niego "pastusz"... O świcie zbierał z objeść
bydlęta
(19b) an old guy who was known as "the Shepherd"...At dawn, he’d collect the
cattle from the farmyards
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Equivalence
Conclusions
Background Reading
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Duff, A. (1981). Third Language: Recurrent Problems of Translation into English. Per-
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Language Corpora
English:
BNC
Longman-Microconcord Sampler
Polish:
Narodowy Korpus Języka Polskiego www.nkjp.pl
15-mln PELCRA Sampler
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Translation Procedures
University of Łódź
jacek.walinski@gmail.com
Abstract: A basic survey across a given language pair normally reveals units that are
structurally incongruent with one another, which demonstrates that translation cannot be
reduced to establishing a straightforward correspondence between individual words. To
properly render the meaning of the source text, translators must introduce translation
shifts, i.e. departures from formal correspondence in the process of going from the
source language to the target language. This chapter reviews a taxonomy of translation
procedures used for dealing with the translation shifts proposed by Vinay and Darbelnet
(1958), which has been regarded a springboard for later taxonomies of translation tech-
niques and strategies.
Keywords: translation procedures, translation shifts, translation strategies, unit of trans-
lation, direct translation, oblique translation
1. Introduction
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Jacek Tadeusz Waliński
which is normally rendered in Polish with a single noun “szarlotka”. Such ex-
amples demonstrate that translation cannot be reduced to establishing
a straightforward correspondence between individual words.
In real life scenarios, translators often cope with more elaborate structures,
which due to entrenchment* require certain ways of translating, while not others,
to produce a massage that is meaningful to the target language users.
For example, the following notice spotted in a Polish self-service bar above gar-
bage cans: “Prosimy nie wyrzucać pełnych kubków” with the accompanying
translation “We ask to not throw away full cups” may sound unfortunately puz-
zling to native speakers of English, who would probably expect in this context
a more conventional message, like “Please do not dispose of liquids”. Such ex-
amples demonstrate that the structure of the SL often must be changed in the
target language to properly render the meaning of the source text. Those small,
yet meaningful, changes that occur in the process of translation are called trans-
lation shifts. Catford (1965/2000: 141) defines them as “departures from formal
correspondence in the process of going from the SL to the TL”. Although Cat-
ford was the first to use the term shift, a comprehensive taxonomy of shifts that
occur in translation was established by Jean-Paul Vinay and Jean Darbelnet
(1958), who developed a taxonomy of translation procedures.
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Translation Procedures
2. Translation procedures
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which the translator interprets, e.g. elaborates or summarizes, the explicit con-
tents of the original, embraces transposition, modulation, equivalence, and adap-
tation translation procedures. Moreover, these procedures can be employed at
three levels of language: (a) the lexicon; (b) the grammatical structures; and (c)
the message, which stands for higher elements of text, including, besides sen-
tences and paragraphs, certain situational utterances that convey broader mean-
ings. For instance, although the phrase “Polish jokes” refers in its origins to
jokes made specifically of Poles, it can be used as an umbrella term for jokes
made of other ethnic groups (Brzozowska 2010). It must be emphasized, howev-
er, that while the direct translation is more closely tied to the original text and
the oblique translation relies to a greater extent on interpretive resemblance to
function independently, this distinction is not always a clear-cut dichotomy. In
real life scenarios, it marks two opposite ends of a wide spectrum of options
available to translators. A particular choice is often dictated by the relevance of
a given message to the intended audience (see Chapter 7; see also Bogucki 2004;
Sperber & Wilson 1995).
Vinay and Darbelnet (1958/2000) note that due to structural and metalinguistic
parallelisms that occur between languages it is often possible to overcome gaps
(or lacunae) between the source language and the target language by transposing
the SL message piece by piece into the TL. In such cases, when the translator
notices a gap in the target language, they can employ either a parallel category or
a parallel concept to convey the meaning of the source text. This can be accom-
plished with one of the following direct translation procedures.
(1) Borrowing, which is relatively the simplest of all procedures used for
translation, involves using foreign phrasing in the target text. The reason for the
gap in the target language is usually metalinguistic. Nowadays, it is frequently
caused by new technologies entering rapidly the surrounding reality. For exam-
ple, while “laptop” can be translated into Polish as “komputer przenośny”, its
more recent variant, i.e. “tablet” appears to function in Polish exclusively in
a lexical form borrowed directly from English. Another reason for using borrow-
ings is that the concept discussed in the source text is relatively unknown to the
target audience. This seems to be the case with the much discussed gender ide-
ology, which was not translated into Polish, as “ideologia płci”, but rather “ideo-
logia gender”. Although the concept of gender is obviously as universal to
Polish speakers as it is to any other audience worldwide, the recent discussion
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skews the original message in any other way, the procedures of oblique transla-
tion can be employed to achieve a better result.
Vinay and Darbelnet (1958/2000) note that due to structural and metalinguistic
differences between languages certain stylistic effects are unattainable without
upsetting the lexis or the syntactic order in the target language. In such cases
more complex methods must be employed to convey the meaning of the source
text. Although at a cursory glance they might look fairly sophisticated, or even
unusual, the oblique translation procedures allow translators to exert a strict
control over the reliability of their efforts.
(4) Transposition involves replacing one word class with another without
changing the meaning of the text. It can be applied intralinguistically, i.e. within
a particular language. For instance, “She announced she would resign” can be
transposed to “She announced her resignation”. Similarly in Polish, instead of
saying “Ogłosiła, że rezygnuje” we can use “Ogłosiła [swoją] rezygnację”. The
original expression is referred to as the base expression, and the result as the
transposed expression.
Transposition is a highly versatile translation procedure. For example, Eng-
lish adjectives “elven” or “elvish” (from the word elf, which descends from
Germanic mythology) do not seem to have natural equivalents in Polish, despite
the fact that due to contacts with Germanic cultures, and in particular the enor-
mous popularity of Tolkien’s books/film adaptations, elves are widely known to
Polish audience. Although some translators attempt to use adjectives “elfowy” or
“elficki”, they may sound awkward to some Polish speakers, because Polish
usually employs a genitive form in postposition in such contexts. For that rea-
son, expressions “miecz elfów” and “księżniczka elfów” seem to sound more
natural than “elficki miecz” and “elfowa księżniczka” as translations for “evlish
sword” and “elven princess”, respectively. Similarly, the phrase “okręty wik-
ingów” seems to be a better choice than “wikińskie / wikingowe / wikingowskie
okręty”. Moreover, transposition can be employed for a better economy of the
target text. For instance, the sentence “[The word ‘Hispanic’ can refer to] people
whose origins range from Mexican and Puerto Rican to Cuban and Argen-
tinean.” can be translated literary as “. . . osób pochodzenia zarówno
meksykańskiego i portorykańskiego, jak i kubańskiego i argentyńskiego”. How-
ever, perhaps a more efficient choice is to use country names instead of national-
ities: “. . . osób pochodzących zarówno z Meksyku i Portoryko, jak i z Kuby
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i Argentyny”. The transposed expression is both more manageable for the trans-
lator and more easily graspable for the reader.
As demonstrated above, the transposed expression sometimes has
a substantially different stylistic value than the base expression. Since transposi-
tion enables rendering specific nuances of style, it is a basic means for fine-
tuning stylistic elegance of the translated text. Moreover, if a translation ob-
tained in this manner fits better the resulting utterance from the stylistic perspec-
tive, the transposed expression is, somewhat paradoxically, more literary in
character.
(5) Modulation involves changing the form of the message through
a change in perspective. An alteration of this kind may be required in contexts
where a literal or transposed translation still sounds unidiomatic or awkward in
the TL, despite being a grammatically correct utterance. As with transposition,
in some cases modulation may be optional, while in others it is obligatory.
A good example of fixed modulation is the change that occurs between some
Polish and English verbal constructions in grammatically prescribed contexts,
which can be observed for certain expressions of state. For example, “He is 40
years old” must be translated as “On ma 40 lat” and “Are you on the phone?” as
“Czy masz/posiadasz telefon?” (cf. Fisiak, et al. 1987). Yet, modulation typical-
ly operates at the phrase level. For instance, the set phrase “If it wasn’t for . . .”
must be translated, more or less, as “Jedynie dzięki . . .”, because any attempts at
word by word translation, e.g. “Jeśli to nie byłoby dla / z powodu”, sound pre-
posterous. Examples of optional modulations that are frequently encountered in
Polish translations of English texts include rendering “unless” as “chyba, że”, or
“It is not uncommon . . .” as “Dość powszechnie . . .”. However, the distinction
between obligatory and optional modulation is not always clear-cut, as it is de-
termined in each case by the wider linguistic context.
(6) Equivalence, also known as reformulation, produces an equivalent text
in the target language by using completely different stylistic and structural
methods. Classical examples of equivalence include translation of exclamations
and expletives. For instance, English “Ouch!” corresponds to Polish “Au!”,
while “Damn it!” to “Niech to szlag [trafi]!”. Another type of expressions that
normally require reformulation to fit into the target text involves onomatopoeia
of animal sounds. For instance, while horses in Polish stomp “patataj”, English
ones apparently generate “bumpety-bump” with their hooves, etc. Such exam-
ples demonstrate a specific feature of equivalence as the translation procedure: it
practically always relates to the whole of a message. Moreover, since it embrac-
es an opulent repertoire of idioms, sayings, proverbs, clichés, etc., it tends to be
fixed in most cases.
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1
Vinay and Darbelnet (1958/2000: 91) also quote an anecdote about a simultaneous
interpreter who, having adapted “cricket” into “Tour de France” in a context of
a particularly popular sport, put himself in a difficult situation when the French dele-
gate thanked the original speaker for reference to such a typically French sport. To
avoid embarrassment the interpreter simply reversed the adaptation back into “cricket”
when translating to his English client.
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the phrase signifies “an actual accident involving a nuclear weapon, warhead, or
component” (Hebert 2008: 26). Since Poland at the time when the movie was
released had not officially admitted possession nor even storage of nuclear
weapons on its territory (Łuczak 1996), such emergency codes were not availa-
ble for use in translations. The film was distributed under the title “Tajna broń”.
Translators are often reluctant to make use of adaptation, as it invariably af-
fects not only the syntactic structure, but also the development and representa-
tion of ideas within the paragraph, chapter, or the text as a whole. In extreme
scenarios, a particular adaptation can affect extra-textual contexts, which can be
illustrated with the following movie title sequence, in which the initial transla-
tion influenced subsequent releases: Die Hard (Margolin & McTiernan 1988)
[original movie] – “Szklana pułapka”; Spy Hard (Nielsen & Friedberg 1996) [a
parody comedy with numerous references to the original movie] – “Szklanką po
łapkach”; A Good Day to Die Hard (Karnowski & Moore 2013) [the latest film
in the series] – “Szklana pułapka 5”.
The absence of adaptation may be noticeable by the overall tone of the text
that does not sound right in an indefinable way. It is the unfortunate impression
given by some international organization publications, where, for the sake of an
exaggerated insistence on parallelism, the people in charge demand translations
based on calques. The result often sounds unnatural, which is referred to as
translationese.2
5. Conclusion
2
The term translationese is a pejorative term used to refer to the language of translation
that derives from calquing ST lexical or syntactic patterning (see Duff 1981). New-
mark (2003: 96) uses a similar term translatorese to refer to the automatic choice of
the most common dictionary translation of a word where a less common alternative
would be more appropriate.
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References
Baker, M. (2011). In Other Words: A Coursebook on Translation, 2nd Ed. [First edition
published in 1992]. New York: Routledge.
Bakker, M., Koster, C. & van Leuven-Zwart, K. (1998). Shifts of Translation. In M.
Baker (Ed.), Encyclopedia of Translation Studies (226–231). London: Routledge.
Bogucki, Ł. (2004). A Relevance Framework for Constraints on Cinema Subtitling.
Łódź: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego.
Brzozowska, D. (2010). Humor in Cultural Discourse: Polish Jokes about China and
Japan. Cultural Perspectives, 15, 68–83.
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CALD. (2008). Cambridge Advanced Learner’s Dictionary, 3rd Ed. Cambridge: Cam-
bridge University Press.
Catford, J.C. (1965/2000). Translation Shifts [First published in 1965]. In L. Venuti
(Ed.), The Translation Studies Reader (pp. 141–147). London: Routledge.
Chesterman, A. (1997). Memes of Translation. Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
Deckert, M. (2013). Meaning in Subtitling: Toward a Contrastive Cognitive Semantic
Model. Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang.
Díaz Cintas, J., & Remael, A. (2007). Audiovisual Translation: Subtitling. Manchester:
St. Jerome.
Duff, A. (1981). The Third Language: Recurrent Problems of Translating into English.
Oxford: Pergamon.
Fisiak, J., Lipińska-Grzegorek, M., & Zabrocki, T. (1987). An Introductory English-
Polish Contrastive Grammar, 2nd Ed. Warszawa: Państwowe Wydawnictwo Nau-
kowe.
Gambier, Y. (2010). Translation strategies and tactics. In Y. Gambier & L. van
Doorslaer (Eds.), Handbook of Translation Studies, Vol. 1. Amsterdam: John Ben-
jamins.
Hebert, A. J. (2008 February). Of Bent Spears and Broken Arrows. Air Force Magazine,
91(2), 26.
Hejwowski, K. (2004). Kognitywno-komunikacyjna teoria przekładu. Warszawa: Wy-
dawnictwo Naukowe PWN.
Jarniewicz, J. (2000). Przekład tytułu: między egzotyką a adaptacją. In W. Kubiński, O.
Kubińska, & T. Z. Wolański (Eds.), Przekładając nieprzekładalne (pp. 477–483).
Gdańsk: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Gdańskiego.
Kubińska, O, & Kubiński, W. (2004). Osobliwy przypadek dwóch polskich przekładów
A Clockwork Orange Anthony Burgessa: wycieczka w kulturowe "uinnienie". In O.
Kubińska & W. Kubiński (Eds.), Przekladając nieprzekladalne 2 (pp. 67–76).
Gdańsk: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Gdańskiego.
Lukas, K. (2008). Konstruowanie kulturowej odmienności w przekładach ‘A Clockwork
Orange’ Anthony’ego Burgessa. In P. Fast & P. Janikowski (Eds.): Odmienność
kulturowa w przekładzie (pp. 83–100). Katowice: Wydawnictwo Naukowe “Śląsk”.
Łuczak, W. (1996 July). Poland’s Atomic Adventure. Air International, 51(1), 18–21.
Mańczak-Wohlfeld, E. (2006). Angielsko-polskie kontakty językowe. Kraków: Wydaw-
nictwo Uniwersytetu Jagiellońskiego.
Marco, J. (2009). The terminology of translation: Epistemological, conceptual and inter-
cultural problems and their social consequences. In Y. Gambier & L. van Doorslaer
(Eds.), The Metalanguage of Translation (255–269). Amsterdam: John Benjamins.
Newmark, P. (1988). A Textbook of Translation. London: Prentice Hall.
Newmark, P. (2003). Translation now – 24. The Linguist, 42(3), 95–96.
Nida, E. (1964). Toward a Science of Translating. Leiden: Brill.
Otwinowska-Kasztelanic, A. (2000). A study of the lexico-semantic and grammatical
influence of English on the Polish of the younger generation of Poles (19–35 years
of age). Warszawa: Wydawnictwo Akademickie DIALOG.
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Linguistic Barriers to Translating
Janusz Wróblewski
University of Łódź
jzwrob@gmail.com
Abstract: This chapter focuses on purely linguistic barriers in translation. Such barriers
generally stem from the fact that the grammatical systems of different languages are
different. For example, when a language with a system of articles (e.g. English or Ger-
man) uses those articles in a functionally relevant manner, this may prove difficult to
translate into a language without articles (e.g. Polish). Also discrepancies between the
number or gender systems of nouns and verbs between languages can cause certain prob-
lems in translation. Additionally, some linguistic barriers appear at the level of lexical
meaning (shared exponence, polysemy, oligosemy). The final part of this chapter is
devoted to translating wordplay – the trickiest linguistic barrier to translation. Whenever
we see a clever pun (“Żubr czeka na polanie”, from the TV commercial of Żubr beer)
and think of ways of expressing it in another language, our immediate reaction is likely
to be “But that’s untranslatable!” And yet, as numerous wordplay-studded books availa-
ble in translation show, wordplay is generally translatable. This section defines word-
play, presents its classification and then discusses various procedures for translating
wordplay (the procedures are illustrated with numerous examples).
Keywords: linguistic untranslatability, polysemy, wordplay, puns, compensation, neolo-
gisms
1. Introduction
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Janusz Wróblewski
serve the full meaning of the original, but the resultant translation loss (or gain)
is functionally irrelevant: for example, the Arabic word kitaabeen does not mean
exactly the same as the English word books, because the English word comes
from a two-term system (singular vs. plural), while the Arabic word comes from
a three-term system (singular vs. dual vs. plural) and represents the dual number,
but it generally can be translated as books (or, two books) without any problems
(Catford 1965: 36).
Sometimes, however, the discrepancy between the language systems leads
to a serious obstacle in translation. For example, English and German have
a system of articles1 while Polish does not. This causes visible problems to Poles
when they have to produce a text in English or German (and this includes trans-
lation into these languages), but this in itself is only an educational problem and
not a real linguistic barrier, because the same Poles will have no problems (or at
least fewer problems) translating from English or German into Polish: in some
contexts the articles will simply be ignored (for example, when the indefinite
article “a/an” precedes a noun which is used as a Subject Complement – as in
“John is a teacher”), and in other contexts their function will be taken over by
other words (e.g. demonstrative pronouns; cf. “This is the book I told you
about” and “To jest ta książka, o której ci mówiłem”), or expressed by means of
word order (cf. “An elephant walked into my garden” and “Do mojego ogrodu
wszedł słoń” [indefinite specific] vs. “An elephant is a big mammal” and “Słoń
jest wielkim ssakiem” [indefinite generic]; see Krzeszowski 1980: 176). On the
other hand, when a language with a system of articles uses those articles in
a functionally relevant manner, this may prove to be a serious translational prob-
lem. For example, in some of their TV commercials, Volkswagen advertise their
car as “Volkswagen. Das Auto”. This will work perfectly well in English
(“Volkswagen. The Car”) or in other languages with articles, but is really hard to
render into Polish, which does not normally signal the contrast between indefi-
niteness and definiteness of nouns.
The translator into Polish (and other article-less languages) faces a similar
problem with the short story “A Scandal in Bohemia” by Arthur Conan Doyle,
which begins with the sentence: “To Sherlock Holmes she is always the wom-
an.” and which ends: “And when he speaks of Irene Adler, or when he refers to
1
For those readers who do not speak German, it should be pointed out here that the two
systems, although superficially slightly similar, are in reality dramatically different.
This difference is reflected in Polish, where the English articles are called przedimki
(“pre-nominals”), while the German articles are referred to as rodzajniki, i.e. “gender-
markers” – they indicate not only the gender, but also the number and case of the
nouns (they are declined), and their distribution is somewhat different from that of
English.
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her photograph, it is always under the honourable title of the woman.” (Doyle
1994: 3 and 29). The question is how to render “the woman” in such a way as to
bring out the implied contrast with “a woman”. Difficult as this task may seem,
however, it is not impossible, on account of the fact that here, unlike in the case
of the Volkswagen commercial, the translator is dealing with a longer stretch of
text – the full story, and not just a three/two-word slogan. The solution chosen
by Irena Doleżal-Nowicka was simply to highlight the word kobieta by means of
expanded spacing, so that the respective sentences read: “Dla Sherlocka
Holmesa była zawsze ko b i e t ą ...” “Kiedy zaś wspomina o historii z fotografią
albo Irenę Adler, mówi o niej zawsze z szacunkiem jako o ko b i e c i e .” (Doyle
1972: 3 and 28).
Also differences between the number systems of nouns between languages
can become a barrier. For example, nouns in Japanese are not inflected for num-
ber. Normally, this does not matter, as in most situations the number will be
specified by means of a numeral and a proper classifier, but there can be con-
texts where the specification comes later, and this can lead to certain problems.
Wiesław Kotański gives an interesting example of an untranslatable short dia-
logue from Japanese. The first speaker says:
“ieno sobani kiga arimasu” (“There is a tree/There are some trees near the house”).
Since the Japanese noun is not marked for number, the second speaker asks:
We cannot translate the first line as “There is a tree near the house”, because
then the second speaker’s question will sound dumb. If, on the other hand, we
render it using the plural form, then, in turn, the first speaker’s answer sounds
odd and changes the whole exchange into a rather silly joke. Obviously the un-
markedness for number of the first line is vital here (or, functionally relevant, to
use Catford’s terminology), as it triggers off the remaining part of the dialogue.
However, there is no way it can be reproduced naturally in English or Polish,
because in both these languages every countable noun is marked for number.
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As we can see, the English vocative “my love” is not marked for gender, where-
as the Polish word “mała” is feminine. Perhaps this is not a dramatic mistake in
translation, but in view of the fact that Auden was homosexual, the specification
of the sex of the addressee as feminine does seem odd. Incidentally, it would be
equally wrong to make the addressee clearly masculine, because the poem does
not talk openly about homosexuality – ideally, deliberate ambiguity of the
source text should be preserved wherever possible, and in this poem the address-
ee should remain genderless, which Barańczak managed to do by turning the
vocative into an epithet of the noun head:
What can be a minor problem in a poem becomes a major one in a novel based
on the unspecified gender of the narrator. When in the novel Written on the Body
by Jeanette Winterson we read “I went”, we do not know whether the words are
produced by a man or by a woman. Unfortunately, the lack of the gender marker on
English verbs is impossible (or at least extremely difficult) to reproduce in Polish.
We have to say “poszedłem” (masculine) or “poszłam” (feminine). With some
other verbs, the translator has certain possibilities of manoeuvring: for example, the
phrase “wpadłam w przygnębienie” can be made impersonal and therefore un-
marked for gender – “ogarnęło mnie przygnębienie”, some other verbs can be
changed into the passive voice, some phrases can be modified by replacing the
main verb, and thus “Zrozumiałam, że kocham Y” (“I realised or understood that I
was in love with Y”) becomes “Stało się jasne, że kocham Y” (“It became clear
that ...”), but this strategy has obvious limitations, and therefore translating this
novel into Polish, Hanna Mizerska used the feminine gender throughout and added
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a preface explaining the problem and telling readers what they were losing. Jerzy
Jarniewicz had a similar problem with Philip Roth’s novel Deception, which pre-
sents conversations between a married man and a married woman written in free
direct speech (it is not specified who says what) (Jarniewicz 2002: 78-80; see also
Jarniewicz 1996).
Obviously, if translation from English into Polish imposes markedness,
translation in the opposite direction loses it. Stanisław Lem’s short story “Mas-
ka” begins with the narrator not fully conscious of its identity, and therefore
talking about itself using the Polish neuter gender in the first person past tenses
of verbs: “powiększałom się i rozpoznawałom siebie”, “kiedym mogło już
dokładnie ogarnąć własny kształt”, “leżałom jeszcze bezwładne”, “dotknęłom
zimnych, gładkich, wklęsłych płyt”, etc. (Lem 1976: 5). (Later the being feels an
inflow or influx of sex and becomes female). This verbal experiment is very
effective, but the trick cannot be reproduced in English or any other language
which has no gender marker on the first person past tenses of verbs.
Differences between gender marking of certain notions in various languages
can cause certain clashes with our expectations with respect to our perception of
the order of things. Thus in English Death is traditionally associated with the
masculine gender (the Grim Reaper), and in German it is clearly marked as der
Tod, whereas the Polish noun śmierć is always feminine. The poem “Die Todes-
fuge” by Paul Celan exists in at least four translations into Polish, and yet each
of them violates our perception to a certain extent. The German text says at one
point:
der Tod ist ein Meister aus Deutschland sein Auge ist blau
er trifft dich mit bleierner Kugel er trifft dich genau
(Literally, “Death is a master from Germany his eye is blue
he will hit you with his lead bullet he will hit you precisely”).
In English the image is the same, but in Polish the phrase “Śmierć jest mistrzem z
Niemiec” (all the four translations) sounds slightly odd: the subject is feminine, the
subject complement masculine, and there is not much that can be done about it.
Theoretically, the phrase could be rendered as “Śmierć jest mistrzynią z Niemiec”,
with the subject complement also feminine, but the original master refers of course
to master executioner as well as conjuring up images of soldiers and firing squads,
and calling Death “a mistress from Germany” ruins the effect completely (see Os-
trowski 2002: 145-147).
Another famous example of a gender mismatch in literary translation comes
from the poem “Ein Fichtenbaum” by Heinrich Heine in the Russian translation
by Lermontov. In the original, a spruce tree (the Fichtenbaum of the title, mas-
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culine gender) “träumt von einer Palme” (“dreams of a palm tree”, feminine
gender):
This will work perfectly well in Polish, where a masculine świerk can dream of
a feminine palma, but not in Russian. The Russian equivalent of Fichtenbaum is
ель, which is feminine gender. It is true that Lermontov replaced the original tree
with a pine tree – in Russian сосна, but this is also feminine, as is пальма, i.e.
the palm tree, so that the heterosexual emotional relationship between the trees
(or rather lovers, whom the trees symbolize) turns inadvertently into a lesbian
one; Lermontov’s version reads:
Interestingly enough, in French both the épicéa of the title and un palmier are
masculine, which again would turn the original longing into something which it
was not meant to be (see also Lebiedziński 1981: 157 and Pisarska 1989: 52).
Wawrzyniak reports that when, on the 9th of November 1970, Georges
Pompidou announced the death of General de Gaulle with the famous words:
«Françaises, Français, le général de Gaulle est mort. La France est veuve.»,
some translators had a serious problem with rendering his words, or, more spe-
cifically, the second sentence. Polish does not offer any problems here (“Francja
jest wdową”), as the Polish name of France is feminine, and neither does English
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with its fully natural “France is a widow”, but in German the name of France is
neuter, and the image of France as a wife and of General de Gaulle as a husband
is lost. Consequently, instead of translating the text literally (“Frankreich ist
Witwe”), the German translator achieves a much better result playing on the
concept of General de Gaulle as a father and offering the version “Frankreich ist
verwaist” (literally, “France is orphaned”) (see Wawrzyniak 1991: 55-56).
Naturally, it is not only the differences between the grammatical systems of
different languages that can cause translational problems; numerous linguistic
barriers appear at the level of lexical meaning.
Catford (1965: 94-96) points out that linguistic untranslatability stems first
of all from ambiguities peculiar to the source language which are functionally
relevant in the SL text. He subdivides them into those which involve shared
exponence, when two or more lexical or grammatical items have the same expo-
nent, as in the phrase “Time flies”, being on one hand an observation on the
passing of time and, on the other hand, at least technically, a request to measure
the velocity with which the said flies fly, and those which involve polysemy,
when one item has more than one meaning or, more specifically, when it has
a very general meaning with “a wide range of specific situational features”. Oth-
er situations where linguistic untranslatability can occur involve what Catford
terms oligosemy, that is, cases where a word or structure has a restricted range of
meaning, where this restriction is functionally relevant in the SL text, and where
this cannot be reproduced in a natural manner in the TL text. For example, the
Russian word пришла (prišla) means “came / arrived on foot”. In most contexts,
it can be translated into English simply as “came” or “arrived”, but if the detail
about somebody arriving on foot is functionally relevant, then we are dealing
with oligosemy and we are facing a linguistic barrier.
Let us look at the following bit of dialogue from Maxim Gorki’s novel
Детство (Detstvo, i.e., Childhood). The author / narrator, a little child, is talk-
ing to his grandmother, who has arrived from Nizhny / Nižnij Novgorod:
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It can be seen immediately that there are no translational problems between Rus-
sian and Polish in this passage, because Polish shares the restriction on the verb
przychodzić with Russian. In English, however, the dialogue cannot be repro-
duced in a natural manner. “Ты откуда пришла?” (“Ty otkuda prišla?”) can be
rendered simply and naturally as “Where did you come from?”, but the explana-
tion “не пришла, а приехала” (“ne prišla, a priyexala”) looks virtually untrans-
latable (in fact, when I asked Google Translate to translate it, the version I re-
ceived was: “did not come, and come”). The published English translation has:
This reads much better than the Google Translate version, but the grandmother’s
correction “but I did not walk here” does not stem naturally from the boy’s ques-
tion, because the boy did not use the verb walk.
Incidentally, the relative untranslatability of this passage stems not only
from the oligosemy of пришла (prišla), but also from the polysemy of С верху
(S verxu) and the shared exponence of Нижнего (Nižnego). The phrase S verxu
can be interpreted to mean something like “from above” or “from upstairs” on
one hand and “from up yonder” or “from upriver” on the other, and the word
нижний (nižnij) is both an adjective which means “lower” and a common ab-
breviation of the place name Нижний Новгород (Nižnij Novgorod). The boy
finds the grandmother’s answer absurd and totally incomprehensible: he pro-
ceeds to muse on who lives upstairs and who lives in the basement, and on ways
of coming downstairs (riding down the banisters or falling) and to wonder what
water has to do with that – he clearly understands the phrase S verxu in the sense
of “from upstairs”, while the grandmother obviously means “from upriver”, and
he clearly does not understand the reference to Нижний / Нижнего (Nižnij /
Nižnego) (see Gorki 1913-14 and Catford 1965: 96-98).
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both “in a/the clearing or glade” and “to be poured”, and this is where our chal-
lenge lies, because there is no way the ambiguity of the phrase na polanie can be
reproduced in English, French, German, etc. A few years ago another Polish
beer company advertised by means of the slogan “Mariola O KOCIM
spojrzeniu”, which means more or less, “Mariola WITH CAT-LIKE eyes /
gaze”, but the point is of course that the slogan contains the name of the beer –
OKOCIM. Again, it is probably impossible to reproduce this effect in any other
language, but this does not mean that all puns are by definition untranslatable.
The problem is that they usually cannot be translated literally.
But what precisely is wordplay?
In a narrower sense of this word, wordplay is a play on words, or a pun, that is,
“A figure of speech depending upon a similarity of sound and a disparity of mean-
ing” (Fogle 1974: 681), or “the humorous use of a word that has two meanings, or
of different words that sound the same” (OALD 1995). Thus at one end of the field
marked “puns” we have one word (or structure) placed in such a context that two
(or more) separate, individual meanings are activated at once (as in the following
joke: “Question: Where the doorbell rings off-key...? Answer: Must be a flat.”2),
and at the opposite end we have two different words or structures (occasionally
more) which look or sound similar and which are placed next to each other (as in
the famous Italian maxim traduttore traditore, which aptly sums up the difficulty,
if not the impossibility, of translation). In a broader sense – wordplay is playing
with words, and includes all sorts of linguistic deviations, some of which are
somewhat un-pun-like: for example, playing with parts of words (for instance,
Nabokov offers mauvemail as a milder form of blackmail and turns a therapist into
the rapist – 1980: 70–71 and 147–148), spoonerisms, modifying recognizable
phrases, as when Richard Curtis, Simon Bell and Helen Fielding published the
book Who’s Had Who (Faber & Faber, 1987), obviously hinting at, and playing on,
the title of the world-famous reference publications Who’s Who, or, generally, play-
ing with language at various levels, as Joyce did in his Ulysses and Finnegans
Wake (McArthur 1992: 787).
One point may require clarification here, namely the fact that some authors
distinguish between a pun and a play on words. For example, Freud in his book
Der Witz und seine Beziehung zum Unbewußten (originally published in 1905;
the English translation is entitled Jokes and their Relation to the Unconscious)
2
The joke is of course based on two meanings of the noun flat: (1) “(a symbol for)
a note that is a semitone lower than a stated note” (CALD 2003), which accounts for
the sound of the doorbell being off-key, and (2) “(US apartment) a set of rooms for liv-
ing which are part of a larger building and are usually all on one floor” (CALD 2003),
which accounts for the doorbell being there.
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says that puns (actually, in the original, he uses the German word Kalauer, and
the French term Calembourgs) are:
the lowest form of verbal joke, probably because they are the ‘cheapest’ – can be
made with the least trouble. And they do in fact make the least demand on the tech-
nique of expression, just as the play upon words proper makes the highest. While in
the latter the two meanings should find their expression in identically the same
word, which on that account is usually said only once, it is enough for a pun if the
two words expressing the two meanings recall each other by some vague similarity,
whether they have a general similarity of structure or a rhyming assonance, or
whether they have the same first few letters, and so on.
(Freud 1983: 80)
As examples of the play on words proper, Freud quotes two jokes in French
from a book by K. Fischer (Über den Witz, 1889, Heidelberg, 2nd ed.), who, ap-
parently, also insisted that a play on words was different from, and nobler than,
a pun: (1) when Napoleon III assumed power, he immediately confiscated the
property of the House of Orleans; someone commented: “C’est le premier vol de
l’aigle” (“It’s the eagle’s first vol”, vol meaning both ‘flight’ and ‘theft’); (2)
trying to test the wit of one of his courtiers, King Louis XV of France asked him
to make a joke of which the King would be the subject; the courtier replied im-
mediately: “Le roi n’est pas sujet” [“The King is not a subject”] (Freud 1983:
71). Incidentally, the same story exists in English, about Thomas Killigrew
(1612-1683), page to King Charles I and later fool and jester of King Charles II.
As an example of a mere pun, Freud quotes, inter alia, Ludwig Hevesi’s com-
ment about an Italian poet: “Since he could not exterminate the Cäsaren [Cae-
sars], he at least eliminated the Cäsuren [caesuras]” (Freud 1983: 81).
Another, and, frankly speaking, somewhat incoherent distinction between
puns and a play on words is proposed by Hammond and Hughes (1978: 8–9), but
usually, the terms pun and play on words are used interchangeably and in the pre-
sent chapter, in accordance with majority usage, they will be treated as synonyms.
The most detailed and most precise definition of wordplay is probably that
offered by Delabastita:
wordplay is the general name indicating the various textual phenomena (i.e. on the
level of performance or parole) in which certain features inherent in the structure of
the language used (level of competence or langue) are exploited in such a way as to
establish a communicatively significant, (near-)simultaneous confrontation of at
least two linguistic structures with more or less dissimilar meanings (signifieds) and
more or less similar forms (signifiers).
(1993: 57, but cf. also 2001: 48)
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Delabastita has also proposed one of the neatest classifications of puns. He di-
vides puns into four major groups, namely those based on homonymy, homoph-
ony, paronymy, and homography; moreover, each of these types can be vertical
and horizontal, depending on whether the two (or more) meanings are activated
simultaneously or successively, which gives us eight categories altogether
(1993: 78-81). There are of course certain problems with Delabastita’s classifi-
cation: for one thing, it is not at all clear whether homophones include near-
homophones or not (specifically, should the following pun: “The dairymaid is
a girl who ought to know butter”, echoing the well-known expression to know
better, meaning “to be wise enough not to do something” [Maltzev 1980: 15], be
classified as a vertical homophonic pun or perhaps as a paronymic one?); more-
over, some puns will not fit any of Delabastita’s categories at all (e.g., the
above-quoted mauvemail), but other than that, this classification provides quite
a useful framework for a discussion of wordplay.
Let us now look at examples of the specific categories of puns as transla-
tional problems.
3. Classification of puns
This is the ideal, prototypical play on words proper, where one word is put in
a context in which both its meanings are activated at once, as in Mercutio’s last
and pain-full pun “Ask for me tomorrow and you shall find me a grave man”
from Romeo and Juliet (Act III, Scene I; Shakespeare 1958: 492). The word
grave means ‘serious’, but also evokes the image of a grave.
Another example from the same category is the following popular question-
and-answer exchange: Question: “Is life worth living?” Answer: “Depends on
the liver.” The word liver means both the human being performing the action of
living (morphologically to live + the suffix -er, which denotes the doer of an
action) and the organ in the body, known in Polish as wątroba.
A very clever homonymic pun – one without the actual word being used –
appears in the novel The Light Fantastic by Terry Pratchett. Twoflower is talk-
ing about a card game:
‘It’s a special kind of playing,’ said Twoflower. ‘It’s called –’ he hesitated. Lan-
guage wasn’t his strong point. ‘In your language it’s called a thing you put across
a river, for example,’ he concluded, ‘I think.’
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One of the cleverest vertical homonymic puns (and also one of the most difficult
to translate) comes from Pratchett’s Equal Rites: “The lodgings were on the top
floor next to the well-guarded premises of a respectable dealer in stolen property
because, as Granny had heard, good fences make good neighbours.” (1987: 119)
The starting point for this wordplay is of course the quotation “Good fences make
good neighbours” from the poem “Mending Wall” by Robert Frost (1992: 48-50),3
which is based on the traditional meaning of the word fence, the one known to most
English language learners and included even in concise dictionaries, namely, “a
structure which divides two areas of land, similar to a wall but made of wood or
wire and supported with posts” (CALD 2003), in Polish płot. Pratchett, however,
puts this saying in a context which activates also a completely different meaning of
fence, not so widely known, and usually not included in smaller-sized dictionaries,
i.e. “a person who buys and sells stolen goods” (CALD 2003), or, to use Pratchett’s
own phrasing, “a dealer in stolen property”, in Polish paser. Since there is no way
the word płot can be turned into the word paser in Polish, the translator faces
a really serious problem here.
Incidentally, some examples might be hard to classify as vertical or horizon-
tal. Let us look at the following short passage from the novel Jingo – Command-
er Vimes bids farewell to his butler Willikins, who has volunteered to join the
army and is about to leave: “‘Well, we shall miss you, Willikins.’ Others may
not, he thought. Especially if they have time for a second shot.” (Pratchett 1998:
68). Technically, the word miss is used only once and as such qualifies as
a vertical pun. On the other hand, its second meaning is not activated until
slightly later, which might classify the pun as horizontal.
3
Leszek Elektorowicz renders those words from Frost’s poem as “Mur to gwarancja
dobrego sąsiedztwa.” (Poeci 1974: 128), and in Stanisław Barańczak’s translation they
are: “Gdzie dobre płoty, tam dobrzy sąsiedzi.” (Frost 1992: 49-51)
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‘And so these three little sisters–they were learning to draw, you know–’
‘What did they draw?’ said Alice, quite forgetting her promise.
‘Treacle,’ said the Dormouse, without considering at all this time.”
(Carroll 1990: 152)
As can be seen, the word draw is used here first rather in the sense of making
a picture of something, using a pencil or pen, and afterwards rather in the sense
of pulling. And a few lines later, we read:
‘But they were in the well,’ Alice said to the Dormouse, not choosing to notice this
last remark.
‘Of course they were’, said the Dormouse; ‘well in.’
(Carroll 1990: 154)
A simple pun of this type appears also in the first paragraph of the Foreword to
Nabokov’s Lolita: “Mr Clark’s decision may have been influenced by the fact
that the editor of his choice had just been awarded the Poling Prize for a modest
work (‘Do the Senses make Sense?’)” (1980: 5).
Let us have a look at one more example: David Benedictus in his sequel to
the Winnie-the-Pooh books, called Return to the Hundred Acre Wood, has Pooh
use the word odd in the sense of ‘strange’ and then has Piglet picking it up with
reference to odd vs. even numbers. Piglet visits Pooh and finds him
When spoken, vertical homophonic puns are no different from homonymic puns:
one word or phrase activates more than one meaning simultaneously. For exam-
ple, we hear the phrase [mai kju:], and in our mind’s eye we see ‘my cue’, ‘my
queue’, and perhaps also ‘my Q’. Of course, when we see this phrase written,
one of the meanings is foregrounded, so the spelling spoils the effect to a certain
extent, but in the proper circumstances the multiple activation is still there.
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‘Mine is a long and a sad tale!’ said the Mouse, turning to Alice, and sighing.
‘It is a long tail, certainly,’ said Alice, looking down with wonder at the Mouse’s
tail; ‘but why do you call it sad?’
(Carroll 1990: 68-70)
Or Alice is explaining the movements of the Earth to the Duchess, and the
Duchess thinks of ... something else:
‘You see the earth takes twenty-four hours to turn round on its axis –’
‘Talking of axes,’ said the Duchess, ‘chop off her head!’
(Carroll 1990: 122-124)
Let me quote one more horizontal homophonic pun from Alice’s Adventures in
Wonderland: this one is based on homophony not of single words, but of a word
and a phrase. The Mock Turtle reminisces about his school years:
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‘Why did you call him Tortoise, if he wasn’t one?’ Alice asked.
‘We called him Tortoise because he taught us,’ said the Mock Turtle angrily: ‘really
you are very dull!’
(Carroll 1990: 192)
The joke consists in the fact that the word Tortoise and the phrase taught us are
(near-)homophones. Since it is highly unlikely that the two will remain homo-
phones in another language, the passage presents the translator with another
really serious problem.
Paronyms are words which look similar, but which have different meanings. As
an example of a vertical paronymic pun Delabastita (1993: 81) quotes the word
intrinsicate from Antony and Cleopatra (this word is a conflation of intricate
and intrinsic). Cleopatra speaks (to an asp, which she applies to her breast):
Numerous vertical paronymic puns can be found in James Joyce. For example, the
famous phrase “they were yung and easily freudened” from Finnegans Wake clear-
ly conveys the meaning “young and easily frightened”, but it also puns on the
names of two famous psychoanalysts, Jung and Freud (Book 1, Chapter 5, Joyce
1982a: 115).
Actually, a lot of Finnegans Wake looks like a conflation of various words,
not necessarily pure paronyms; for instance, the word penisolate from the sec-
ond paragraph of the book: “Sir Tristram, violer d’amores, fr’over the short sea,
had passencore rearrived from North Armorica on this side the scraggy isthmus
of Europe Minor to wielderfight his penisolate war ...” (Joyce 1982a: 3), sug-
gests such words as penis, peninsula, and isolate.
Also the famous poem “Jabberwocky” from Lewis Carroll’s Through the
Looking Glass conflates a number of words; let us quote the first stanza here:
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Thus, for example, slithy combines lithe and slimy, while mimsy is a conflation
of miserable and flimsy (Carroll himself, in the words of Humpty-Dumpty, calls
such conflations portmanteau words – Carroll 1998: 198-199)
God loving me
Guard me in sleep
Guide me to Thee
By definition, homographic puns involve the use of words which are written in
the same way but which are pronounced differently; e.g. lead [li:d] = “to be in
front, to be first, or to be winning”; “to control a group of people, a country, or
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The rapist was Charlie Holmes; I am the therapist – a matter of nice spacing in the
way of distinction.
(Nabokov 1980: 147–8).
No matter whether the word is used vertically or horizontally, the effect cannot be
reproduced literally in any other language and, therefore, in the Russian Lolita
Nabokov substituted a horizontal paronymic pun for the original wordplay:
“Растлением занимался Чарли Хольмс; я же занимаюсь растением,
детским растением …” (roughly, the Russian texts contrasts the seduction of
a minor and looking after a child’s growth; Nabokov 1998).
3.9. Miscellaneous
Some puns are obviously difficult to translate, but some are equally difficult to
classify. For instance, when Nabokov plays on the morphological structure of
the word blackmail, and replaces black with mauve, thus giving this word
a somewhat “gentler” character, the resulting punning coinage does not fit into
any of Delabastita’s categories:
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Then, figuratively speaking, I shattered the glass, and boldly imagined […] how
eventually I might blackmail – no, that is too strong a word – mauvemail big Haze
into letting me consort with little Haze …
(Nabokov 1980: 70-71).
The first word is obvious; the remaining ones play on ruminate, broom, and
rumba, respectively. Perhaps with some good will, the words could be treated as
a sequence of vertical paronymic puns, but they are certainly not prototypical
paronymic puns. And the inventiveness and creativity of punsters goes much
farther.
In the early 1990s, a German magazine (its name escapes me) entitled one
of its articles “Die BeeRDigung der DDR”. The basic meaning of the word
Beerdigung is “burial, funeral, or interment”, but the point here is that the capital
letters spell BRD, i.e. Bundesrepublik Deutschland. The article talked about the
burial of the German Democratic Republic, but also about its transformation,
about its becoming BRD, Bundesrepublik Deutschland. This is certainly
a simultaneous confrontation of two linguistic structures with dissimilar mean-
ings; it is visibly vertical, but it is not homonymic, not homophonic, not homo-
graphic, and not really paronymic.
Even if we fit the BeeRDigung into the paronymic puns or establish an addi-
tional category for it, we still have problems. Where do we place Joyce’s multi-
lingual puns, like the following “Fieluhr? Filou!” from Finnegans Wake (Joyce
1982a: 213)? Admittedly, they might be treated as homophonic, except that in
this case the homophones belong to two different languages: the first word is
a somewhat corrupted German question about the time, and the second word is
French and means roughly “rogue, rascal, crook or thief”, the implication of this
juxtaposition being probably that time is a thief.
And where do we classify puns based not just on two languages, but also on
two different scripts? Elena Slobodian mentions a few very interesting titles of
Russian novels, based on the interplay between the Cyrillic script and English.
For example, Eva Punsh (Ева Пунш) published a novel called Крысоlove,
which plays on the Russian word крысолов, [literally, ‘rat-catcher’] and, of
course, the English word love. «Крысолов» also happens to be the title of
a poem by Marina Tsvetaeva (Марина Цветаева) about the Rattenfänger von
Hameln (better known in English as the Pied Piper of Hamelin), first published
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in 1925, and of a short story by Alexander Grin, both of which get quoted in Eva
Punsh’s book. Eva Punsh is also the author of a book called Net.любви, which
exploits the fact that the English word net happens to be a transliteration of the
Russian word нет, meaning “no” (the whole title would thus mean more or less
“No Love” confronted with “A/The Net of Love” or “Internet Loves”). Another
writer – Oksana Robski (Оксана Викторовна Робски) – wrote a novel Про
любoff/on, the title of which is based on the modification of the spelling of the
word любовь, meaning “love”, in accordance with the French spelling of the
Russian surname Smirnoff (in Russian, Смирнов) and the famous brand of vod-
ka, and which then plays on the adverbial particles off vs. on (cf. Slobodian
2010).
But let us leave the problems of the classification of puns aside, and let us turn to
ways of translating them.
As far as translating wordplay is concerned, Delabastita lists nine specific
procedures for dealing with wordplay (some of them with numerous subdivi-
sions); they are:
(1) PUN > PUN (a pun gets translated as a pun); (2) PUN > NON-PUN (the
translator ignores a pun and renders the basic meaning of the given phrase); (3)
PUN > PUNOID (the translator renders a pun as another rhetorical device; e.g.
a rhyming couplet or a literary allusion); (4) PUN > ZERO (the phrase or sen-
tence which contains a pun gets omitted); (5) Direct copy: PUN S.T. = PUN T.T.
(the translator copies the source-text pun into the target text); (6) Transference:
PUN S.T. = PUN T.T. (this means imposing the SL meaning onto the TL word4);
(7) Addition: NON-PUN > PUN (the translator makes a pun in the TL where the
original text had an ordinary phrase); (8) Addition (New textual material):
ZERO > PUN (the translator adds some text in order to introduce a pun); (9)
Editorial Techniques (Footnotes, etc.) (Delabastita 1993: vii and 192-227). (Inter-
estingly enough, the procedure called transference does not reappear on the lists in
4
This happened, for instance, in biblical translation. As Delabastita explains: “Since the
Jews were not allowed to utter the name of God, they used the word for ‘master’ in-
stead. When the Bible was translated into Greek, the Greek word for ‘master’ was giv-
en the additional meaning of 'God' by way of meaning transference...” (1993: 246). As
is commonly known, the same procedure was applied in other European languages,
including Polish.
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Delabastita 1996: 134 and 2004: 604; moreover, in Delabastita 2004: 604, the term
PUNOID gets replaced with RELATED RHETORICAL DEVICE.)
It seems to me, however, that they can be reduced to five major ones (al-
though direct copy is not really translation); the translator can: (1) ignore the pun
and translate the basic meaning of the relevant phrase(s), which covers Delabas-
tita’s procedures 2 and 4; (2) copy the pun directly from the source text into the
target text (Delabastita’s procedure 5); (3) explain the pun in a footnote (this is
Delabastita’s procedure 9); (4) try to translate the pun or to reproduce some form
of wordplay at the place of the original pun (Delabastita’s procedures 1 and 3),
and (5) ignore a specific pun but compensate for it by introducing a play on
words elsewhere in the text (Delabastita’s procedures 7 and 8).
Moreover, it must be added here that some of these procedures can be com-
bined; for example, the translator translates a pun as a new pun, but leaves the
original wordplay too, as Jacques Le Clercq did in his English translation of
Gargantua et Pantagruel (see below); or the translator uses the PUN > PUN
procedure and provides a footnote explaining the source-text pun anyway (as
Robert Stiller did in his bilingual Alice – Carroll 1990). Obviously, editorial
techniques such as footnotes, etc., can be combined with virtually any other pro-
cedure, but they are especially common, if not required, with direct copy, where
readers of the translation might not understand the point of the joke. Naturally,
the compensatory procedures can be used independently of any other proce-
dures, so that in a sense they also combine with other procedures.
Let us now look at these five procedures in more detail.
The first possibility is the simplest and, despite appearances to the contrary, not
always reprehensible: the translator ignores the wordplay and translates the basic
meaning of the phrase in question or, if the phrase without the wordplay is really
meaningless (e.g. the half-homonymic, half-homophonic riddle: “How would
you paint the sun and the wind?” “The sun rose and the wind blue/blew”), omits
it altogether.
Thus if one of the characters in the murder mystery by Ngaio Marsh entitled
Scales of Justice introduces his cats: Ptolemy, Alexis, and Edie, adding after
a moment “Edie Puss, of course” (1958: 12), playing on the name Oedipus, it
seems to me that the translator can perfectly legitimately introduce the third cat
(actually, a kitten) as, for instance, Cleopatra or Antigone, and forget the refer-
ence to Oedipus. The original name tells the reader two things: that the owner of
the cats is fond of Greek history and literature, and that he is a punster, but, since
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neither point is relevant to the plot, ignoring one of them (specifically, the sec-
ond one) will not produce a dramatic translational loss. Of course, this does not
mean that the pun cannot be recreated in Polish – for example, the kitten can be
introduced as “Mas” and then, after the listener expresses her surprise, the cat-
owner adds “Oczywiście Mas-Kotka” (meaning ‘mascot’, and exploiting the fact
the Polish equivalent of this word contains the word for ‘kitten’), but, frankly
speaking, I do not think that informing the reader about a minor character’s pen-
chant for punning is that important here.
Even if a book abounds in wordplay, if puns are its vital feature, this does
not mean that the translator has to try to translate every single one of them. It is
all right to omit one or even a few, provided that the majority are somehow re-
produced: the overall stylistic effect will still be preserved, and whether a book
contains 37 puns or just 33 is really irrelevant. Thus although Tadeusz Boy-
Żeleński managed to reproduce most of the puns from Gargantua et Pantagruel,
the following contrepèterie (spoonerism) from the 21st chapter of Pantagruel:
does not appear in the Polish edition (see Rabelais 1988: Vol. 1 – pp. 198ff.).
Also Piotr Cholewa omitted a few puns from his translations of Pratchett – for ex-
ample, the following wordplay from the Discworld novel Mort (Mort lands a job
with Death; the job – at least initially – involves cleaning after the horses):
Some jobs offer increments. This one offered – well, quite the reverse, but at least
it was in the warm and fairly easy to get the hang of.
(Pratchett 1987b: 33; emphasis mine – JW)
gets a non-pun rendering: “Praca nie dawała szczególnej satysfakcji, ale przy-
najmniej było ciepło i technikę dało się opanować bez problemu” (Pratchett
2002: 33), even though it lends itself almost immediately to translation into Po-
lish – based on a similar opposition: „Na ogół posada wiąże się z dochodami.
Ta wiązała się – no cóż, z czymś wprost przeciwnym, ale...” (This translation is
mine – JW). Technically, the word increment means ‘one of a series of salary or
pay increases’, and corresponds rather to the Polish word podwyżka, but it is the
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word dochody (literally, ‘income’) that expresses the opposite of the Polish
equivalent of the word implied by the phrase “quite the reverse”.
Let us look also at the following scene from Moving Pictures, which con-
tains a nice homonymic pun:
Copying the source-text pun into the target text is not really translation, but it is
sometimes used by translators. For example, the English translation of Gargan-
tua et Pantagruel, by Jacques Le Clercq, reproduced in The Norton Anthology of
World Masterpieces, offers the spoonerism quoted in the previous section pre-
served in French plus an English one:
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This one, however, provides also an explanatory footnote: “– Die Rose of Cas-
tille – Rows of cast steel (engl.) phonet. Wortspiel: Rose von Kastilien – Reihen
aus Gußstahl (Schienen, Gleise).” (The German examples are quoted after
Szczerbowski 1998: 85-86). Which leads us nicely into the next section.
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Since there is no way those two separate Polish equivalents can be combined
into one, the translator had no option but to explain this fact by providing an
appropriate footnote: “W angielskiej terminologii szachowej ‘biskup’ oznacza
‘gońca’” (Van Dine 1991: 145).
Let us now consider the following fragment from the short story “It’s
a Dog’s Life” by John Lutz [the narrator and protagonist, private detective Milo
Morgan, introduces his dog to Lieutenant Jack Redaway – incidentally, a very
unpleasant character]:
To spay means ‘to remove the ovaries of a female animal’ (CALD 2003), but the
point of the joke is that Lieutenant Redaway’s remark plays on the name Sam
Spade (the words Spayed and Spade being of course homophones) – well-known
to the aficionados of detective fiction – the name of the main character, a private
detective, in the famous hard-boiled mystery novel The Maltese Falcon by
Dashiell Hammett and in the equally famous 1941 film directed by John Hou-
ston and starring Humphrey Bogart. Again, since it is probably impossible to
translate this wordplay into Polish and to retain the allusion to Sam Spade, the
potential translator (to the best of my knowledge, this short story has not been
translated into Polish yet) would have to either omit the joke altogether, or ex-
plain it in a footnote.
To quote an example from a published translation: in Terry Pratchett’s nov-
el Truckers (the first part of the so-called Nome, or Bromeliad, Trilogy), the
nomes have stolen a truck and are driving it along a road. At one point Angalo
sees a road sign; Grimma and Masklin read: “Road Works Ahead”. Angalo is
happy that he can drive ahead at full speed, but Masklin is surprised that any-
body should want to tell drivers about a road which works; to him, it would
make sense to inform people about a road which does not work... Of course, this
will not work in Polish. Theoretically, it would be possible to produce some kind
of wordplay here, because the basic Polish equivalent of the word road – droga
– happens to have additional meanings such as “dear” and “expensive”, while
the Polish equivalent of the word works (roboty) happens to be homonymic with
the Polish word for robots, but this would entail substantial changes in the dia-
logue and, in view of what happens next (the nomes discover that there is no
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road ahead), the whole scene would not be as effective as in the original, and
therefore Jarosław Kotarski simply translated the sign as the nomes
(mis)understood it, i.e., as “Z przodu działająca droga”, and provided the follow-
ing explanatory footnote: “Znak ten w języku polskim nosi nazwę ‘Roboty
drogowe’, po angielsku Road Works Ahead. Zastosowano tu tłumaczenie do-
słowne, gdyż inaczej dialog byłby niezrozumiały (przyp. tłum.)” (Pratchett
2009: 221).
Tom is trying to get his new computer working. He’s having trouble so he calls
over Harry to give him a hand. Harry switches on the computer then asks Tom if he
wants it password protected.
‘Oh yes, I read about that in the manual. I think the password I’ll have is
“DaffyDuckBugsBunnyTomandJerry”.’
‘That’s a very long password,’ says Harry.
‘Yes,’ replies Tom. ‘But the manual says it has to be at least four characters.’
5
The two jokes come originally from Arnott, Stephen and Haskins, Mike. 2004. Man
Walks Into a Bar. The Ultimate Collection of Jokes and One-Liners. Chester: Ebury
Press, p. 235 (Bogucki 2007: 23).
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This one can be translated into Polish relatively easily, except that the translation
cannot be literal.
If we try to translate this joke literally, i.e., if we retain the “DaffyDuck-
BugsBunnyTomandJerry” password, we run into a problem. The problem is of
course the word “characters”. In English, a character means both “a letter, num-
ber, or other mark or sign used in writing or printing, or the space one of these
takes” and “a person represented in a film, play, or story” (CALD 2003), but in
Polish the two meanings are expressed by means of different words (znak and
postać, respectively). If, however, we modify the password into something like,
for instance, “zakazwjazduzakazpostojuzakazwyprzedzaniastop” (roughly, “no
entry for vehicular traffic, no waiting, no overtaking, stop”), then we can contin-
ue to the very punchline:
Perhaps the Polish version, which exploits the relative polysemy of the Polish
word znaki (technically, road signs are znaki drogowe), is less effective and less
amusing than the original, but at least the joke can be told, unlike the first one,
which can only be explained.
Also most of the puns presented in the section on the classification of puns
can be translated into Polish, and while some of these might test the translator’s
inventiveness, some actually lend themselves to translation almost immediately
(even if some translators do not see it). Let us have a look at some examples
(this is not a systematic study of all those puns in all the translations, and there-
fore only some of the most interesting solutions will be presented).
Thus although Mercutio’s vertical homonymic pun on the word grave gets
a non-pun rendering in Paszkowski’s translation – “Znajdziesz mię jutro
spokojnym jak trusia.” (Szekspir 1973: 451), Maciej Słomczyński succeeded – at
least to a certain extent – in recreating the homonymy of the word grave; his ver-
sion reads:
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a kind of pun here, “Żywiec” being a brand of beer and a neologism which po-
tentially could mean a human being performing the action of living...
Let us return for a moment to the pun on “fans”. As was stated above, Piotr
Cholewa did not reproduce this wordplay. It seems to me, however, that al-
though the association with heat (or lack of it) cannot be reproduced in Polish,
preserving wordplay in this bit of dialogue is relatively simple. The Polish word
wielbiciele just happens to be phonetically similar, if not identical, with the
phrase wielbi cielę, which means ‘adores (or worships) a/the calf’, so that it
might trigger off an equally silly question on the part of Ginger: “Who adores
a/the calf?” Here is my version of this dialogue, with a horizontal homophonic
pun (I have retained the last line in Piotr Cholewa’s translation):
It will have been observed that some puns are slightly easier to translate than
some others. For example, the joke from Alice’s Adventures in Wonderland
about the three little sisters in the well being “well in” has been translated into
Polish without any problems by all the major translators of Alice: Marianowicz
is close to an ideal translation, but unfortunately he spoils it somewhat by being
unnecessarily verbose. The simplest solution would be to express “well in” by
means of the phrase “od stu dni w studni” (“in the well for a hundred days”,
reversed), but Marianowicz adds a few words and changes the speaker:
Słomczyński moves away from a pun towards a kind of spoonerism and offers
a phonetically amusing but semantically empty phrase “w studni na dole, dudni
w stodole” (Carroll 1972: 80), but Stiller and Kozak simply borrow Marian-
owicz’s obvious homophonic solution quoted above (Carroll 1990: 155 and
1997: 82, respectively).
Also the pun on senses from Lolita turned out to be easy to translate for
both Polish translators of the novel, Robert Stiller and Michał Kłobukowski:
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On the other hand David Benedictus’s clever pun from Return to the Hundred
Acre Wood (“It is odd, isn’t it, Piglet?” “It’s even,” said Piglet – Benedictus
2009: 1-2) did not get rendered as a pun in the Polish edition, but neither did it
get ignored completely. Let us look at the corresponding fragment in the Polish
translation by Michał Rusinek:
As can be seen, Rusinek translates “It is odd, isn’t it, Piglet?” as if it were “It is
unbelievable, isn’t it, Piglet?” and then he puts the Polish equivalent of “It is
unbelievable”, i.e. “Nie do wiary”, next to a possible Polish equivalent of “It is
even” (“do pary”), thus producing a rhyming pair which would presumably be
termed a punoid, or related rhetorical device.
Let us turn now to the vertical homophonic pun on Cue discussed above.
Although both Stiller and Kłobukowski offer a non-pun rendering of the title of
Vivian Darkbloom’s biography “My Cue”, it seems to me that a simple homo-
nymic solution is possible here: I would title the book “Pyta Q”, which can be
interpreted to mean both “Q asks” and “Q’s penis”.
Also it seems to me that “the Bridge of Size” from Night Watch, translated
by Cholewa flatly as “Most Spory” (Pratchett 2008: 28) can be called more crea-
tively as Most Eastchnień or Most Ostchnień (both playing on the Polish name
for the Bridge of Sighs, i.e., Most Westchnień, the first version being English-
based – East vs. West – and the second one being based on the German opposi-
tion of Ost vs. West).
It needs to be stressed, however, that the translating of puns is often a matter
of happy inspiration and that it is definitely much easier to invent puns when one
does not work to a deadline. Papers on translation theory contain numerous ex-
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– ...Bo ziemia, wie pani, potrzebuje dwudziestu czterech godzin na pełny obrót do-
koła swej osi. A najważniejsza rzecz to pory roku...
– Skoro już mowa o toporach – przerwała Księżna – to zetnij jej natychmiast gło-
wę!
(Carroll 1988: 102)
His version exploits the fact that the Polish word topory happens to be homo-
phonic – as well as being homographic – with two separate words: to (a demon-
strative pronoun, which in Polish can also perform the function of the copula to
be) and pory (meaning ‘times’ or ‘seasons’, and here used as part of the phrase
seasons of the year). Marianowicz simply expands Alice’s astronomy lesson by
one sentence, which means literally: “And the most important thing are the sea-
sons of the year...”, thus giving the Duchess perfect “axes” to talk of, and proba-
bly only the desire and/or necessity to find another solution forced Maciej
Słomczyński to introduce a rather unnatural and somewhat convoluted construc-
tion here:
[...] ziemia wiruje wokół swej osi raz na dwadzieścia cztery godziny, czy by się te-
go chciało, czy nie chciało...
– Niech ciało, powiadasz? Dobrze, niech ciało jej odrąbią od głowy! Utnij jej
głowę!
(Carroll 1972: 64)
Both Stiller and Kozak borrow from Marianowicz (see Carroll 1990: 123-125
and 1997: 63).
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Nauczycielem naszym był pewien stary, bezzębny Rekin, którego nazywaliśmy Pi-
łą.
– Dlaczego nazywaliście go Piłą, skoro był Rekinem, a w dodatku nie miał zębów?
– zapytała Alicja.
– Ponieważ piłował nas wciąż w czasie lekcji – odparł ze zniecierpliwieniem Niby
Żółw.
(Carroll 1988: 166)
For Polish-less readers, the verb piłować (literally, “to saw”) has an additional
slangy meaning: “to demand constant hard work from pupils at school; to be
a harsh, severe, and demanding teacher”. For comparison, let us have a look at
Maciej Słomczyński’s version of this wordplay; here, the Turtle remains the
Turtle, and the pupils call him Oyster, because the Polish word for oyster – os-
tryga – contains the adjective ostry, which means “sharp” or “harsh”, and which
thus could be used to describe a teacher:
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rendered into Chinese, where fān ‘yi means “to translate”, and fānyi’ corresponds
to such expressions as “to break a contract” or “to fail to keep one’s word” (see
Szczerbowski 2003: 23, who quotes here Chinese signs from the Bolshoj Kitajsko
Russkij Słowar’), and into Hungarian, where the saying “a fordítás: ferdítés” means
roughly something like “translation is distortion”6. And, it seems to me, an English
pun rendering is also possible: translator transtraitor (my own coinage – JW), even
if it stretches the rules of English word formation to a certain extent.
The last thing a translator can do when dealing with wordplay is to ignore it, but
to introduce a play on words elsewhere in the text (compensation in place).
Sometimes a translator may want to produce additional instances of wordplay
not so much in order to make up for a specific pun which he failed to translate as
to compensate for more broadly understood inevitable translational losses, or
simply because puns are a stylistic feature of the original and a fragment of the
target text just lends itself to punning.
It is well-known, for instance, that Nabokov introduced additional puns
when he was translating his novel Lolita from English into Russian; for example,
where the original English version has a relatively neutral phrase “both of us
were panting as the cowman and the sheepman never do after their battles”
(Nabokov 1980: 298), Nabokov’s Russian Lolita introduces two paronymic puns
and has “мы оба пыхтели, как королю коров и барону баранов [i.e.: “the
king of cows and the baron of rams” in the dative case] никогда не случается
пыхтеть после схватки” (Nabokov 1989), which Stiller, who collated both the
English and the Russian Lolita, reproduced in Polish literally as: “obaj sapaliśmy
tak okrutnie, jak to królowi krów i baronowi baranów po ich walce nigdy się
nie zdarzało” (Nabokov 1991: 335; emphasis mine – JW ), which – incidentally
– shows how easy it is sometimes to translate puns between related languages.
The said Stiller introduced a few puns of his own into his translation of Loli-
ta into Polish. Since one of the characters is called Trapp, where the English
original has a simple sentence:
6
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Untranslatability [accessed 1 December 2013].
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I became sickeningly conscious that Trapp had changed his tactics and was still
with us, in this or that rented car.
(Nabokov 1980: 225)7
Moreover, where the English text mentions Cyrano: “You are a blind girl. Pal-
pate the face of: a Greek youth, Cyrano, Santa Claus, a baby, a laughing faun,
a sleeping stranger, your father” (Nabokov 1980: 228), the Russian version only
specifying additionally that the character is “Сирано-де-Бержерак”, Stiller adds
a punning comment in square brackets: “Jesteś niewidoma. Badaj dotykiem po-
cząwszy od twarzy następujące postacie: grecki młodzieniec, Cyrano de Berge-
rac [chodzi o jego wielki nos Cyranos]8, święty Mikołaj, niemowlę, śmiejący się
w łaskotkach faun, śpiący nieznajomy, twój ojciec.” (Nabokov 1991: 256).
5. Additional problems
7
The Russian Lolita has no wordplay here either: “… а затем мне стало отвратительно
ясно, что Трапп переменил тактику и продолжает ехать за нами, но уже в других,
наемных машинах.” (Nabokov 1989).
8
Literally: “the talk is about his large nose, Cyranose” – JW.
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ly (“Gdybym się nie postarał, moja pani i jej matka musiałyby jeść / jadłyby
obiad z diukiem / księciem Humphrey”), and it was only his suspiciousness that
made him look beyond the literal meaning and led him to discover that this idi-
om means “to go dinnerless” (the full story is reported in Wróblewski 1996:
216). When, however, an author uses an idiom both in its idiomatic and in its
literal sense – which could be regarded as a form of wordplay – then the transla-
tor faces a real barrier. For example, let us look at the following passage from
Charles Dickens’s Martin Chuzzlewit:
It has been said that there is no instance, in modern times, of a Chuzzlewit having
been found on terms of intimacy with the Great. But here again the sneering detrac-
tors who weave such miserable figments from their malicious brains, are stricken
dumb by evidence. For letters are yet in the possession of various branches of the
family, from which it distinctly appears, being stated in so many words, that one
Diggory Chuzzlewit was in the habit of perpetually dining with Duke Humphrey.
So constantly was he a guest at that nobleman’s table, indeed; and so unceasingly
were His Grace’s hospitality and companionship forced, as it were, upon him; that
we find him uneasy, and full of constraint and reluctance: writing his friends to the
effect that if they fail to do so and so by bearer, he will have no choice but to dine
again with Duke Humphrey: and expressing himself in a very marked and extraor-
dinary manner as one surfeited of High Life and Gracious Company.
(Dickens 1994: 5-6; see also the endnote on page 790)
As can be seen, Dickens used the idiom to dine with Duke Humphrey in its idi-
omatic sense of “going without dinner”, but he also played on its literal meaning
of being “on terms of intimacy with the Great”, and therefore a translation based
on the corresponding Polish idiom obejść się smakiem fails, as does a literal
translation, because without the readers’ awareness of the idiomatic meaning,
the irony of the passage is gone. Hence, the passage is virtually untranslatable.
Also neologisms can prove difficult to translate (see Hejwowski 2004: 112-
118), both those which are relatively meaningless, such as, for instance, the
names of the various species encountered by Ijon Tichy during his space voyag-
es – let us try to translate the reference to “nieścisłości dotyczące m. in.
Odołęgów (a nie “Odolęgów”, jak podawał tekst), także Meopsery, Muciochów i
gatunku Powołów (Phlegmus Invariabilis Hopfstosseri)” from Dzienniki
gwiazdowe (Lem 1966: 6) – and those which have some sort of meaning defined
by the author; eg., “ziemista (specjalista od planety Ziemia), próżniarz (kos-
monauta), rdzawki (choroba robotów), wzrocza (organ wzroku istot poza-
ziemskich), kompoter (robot podający kompot)” (these examples from Lem are
quoted after Hejwowski 2004: 113).
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Janusz Wróblewski
l(a
le
af
fa
ll
s)
one
l
iness
(Cummings 1983: 344-345)
The semantic meaning of the text is easy to understand and to translate: what we
have got here is the word loneliness and the phrase a leaf falls inserted in it, but the
effects produced by the arrangement of the letters – for one thing, the la and le
looking almost like the French feminine and masculine articles, for another, the
mirrored af of leaf and fa of falls and the double ll in the middle, and finally, the
fact that the word loneliness has three signals of oneness: the letter l, which looks
like the numeral one, then the word one itself, and then the letter l again – all of this
forced Barańczak to present this poem in the anthology only in the original, in the
Afterword, and to state that it is untranslatable. For the time being, I think, we have
to agree with him – the graphic shape of the poem makes it really untranslatable.
But ...
For many years Joyce’s Finnegans Wake was also considered untranslata-
ble. In 1972 Maciej Słomczyński included some fragments of the novel in his
anthology of Joyce’s poetical works (Joyce 1972: 53-58), and in 1973 he pub-
lished a more extensive section, called “Anna Livia Plurabelle”, with some fairly
clever solutions (Joyce 1973: 42–53). Then in 1982 Tomasz Mirkowicz offered
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a rendering of the first six paragraphs of the novel (Joyce 1982b: 352–354), and
finally, in 2012 Krzysztof Bartnicki published a complete translation of this
novel. Who knows, perhaps in a few years someone will offer an equally ingen-
ious rendering of the so far untranslatable “l(a leaf falls)oneliness”?
References
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Nomów księga odlotu (Truckers, Diggers, Wings). Translated by Jarosław Kotarski.
Poznań: Dom Wydawniczy REBIS.
Rabelais, François. 1980. Gargantua and Pantagruel. Translated by Jacques Le Clercq.
Fragments in: The Norton Anthology of World Masterpieces, Vol. 1. General Edi-
tor: Maynard Mack. New York & London: W. W. Norton: 1237-1277.
Rabelais, François. 1988. Gargantua i Pantagruel. Translated by Tadeusz Żeleński
(Boy). Warszawa: Państwowy Instytut Wydawniczy.
Shakespeare, William. 1958. The Complete Works of William Shakespeare. Ed. by
G. B. Harrison. New York: Harcourt, Brace & World, Inc.
Shakespeare / Szekspir, Wiliam. 1973. Dzieła Dramatyczne. Tom 5. Tragedie. Translated
by Józef Paszkowski and Leon Ulrich. Warszawa: Państwowy Instytut Wydawniczy.
Shakespeare, William. 2005. Romeo i Julia. Translated by Maciej Słomczyński. Warszawa:
Elipsa Sp. z o.o. (Biblioteka Gazety Wyborczej; książka z płytą DVD).
Van Dine, S.S. 1991. Piosenka śmierci (The Bishop Murder Case). Translated by Janina
Sujkowska. Warszawa: Czytelnik.
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Cultural Barriers in Translation
Janusz Wróblewski
University of Łódź
jzwrob@gmail.com
Abstract: Even though traditional definitions of translation talk about the replacing of
a text in one language by an equivalent text in another language (cf. Catford 1965: 20,
Newmark 1982: 7), there is no doubt that translation involves more than just linguistic
operations, that apart from purely linguistic barriers, translators often face cultural barri-
ers. This chapter discusses various aspects of translation as a cross-cultural transfer and
of cultural untranslatability. It presents some classifications of culture-specific words
and phrases (the flora and fauna indigenous to an area, local types of food and drink,
items of clothing, local forms of music and dances, games, including card-games, social,
political, and administrative terms, quotations and allusions connected with the literature
of the given source-language country, allusions to the country’s history and culture, etc.),
and then enumerates typical procedures for translating them (reproduction without, and
with, explanations, syntagmatic, i.e. literal translation without, and with, explanations,
using an established equivalent or a functional equivalent, using a hyperonym, i.e.
a superordinate word, using descriptive equivalents, omitting the given item, etc.). All
the procedures are illustrated with quotations from various books, both fiction and non-
fiction.
Keywords: untranslatability, linguistic untranslatability, cultural untranslatability, cross-
cultural transfer, Skopos theory, the cultural turn in Translation Studies
1. Introduction
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barriers, translators often face cultural barriers. Catford himself is fully aware of
that when he says, discussing the limits of translatability:
He then proceeds to explain that linguistic untranslatability stems from the differ-
ences between the languages in question (for example, it can involve shared expo-
nence, when two or more lexical or grammatical items have the same exponent, as
in the phrase “Time flies”, being on one hand an observation on the passing of time
and, on the other hand, at least technically, a request to measure the velocity with
which the said flies fly), whereas cultural untranslatability occurs “when
a situational feature, functionally relevant for the SL text, is completely absent from
the culture of which the TL is a part” (Catford 1965: 99).
Actually, this kind of cultural awareness dates back somewhat earlier. In the
1950s, the French theorist Edmond Cary wrote that translation “n'est pas une
opération seulement linguistique” (“is not a strictly linguistic operation”) and
that it is connected with the whole cultural context (after Mounin 1982: 234).
Mounin himself stresses the necessity for a translator to study not only the given
foreign language but also the ethnography of the community that uses the lan-
guage (ethnography seems to be Mounin’s word for what the Germans call
Landeskunde, and what might otherwise be termed Life and institutions). He
concludes his argument by saying: “No translation will be fully adequate if this
double condition is not fulfilled” (1982: 236; translation mine – JW). Also Jean-
René Ladmiral talks about the relationship between each language and its cultur-
al context and postulates that translation theory should incorporate the extralin-
guistic (or “paralinguistic”) perspective of anthropology (1979: 17-18). He men-
tions the difficulty (if not impossibility) of rendering into French the vocabulary
of the Japanese tea ceremony or the technical expressions connected with base-
ball, and cites Henri Meschonnic (1973), who suggested that the linguistic no-
tion of language could be expanded into “langue-culture” (“language-culture”)
(Ladmiral 1979: 18).
In Germany, one of the major opponents to the idea that translation was
mainly a linguistic operation was Hans J. Vermeer, who saw translation as
a cross-cultural transfer, and who, in his paper entitled “Übersetzen als kulturel-
ler Transfer”, defined translation as “ein Informationangebot in einer Sprache z
der Kultur Z, das ein Informationangebot in einer Sprache a der Kultur
A funktionsgerecht imitiert” (“an information offer in language z of culture Z,
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bread in this prayer is used not so much for its denotation as for its symbolic
value of daily food. On the other hand, it would be wrong to replace sheep and
lambs with seals, because of the all-important symbol of the Lamb of God, or to
dispense with such words as cross and crucifixion even if the target cultures do
not know them – for obvious reasons (Nida and Taber 1974: 111).
Needless to say, there are certain problems surrounding the cultural ap-
proach to translation. The first one concerns the definition of culture. Initially,
the word was used to refer to the intellectual and material achievements of the
“civilized” societies (for example, in the arts and architecture). Later, it began to
signify the way of life of various societies, including – or even focusing on –
“primitive” societies. Still later, the word acquired a third meaning, “related to
forces in society or ideology” (Katan 2009: 74). Today, the definitions of culture
probably run into hundreds, if not thousands, but, as will be seen in the subse-
quent paragraphs, some words which translation theorists discuss as culture-
specific have relatively little to do with any of those definitions.
The second problem concerns the fact that some scholars consider language
a part of culture; if this view is accepted, then, by definition, every linguistic
barrier is also a cultural one.
Of course, even if language and culture are kept separate, it is not always
easy to classify a translational problem as linguistic or cultural; for example, the
fact that death is masculine in English and German and feminine in Polish and
Russian is certainly a linguistic issue (see the preceeding chapter), but also, to
a certain extent, a cultural one. Conversely, as Catford aptly demonstrates, when
looked at from a specific angle, some cultural barriers can be regarded as lin-
guistic. For instance, the Japanese word yukata means roughly something like
a “loose robe bound by a sash, worn by either men or women, supplied to guests in
a Japanese inn or hotel, worn in the evening indoors or out of doors in street or
café, worn in bed ...” (Catford 1965: 100). This in itself is already a problem in
translation, but the situation becomes even more complicated when the text says
hoteru-no yukata, because, while the Japanese phrase is a natural, high-probability
collocation, all the potential English equivalents (hotel dressing-gown, hotel bath-
robe, hotel nightgown) are rather low-probability collocations. Let us now visualize
that phrase in a sentence: “After his bath he enveloped his still-glowing body in the
simple hotel bath-robe and went out to join his friends in the café down the street.”
(Catford 1965: 102). There is no doubt that the reader experiences a cultural shock
here – a bath-robe worn in the street – but it is also indisputable that the collocation
hotel bath-robe sounds strange. This leads Catford to the conclusion that what we
are dealing with here is not so much a cultural shock as collocational shock, that the
untranslatability of the Japanese word can be attributed to a purely linguistic fea-
ture: unusualness of collocation (Catford 1965: 102).
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The third major issue is the importance of the cultural filter in translation –
should it be applied to every text type in every situation, or should it operate
selectively? (Katan 2009: 75-76). In other words, should there be a difference in
the approach to the translation of business letters, training booklets for the local
representatives of a foreign company and all sorts of promotional materials on
one hand, and the translation of literary texts on the other? Theoreticians argue,
but there seems to be little doubt that for some texts the cultural filter is more
important than for others. For example, it is common knowledge that letter writ-
ing conventions differ from country to country, and therefore a literal translation
of a business letter may turn out to be unacceptable for the given target culture.
Similarly, if someone born and educated in the Polish People’s Republic wrote
a very traditional socialist-style CV (“Urodziłem się w roku … w rodzinie intel-
igenckiej / robotniczej”) and wanted it translated into English so that he could
send it to an international company now, it would be a very bad service if the
translator did not insert a cultural filter into his or her work and did not follow
the format of standard modern CVs. On the other hand, if the above was the first
sentence of an autobiography or a novel, then perhaps a more literal version
would be in order, perhaps with a footnote explaining the cultural significance of
the first sentence.
Additionally, I remember a discussion on an Internet forum for translators
(the thread seems to be gone now) about translating a sales-team training booklet
for a large American company that was expanding into Germany. The text dis-
cussed some ways of approaching customers in a store, and the problem was that
almost all the practices mentioned were dramatically wrong for Germany, be-
cause in German shops sales clerks usually leave customers alone, except for
asking them if they can be of help. The direct American approach and the literal-
ly translated conversational gambits would probably draw curious looks from
any potential customers. Obviously, the text had to be adapted to German social
practices, because, as Korzeniowska and Kuhiwczak put it, “adequate translation
is a matter of successful linguistic and cultural transfer” (1994: 15 – emphasis in
the original).
Also works of fiction which concern (appropriate) human behaviour in vari-
ous situations might not lend themselves easily to translation. When translated
literally, passages which involve culture-specific behaviour might look odd or
even offensive to the target readers. It is for such cases that Vinay & Darbelnet
have postulated their last translational procedure, namely adaptation. They argue
that while it is perfectly normal for an English father to kiss his daughter on the
mouth, it would be very unnatural for a French father to do such a thing; appar-
ently, even mentioning such an action would be culturally unacceptable in
a French text, and, consequently, that action must be replaced with simple em-
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bracing, and the relevant sentence becomes Il serra tendrement sa fille dans ses
bras (‘he tenderly embraced his daughter in his arms’) (Vinay & Darbelnet
1995: 68). On one hand, this is highly disputable, mainly on the grounds that
a translator should not be a censor and that target language readers have the right
to get acquainted with source language manners and not have them filtered
through the “bon goût” of the translator, but on the other hand, culture-specific
behaviour is a translational problem, and perhaps a simple novel is not the best
place to propagate cultural diversity. To put it quite simply, when translated
literally, some culture-specific expressions will sound puzzling.
Let me illustrate this problem with two simple Polish words connected with
what might be termed Polish table manners: “Smacznego” (as used at the begin-
ning of the meal) and “Dziękuję”, as used at the end. While the word “Smaczne-
go” does not have an English-language equivalent, it is perfectly translatable
into English by means of the French phrase “Bon appétit”, and, although the
distribution of this expression in English is somewhat different than that of the
Polish word (the Polish word is probably used in more situations), this difference
is not so significant as to cause any raising of the eyebrows, let alone any serious
communication breakdowns. (Of course, in some contexts, the Polish word
“Smacznego” will be better rendered as “Enjoy your meal” or “I hope you like
it” – for instance, when uttered by the lady of the house encouraging her guests
to eat).
The problem becomes more interesting with the second word, the typical
equivalent of which is the English phrase “Thank you”. Let us visualise for
a moment a traditional Polish milk bar or a canteen in “Dom wczasowy” – and
people sitting together at a meal; the meal being over, they all stand up and say
“Dziękuję” (or, one of them, having finished eating first, stands up, says
“Dziękuję” and leaves) – natural? Yes, of course. Let us now consider the same
situation described in English: people, sometimes perfect strangers, leaving the
table after a meal and saying “Thank you” – puzzling? Well, slightly... At least
to the degree which prompted the authors of the Berlitz phrasebook Polish for
Travellers to offer the following comment about eating in Poland: “When people
leave the table in Poland, it’s a custom to say dziękuję (dzhehnkooyeh – thank
you) to one another. They aren’t thanking the cook or their host, but thanking
each other for eating together.” (Berlitz 1984: 40-41).
The Polish custom of saying “Dziękuję” at the end of a meal is
a translational problem not only between Polish and English. Lewicki (1993)
offers interesting comments on the rendering of this word (microtext) into Rus-
sian. Adapting his discussion of the Russian examples into English, we can say
that regardless of whether the passage:
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“Thank you for the company,” Popławski got up from the table.
the text still betrays its foreign origin. It is only when the translator uses a non-
equivalent microtext, when instead of “Thank you”, he has Popławski say some-
thing like, “Well, I’ll be going,” i.e., when he employs adaptation, that the pas-
sage will look natural and not have any connotations of foreignness (cf. Lewicki
1993: 45-46).
Of course, there will be cases where the source-language microtext is really
equivalentless, and where the translator’s best choice will be to omit the text
altogether. For instance, the Russians are apparently apt to utter all sorts of jocu-
lar congratulatory phrases on the occasion of some totally irrelevant events,
phrases which when translated into English or Polish, would sound puzzling or
idiotic, or they would have some very odd undertones. One of such expressions
is “С покупкой!” (literally: With [a/the/your] purchase!) (Lewicki 1993: 96).
Going beyond the semantics of the words, this expression would mean some-
thing like “Congratulations on your purchase!”, but will this phrase be interpret-
ed correctly? Let us imagine that we have a book set in the 1960s, 1970s, or
1980s in the Soviet Union, with a scene in which two neighbours meet in front
of their block of flats. One of them is returning from the corner shop with a jar
of jam. After the obligatory exchange of greetings, the conversations turns to the
purpose of the first neighbour’s going out, the information about the visit to the
shop and about the jam is duly provided, at which point the second neighbour
says “Gratulacje z okazji zakupu!” [“Congratulations on your purchase!”]. The
problem is that if a Pole of my generation (or older) read this, I am fairly sure,
we would probably assume that the expression in question referred to the scarci-
ty of jam in the shops, but we would be dramatically wrong. The shortages of
various goods under socialism notwithstanding, pragmatically, this phrase is
really only a kind of acknowledgement which could probably be rendered simp-
ly by means of “Aha” or a similar noncommittal exclamation. As far as render-
ing it into English is concerned, perhaps “Good for you!” would be an adequate
translation, provided that the jocular nature of this utterance is understood.
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A. Geographical realia:
Names of objects connected with physical geography and meteorology: e.g.,
steppe, prairie, pampa, Puszta, fjord, wadi, samun or simoom, the mistral, tor-
nado.
Names of objects connected with man’s activity: e.g., polder, grid, aryk (“a
small aqueduct for the irrigation of farmland”), chaltyk (“a rice field”).
Names of endemic species: e.g., kiwi, the Abominable Snowman, Yeti, sequoia.
B. Ethnographical realia
Daily life
food and drinks: pie, spaghetti, empanadas, bigos, knedle, mate, kumis, ci-
der; places for eating: tavern, saloon, drug-store, bistro, brasserie;
clothing etc.: kimono, sari, sarong, moccasins, sombrero, jeans;
places and furniture: yurta,, igloo, wigwam, bungalow, hacienda;
transportation: rickshaw, troika, palanquin (litter / sedan chair), pirogue;
others: (Polish) sanatorium, dom wczasowy.
Work:
people: farmer, gaucho, concierge, fellah, (Polish) przodownik pracy;
tools: machete, boomerang, lasso;
organization of work: kolkhoz, ranch, latifundium.
Art and culture:
music and dances: kozachok, krakowiak, tarantella;
instruments: balalaika, tamtam, gusle, castanets, banjo;
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Military realia:
military units: legion, phalanx, centuria, horde, cohort;
weapons: arquebus, musket, scimitar, yataghan, Katyusha;
uniforms etc.: chainmail, shako, pelisse, lanyard (“a rope or cord fixed to
the hilt of a sword and worn around the wrist”), gymnasterka / gymnastiorka
(“a Russian military shirt-tunic”);
military personnel (including commanders and rulers): ataman, hetman,
centurion, sebastokrator (“venerable ruler”, a senior court title in the Byz-
antine Empire), Sirdar (“an Indo-Iranian title of nobility, synonymous with
Amir”), Gardes-Marine, janissary, bashi-bazouk (“irregular soldiers of the
Ottoman army, adventurers noted for their disorderliness and lack of disci-
pline”), Feldwebel, dragoon, cuirassier, plastun / plastoon (“a Cossack foot
scouting unit”).
(Cf. Vlahov and Florin 1980: 49-55)
1
Historically, the name was Kochanówka.
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b) and on the plane of pairs of languages – into internal and external (for
example, for the pair Norwegian and Polish, the word fjord is internal
for Norwegian, but external for Polish, while the word prairie is external
for both).
The next classification is time-based, i.e. realia can be current (e.g. Polish
wuzetka) or historical (e.g. Polish kontusz and żupan). Additionally, the time-
based classification can be combined with, or superimposed on, the place-based
one, giving such categories as national-historical or foreign-current, etc.
Finally, realia could be classified according to the translational procedures
used to deal with them, but this classification seems the least useful, as one word
can be rendered by means of various translational procedures (Vlahov and Florin
1980: 56-77).
A slightly different classification appears in Newmark 1988:
Ecology
Flora, fauna, winds, plains, hills: e.g. honeysuckle, pomelo, avocado, com-
mon snail (helix aspersa), koala, panda, wallaby, sirocco, llanos, veld, tun-
dra, selva
Material culture (artefacts)
Food: zabaglione, sake
Clothes: anorak, sarong, dirndl
Houses and towns: chalet, low-rise, hacienda
Transport: rickshaw, cabriolet, tilbury (“an open two-wheeled carriage”)
Social culture – work and leisure: the proletariat; boules, pétanque
Organisation, customs, activities, procedures, concepts
Political and administrative: the White House, Palais de l’Élysée, Hôtel
Matignon, 10 Downing Street
Religious: dharma, karma
Artistic: Art nouveau, Jugendstil
Gestures and habits
“Cock a snook” (“to thumb one’s nose”, “to place one’s thumb on one’s
nose with the fingers spread, and to wiggle the fingers back and forth as
a gesture of derision”), spitting as a blessing, giving a thumbs-up to signal
OK.
(See Newmark 1988: 95ff and 103)
It might be added here in passing that several years later Newmark proposed
a completely different classification, but it includes roughly the same terms; they
are just organized differently:
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Of course, it will be seen immediately that many of the examples given above –
and many other cultural words and expressions – are easily translatable, at least
into Polish. For example, although the culture of the Wild West is both geo-
graphically and temporally remote from modern Polish culture, such words as
cowboy, prairie, Colt revolver, Winchester rifle, sheriff, (federal) marshal, wig-
wam, tipi / teepee, pueblo, tomahawk, etc. have well-established equivalents
because of the immense popularity of the western as a film genre. (If, however –
for whatever reason – a country was isolated from this aspect of American cul-
ture, then those seemingly semi-international words might prove extremely dif-
ficult to translate into the language of that country.) On the other hand, it is also
clearly visible that the list of cultural elements that might prove difficult to trans-
late is far from complete.
Looking at the problem of culture-bound items from a more practical point
of view, Hejwowski states that the following culturally marked words and
phrases are likely to cause problems to translators: some proper names, words
and expressions connected with the organisation of life in the source culture
country (i.e. with the political system, the system of education, the health ser-
vice, law, etc.), names and phrases connected with various customs and tradi-
tions (e.g., culinary traditions, customs connected with eating, festivities and
rituals, the ways of welcoming and saying goodbye), quotations and allusions
connected with the literature of the given source-language country (novels,
plays, poetry, including poems for children, well-known songs, operas, operet-
tas, musicals), allusions to the country’s history and culture (music, film, paint-
ing, etc.) (Hejwowski 2004a: 71-72, 2004b: 128). Incidentally, in view of the
complexity of the phenomenon of culture-bound items, Hejwowski rejects the
term realia, which he says are mostly associated with daily life (2004a: 72).
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English TT. On occasion it may even seem perverse not to do so” (Hervey and
Higgins 1994: 31). The authors add that this procedure can be used even with
less common foreign words (in historical, legal, sociological or political texts),
provided that the first time the foreign word occurs, it is defined properly in the
target text.
Calque is a procedure which involves not single words, but phrases, and it
consists in translating those phrases more or less literally into the target lan-
guage. Thus if the source-text phrase ‘cherchez la femme’ gets rendered in the
target text as ‘cherchez la femme’, then we are dealing with cultural borrowing;
if, on the other hand, the phrase is translated into English as ‘look for the wom-
an’, then this is a calque (Hervey and Higgins 1994: 33).
Hervey and Higgins’s next degree of departure from literal translation is
called communicative translation. The term comes from Newmark’s model of
translation (1982: 39):
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sign “Beware of the dog!” and have to be rendered as such, unless there are spe-
cific contextual reasons for not doing so (Newmark 1982: 39, Hervey and Hig-
gins 1994: 31-32).
The translator may have a certain problem with communicative translation
of certain proverbs. As is commonly known, at least among polyglots, proverbs
in different languages are often different, and sometimes there is no correspond-
ing proverb at all in the target language for a given source-language proverb. For
example, Hungarian has a proverb about morning rain: “Nem baj! Reggeli ven-
dég nem maradandó”. This means literally: ‘Never mind! The morning guest
never stays long’, and there are no similar proverbial expressions in English or
Polish, which makes fully communicative translation impossible. A literal trans-
lation may be misunderstood, unless the translator signals it by means of an in-
troductory remark: “You know the proverb / the saying...”, and the communica-
tive paraphrase “Never mind! It’ll soon stop raining” is acceptable, but readers
will not be aware of the proverbial nature of the original utterance (Hervey and
Higgins 1994: 32-33).
Cultural transplantation consists in replacing source-culture elements (for
instance, names) with target-culture elements. For example, the famous series of
comic strips about Tintin by Hergé features two similar-looking detectives
Dupont et Dupond. In the English translations, they have become Thompson and
Thomson (Hervey and Higgins 1994: 29) and in the Polish translations they are
called respectively Tajniak and Jawniak.
Some advice for dealing with culture-specific language items can also be
found in Mona Baker (1992). She does not focus specifically on culturally marked
words and phrases, but rather discusses general procedures for achieving equiva-
lence at word level in the case of various lexical gaps in the target language and
culture, but obviously some of those gaps are connected with culture. Thus what
Hervey and Higgins call cultural transplantation, Baker calls “Translation by cul-
tural substitution”. It should be pointed out, however, that although she defines it
more or less in the same way (“replacing a culture-specific item or expression with
a target-language item which does not have the same propositional meaning but is
likely to have a similar impact on the target reader” – 1992: 31), her examples show
that sometimes the source-culture item gets replaced not with a target-culture item,
but simply with another source-culture element, one which the translator believes
will be understood by target readers. For example, the Greek translator of A Brief
History of Time by Stephen Hawking decided to replace Bertrand Russell with
Alice in Wonderland and modify the whole introductory paragraph, because, ap-
parently, Alice is better known in Greece than the scientist (Baker 1992: 31-32).
Disputable as the translator’s decision was in this case, it is certainly useful to re-
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2
English: Hospital at the End / Edge of the City, written by Jaroslav Dietl and directed
by Jaroslav Dudek.
3
Another good choice would have been the book Dzieci z Bullerbyn (Swedish: Alla vi
barn i Bullerbyn, English: The Six Bullerby Children) by the internationally known
Swedish writer Astrid Lindgren.
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4
In transliteration, each letter of the foreign word is replaced with a native-alphabet
letter, whereas transcription involves the replacement of each sound of the foreign
word with a native-alphabet letter; for example, the surname of the renowned Russian
translation theorist Фёдоров (in standard spelling without accents written as Фeдоров)
appears in Polish as Fiodorow (transcription), and in English as Fedorov (translitera-
tion; fairly remote from the Russian pronunciation of this surname).
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On the other hand, Polish readers of Martin Amis’s novel Money are not likely
to know what the translator meant by the word palimonia (after Hejwowski
2004b: 136), because, unfortunately, the word is simply meaningless. It is evi-
dently based on the word palimony, which is a blend of pal and alimony and
which means “An allowance for support made under court order and given usu-
ally by one person to his or her former lover or live-in companion after they
have separated” (The Free Dictionary5), but in Polish, the first part evokes asso-
ciations with impalement rather than with friendship (the word pal means “a
long wooden pole or stake”), and the part alimonia does not evoke any associa-
tions at all (the Polish equivalent of alimony is alimenty).
The second procedure is reproduction (or transfer – see the argument
above) with explanation, for instance, in the form of a footnote, or incorporated
into the main text. Regardless of how it is provided, it is important that the ex-
planation be kept short; otherwise the text begins to lose its basic character and
turns into a handbook of the “source-culture life and institutions” (Hejwowski
2004b: 137). Incidentally, Mona Baker in her list of procedures for achieving
equivalence at word level refers to those two procedures as “Translation using
a loan word or loan word plus explanation”, and illustrates the first by means of
the phrase “the Cream Tea expert” which got rendered into German as “‘Cream-
Tea’-Experten”, and the second one by means of the word cap (referring to plas-
tic caps for covering the hair to increase the effectiveness of hair treatment) –
hardly a culturally marked term, but apparently difficult to render into Arabic, so
that the translator reproduced the word and added an explanation: (back-
translated from Arabic) “the hair is covered by means of a ‘cap’, that is a plastic
hat which covers the hair” (please note that the borrowed words frequently ap-
pear in inverted commas). It is worth adding here that once the translator has
explained the borrowed word the first time it occurs in the text, later on he/she
can use reproduction without explanations (Baker 1992: 34-36).
The next procedure is syntagmatic (“literal”) translation without explana-
tions (Hejwowski 2004a: 78). For example, in Through the Looking-Glass, Al-
ice says: “But it certainly was funny [...] to find myself singing ‘Here we go
round the mulberry bush’” (Carroll 1998: 167). Słomczyński renders the title of
this children’s song and game simply as “Wokół drzewa morwy tańczymy w
krąg” (Carroll 1972b: 53) and Stiller as “Wokół krzaku morwy idziemy w tan!”
(Carroll 1990b: 145), because the context makes it clear that this is a song.6 On
the other hand, when Eeyore says in Winnie-the-Pooh: “Gaiety. Song-and-dance.
5
http://www.thefreedictionary.com/palimony [accessed 8 September 2013].
6
Incidentally, Jolanta Kozak replaced the song with “Chodzi lisek koło drogi” (Carroll
1997b: 60).
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Here we go round the mulberry bush.” (Milne 1980: 65), the context is not that
obvious, and hence the syntagmatic translation by Irena Tuwim “Szaleństwo.
Śpiew i taniec... Ot, przechadzamy się teraz wśród morwowych krzewów...”
(Milne 1962: 64) is somewhat obscure.7 Analogously, when “Ploughman’s lunch
with Stilton” becomes “obiad oracza ze stiltonem” (from the Polish translation
of the novel Nice Work by David Lodge), Polish readers can probably guess that
the phrase in question refers to some kind of food, but its significance escapes
them (Hejwowski 2004b: 138). Similarly, many English-speaking readers might
misunderstand the significance of the syntagmatic translation of the sentence
“Piotr nie żyje, zabity na ulicy w grudniu siedemdziesiątego roku” (from the
novel Weiser Dawidek by Paweł Huelle) as “Piotr was killed in the street in De-
cember 1970”, because they may lack the necessary knowledge of Polish history
(Hejwowski 2004a: 78, 2004b: 139). Also Mona Baker reports an interesting
example of syntagmatic mistranslation: in Britain, the size of a house or a flat is
typically discussed in terms of the number of bedrooms; in Switzerland – in terms
of the total number of rooms; Consequently, when Lady Bracknell’s neutral ques-
tion about Jack’s country house “How many bedrooms?” from The Importance of
Being Earnest by Oscar Wilde got rendered into German as “Wieviel Schlafzim-
mer?”, the text was misunderstood to contain sexual innuendo (Baker 1992: 239).
Clearly, in some cases, syntagmatic translation without explanations can be as
unintelligible or as misleading as reproduction without explanation.
It is perhaps safer to use syntagmatic translation with explanation. For
example, the line “Wrona orła nie pokona” from Raport o stanie wojennym by
Marek Nowakowski was translated into French as “Le corbeau ne vaincra pas
l’aigle”, and the translator provided a footnote explaining the significance of “Le
corbeau” (technically, it should be “la corneille”; nor was the footnote fully pre-
cise, but on the whole the explanation was acceptable). Also the English transla-
tion of “Wrona orła nie pokona” – “CROW may try but eagle flies high”8 – had
a footnote, again not fully precise, but on the whole acceptable (Hejwowski
2004a: 79).
The fifth procedure (with somewhat limited availability) is using an estab-
lished equivalent (of course, if there is one). When the already mentioned novel
Weiser Dawidek by Paweł Huelle mentions “wizerunki Czarnej Madonny”, it
seems only natural to render this phrase as “pictures of Black Madonna” (even
7
Monika Adamczyk replaced the original song with “Mało nas, mało nas do pieczenia
chleba” (Milne 1986: 59).
8
It will be observed that, strictly speaking, this is not a syntagmatic translation; evident-
ly, the translator decided that in this case rhyme was more important than the literal
meaning.
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9
Some other translations of “Jabberwocky” that I have seen would give us Noc
Żubrowołka (Juliusz Wiktor Gomulicki), Noc Bełkotliszka (Aleksy Schubert), and Noc
Dżabrokłapa (Bogumiła Kaniewska).
See http://home.agh.edu.pl/~szymon/jabberwocky.shtml [accessed 8 September 2010].
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of the plot, or should he/she correct the idiotic mistake and run the risk of the
title not being recognized? Perhaps a solution would be to use the correct title
and to add a footnote providing the original title and an explanation: “Known in
Poland under the erroneous title …”
To cite another famous example from that decade: the 1958 film The
Horse’s Mouth, the title of which refers to the popular English idiom, was shown
in Poland as Koński pysk. This rendering caused quite a stir at the time the film
was shown in our cinemas: numerous people who had seen it wrote to daily
newspapers and film magazines and asked what the title referred to (the film did
not feature a single horse). If a history of British cinema now (or a biography of
one of the actors) mentions the film and states that it is based on the novel by
Joyce Cary of the same title, the translator faces an additional problem, because
the novel itself is known in Poland under the correct title Z pierwszej ręki.
Of course, the translator has to be aware of the existence of an established
equivalent, which is not always the case. For example, in the Polish translation
of the novel Brandbilen som försvann (literally The Fire Engine That Got Lost;
the Polish title is Jak kamień w wodę) by Maj Sjöwall and Per Wahlöö, Martin
Beck is reading Raymond Chandler’s Lady in the Lake, referred to as Kobieta w
morzu (Sjöwall and Wahlöö 1990: 41). One of the problems is that the Swedish
word sjö can mean both “sea” and “lake”, but another problem is that Chandler’s
novel is known in Polish as Tajemnica jeziora. In the novel Ostatnia bitwa tem-
plariusza (La piel del tambor) by Arturo Pérez Reverte, translated by Joanna
Karasek, the protagonist mentally compares one of the characters to a dog from
the film Dama i włóczęga (Reverte 2003: 297), which is a nice literal translation
of The Lady and the Tramp, except that that 1955 Walt Disney animated film
was shown and is known in Poland as Zakochany kundel. There are, unfortunate-
ly, more examples like these, but they will not be quoted here for reasons of
space.
The sixth procedure is using a functional equivalent. For example, the
translator of Nice Work by David Lodge replaced the reference to “Debbie’s
cockney accent” by the phrase “Debbie powtarza w kółko «no» i «kurde»”,
which probably tells Polish readers more about Debbie’s social class and back-
ground than any literal translation would. In contrast, the translator of Therapy
by the same writer translated the phrase “had a Cockney accent” as “mówił jak
cockney” (Hejwowski 2004a: 81-82, 2004b: 140-141), which is both slightly
misleading and really empty: misleading, because “he spoke / talked like
a Cockney” does not mean exactly the same as “he had a Cockney accent”, and
empty, because the word Cockney is not Polish and is not widely known outside
the circles of students and graduates of what used to be called English philology
and is now usually referred to as English Studies.
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10
This expression was actually used in the Polish voiceover to the western Once Upon
a Time in the West, when it was shown on Polish TV in 1990.
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11
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Cichociemni [accessed 8 December 2013].
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as Jan Kamyczek,12 because, for one thing, this name is too closely connected
with Polish culture (readers might wonder why a British national appearing be-
fore an American court of law would make a reference to a Polish name), and,
for another thing, I have tested this on my students too, and it turned out that to
the majority of them the name meant about as much as that of Emily Post.
The last procedure is omission, and it is last in both senses of the word,
meaning that most translators, translation theorists and translation critics agree
that it should be used only as a last resort. Thus the novel Zły by Leopold Tyr-
mand has lost most of its flavour in the French translation (Zły, l’homme aux
yeus blancs), because the translator chose to omit extensive fragments connected
with culture-specific elements, such as aspects of daily life in post-war Warsaw,
references to the history of the city, etc. Even less drastic omissions, such as
eliminating a single cultural allusion, can be considered a serious loss, because
that single allusion can symbolize a whole world, a world which readers of the
translation are then deprived of, a world which is then hidden from them. For
example, when the translator of Antoni Libera’s novel Madame cut out the
phrase “Wyspiański na weselu Rydla”, she made it impossible for her readers to
see that very significant aspect of Polish literary history (Hejwowski 2004a: 83,
96-97, and 2004b: 142-143).
Obviously, omissions occur in translations not only from Polish, but also in-
to Polish. For example, one of the most famous Polish translators from the
French, Tadeusz Boy-Żeleński, was also famous for omitting various historical
or literary allusions. Thus in his translation of Balzac’s Splendeurs et misères
des courtisanes (Polish: Blaski i nędze życia kurtyzany, English: A Harlot High
and Low), the following characterization of the maid-servant:
Elle était la soubrette la plus gentille que jamais Monrose ait pu souhaiter pour ad-
versaire sur le théâtre... perverse comme toutes les Madelonettes ensemble, elle
pouvait avoir volé ses parents et frôlé les bancs de la police correctionelle.
Był to idealny typ subretki ... Kto wie, może okradła rodziców i otarła się o ławę
policji poprawczej.
with the part about the actress Monrose and about the Madelonettes Convent
omitted (quoted after Borowy 1977: 216). Boy-Żeleński also omitted the –
12
One of the pen-names of Janina Ipohorska, the one she used for her books and articles
on savoir-vivre; http://pl.wikipedia.org/wiki/Janina_Ipohorska [accessed 8 December
2013].
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Some humble person married a rich widow with whose money he built himself an
imposing mansion which he piously adorned with the legend, carefully engraved
over the door,‘Such are the blessings of my God’ (Hada min fadl rabbi). The local
wit hastened under cover of darkness to put matters right by adding the missing dot
to change the hallowed phrase into ‘Such are the blessings of my penis’.
As can be seen, the joke is perfectly translatable into its original language – Arabic
– and yet, the subject being taboo in Arab culture, that passage got omitted and
replaced with a different, much tamer, and much less witty joke (Baker 1992: 234).
One more interesting – albeit somewhat unorthodox – procedure for dealing
with culture-specific language items can be found in the said Mona Baker. This
procedure is translation by illustration. Apparently, it is not easy to translate
the phrase tagged teabags into Arabic, so when Lipton decided to introduce
tagged teabags onto the Arab market, instead of producing a long explanatory
note, they simply provided Lipton Yellow Label tea packets with an illustration
of a tagged teabag (1992: 42).
Perhaps somewhat surprisingly, Newmark (2010) reduces the number of
those procedures down to five major ones: the first of these is the simple trans-
ference13 (the same as Hejwowski’s reproduction or transfer) – thus der Bundes-
tag remains der Bundestag, with possibly a change of the article into the in Eng-
lish or a loss of the article in Polish; the next one is using a TL cultural (i.e.
a functional) equivalent – when the Bundestag becomes the German House of
Commons; the third translational procedure is using a descriptive equivalent –
the Bundestag becomes the Lower or the second chamber of (German) Parlia-
13
Mounin writes about transference that it is the ideal form of translation, “if only we
could understand it...” (quoted after Newmark 2010: 176).
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14
This comes from the novel Coming from Behind by Howard Jacobson.
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ture tend to apply it more often than translators of other types of literature (at
least, this was the case in the 20th century). Specifically, foreign names get omit-
ted or polonized: thus the three sisters from the bottom of the well, Elsie, Lacie
and Tillie, are listed only as “trzy małe siostry” (“three little sisters”) by Maria
Morawska (Carroll 1947) and get replaced by Kasia, Jasia and Basia by Antoni
Marianowicz (Carroll 1988: 126); Słomczyński and Stiller leave the original
names (Carroll 1972a: 78 and 1990a: 151, respectively), but Jolanta Kozak again
replaces them with Wacia, Lucia and Tycia (Carroll 1997a: 79), while Bogumiła
Kaniewska offers Ela, Lala, and, not quite Polish, Tila (Carroll 2010: 102); geo-
graphical references get omitted: thus Zofia Rogoszówna in her translation of
Przygody Piotrusia Pana (Warszawa-Kraków 1913) omits virtually all the refer-
ences to the fact that the story is set in England (after Adamczyk- Garbowska
1988: 90); similarly, the original Introduction to Winnie-the-Pooh says: “You
can’t be in London for long without going to the Zoo” (Milne 1980: ix); the
Polish translation by Irena Tuwim says: “Każdy, kto przyjedzie do naszego mi-
asta, musi koniecznie pojść do Zoologicznego Ogrodu” (Milne 1962: 6; back-
translated: “Everybody who comes to our town must visit the Zoo”); specific
foods get replaced with functional equivalents: thus custard becomes krem,
śmietanka, or budyń (Carroll 1988: 20, 1972a: 17, 1990a: 39, 1997a: 13, 2010:
21, respectively), while condensed milk becomes marmolada,15 and słodka
śmietanka (Milne 1962: 26 and 47). (For more examples, see Adamczyk- Gar-
bowska 1988: 80-93.)
It could also be hypothesised that while in the 1960s and 1970s translators
tended to avoid foreign measures, weights, etc. and tended to replace those with
native units, more recent translations retain the original units. For example, in
Harry Harrison sci-fi story “Toy Shop” translated by Lech Jęczmyk and pub-
lished in 1970, we read: “Ponieważ wśród widzów było niewielu dorosłych,
a pułkownik ‘Biff’ Hawton miał przeszło metr osiemdziesiąt wzrostu, mógł więc
widzieć wszystkie szczegóły pokazu” (Harrison 1970: 291), with the height of
the Colonel expressed in metres. The same short story translated by Radosław
Kot and published twenty-four years later has: “Ponieważ w tłumie było
niewielu dorosłych, a pułkownik Biff Hawton mierzył ponad sześć stóp, dobrze
widział każdy szczegół pokazu” (Harrison 1994: 33), the height of the Colonel
being expressed in feet.
Another observable tendency seems to be that translators of murder myster-
ies and thrillers retain fewer culture-specific elements than translators of the so-
called serious literature.
15
At first glance, this rendering may look dubious and questionable, but the original is:
“Honey or condensed milk with your bread?” (Rabbit asking Pooh; Milne 1980: 23).
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“What is that quote?” asked the President with slim humour. “‘We three do meet
again …’ Is that it?”
“I believe,” said Hill slowly, still standing, “that the correct words are ‘When shall
we three meet again?’ The three in question had forecast the fall of a government;
they weren’t sure even they could survive.”
(Ludlum 1989: 426)
“When shall we three meet again?” are the opening words of Macbeth, spoken
by the First Witch (Shakespeare 1958: 1189), and “the three in question” who
had forecast the fall of a government and who were not sure that they could sur-
vive are of course the three Witches. Unfortunately, in Nakoniecznik’s transla-
tion we have the masculine form of the numeral three (“we trzech”) and then
a rather vague and somewhat misleading reference to “the three people who had
forecast the fall of a government”, which cannot really evoke any associations with
the three Witches:
“[...] they print your name on the toilet paper in the executive washroom. You think
I’m kidding?”
“Damn right I do.” March opened his suit. “You’ve never set foot in the executive
washroom.”
“Wrong. When I was talking to Bad Bill about the cooking show I had to powder
my nose, and he loaned me his key. It’s on the paper.”
March scowled, then chuckled. “And you used it.”
It got him the sidelong glance and sly smile he loved. “I’m taking the Fifth,
Windy.”
(Wolfe 2007)
The expression “taking the Fifth” refers to the Fifth Amendment to the United
States Constitution, and means that the person has the right to refuse to answer
questions. In my opinion, the translator could have used simple syntagmatic
translation without explanation: “Skorzystam z Piątej Poprawki do Konstytucji.”
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Alternatively, she could have used that plus an explanatory footnote. Also, she
could have used a descriptive equivalent: “Odmawiam zeznań” (literally, “I re-
fuse to testify”). But what we get from the translator is the phrase: “Biorę Piątkę,
Windy” (Wolfe 2009: 489), which means roughly “I take five”, and which does
not really mean anything (I have tested that on several groups of my students).
I would like to present one more example of the translator not understanding
a culture-specific element of the original. In the Polish translation (by Marek
Cegieła) of the science-fiction novel Lovelock by Orson Scott Card and Kathryn
Kerr, we find the following passage (Carol Jeanne is flirting with Neeraj in the
presence of a little capuchin monkey called Lovelock, using all sorts of allu-
sions):
“Jak ona głupio próbuje utrzymać to w tajemnicy. Myśli, że ja nic nie wiem?
Wskoczyłem na jej biurko i podbiegłem do komputera.
„Eyewhay otnay ooze-yay ig-pay atin-Lay?”, napisałem.
Roześmiała się. […]
– Lovelock twierdzi, że się domyśla, co nas łączy – oznajmiła.”
(Card and Kerr 1997: 235)
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Background reading
16
From the Polish TV serial Daleko od szosy, directed by Zbigniew Chmielewski and
starring Krzysztof Stroiński and Irena Szewczyk (1976).
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Cognitive Approaches to Translation
Mikołaj Deckert
University of Łódź
mikolaj.deckert@gmail.com
Abstract: The chapter starts from differentiating between some of the different uses of
the term “cognitive” – in linguistics, and as it may describe translation inquiry. My main
focus is on Cognitive Linguistics, and its subfield known as Cognitive Grammar, the
underlying explanatory construct being that of “construing conceptual content”, i.e.
selecting portions of conceptual content, organizing it in one of the countless available
ways and coding that particular configuration in the form of linguistic expressions.
In addition to surveying the cognitive semantics tenets, I make reference to the arbi-
trariness-iconicity opposition, and discuss the implications of using Cognitive Linguis-
tics to explain translation phenomena. The chapter talks in some more detail about two
models that have been showed – notably based on examples from the English-Polish
language pair – to yield precise, comprehensive and principled accounts of interlingual
meaning construction. In the final sections the prospects of Cognitive Linguistics as it
can benefit translation research are addressed.
Keywords: Cognitive Linguistics, cognition, conceptualisation, construal, iconicity,
perspective, prominence, granularity, metaphor, image schema
1. Introduction
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Mikołaj Deckert
sion will, however, first be contextualized by talking briefly about the notion of
cognition as it has been used in other frameworks to guide research in the pro-
cess of translation.
Since Holmes (1988) introduced the map of Translation Studies where the theo-
retical problem-restricted subtype can either by process-oriented, product-
oriented or function-oriented the cognitive aspect of translation as a process was
viewed in terms of what mental activity the translator engages in while produc-
ing a target text.
An important line of research employed psycholinguistic empirical methods
to look into bilingualism where tasks requiring subjects to translate were used.
That research was not primarily meant as translational but it nonetheless shed
light on translation and interpreting (cf. de Groot 1997). Another empirical ap-
proach makes use of an instrument originally developed in cognitive psychology
– think-aloud protocols – where the subject, in this case the translator, is asked
to talk about what is going on in his or her mind while performing a task, i.e.
produce “concurrent verbalizations” (Krings 1986; Lörscher 1991; Jääskeläinen
1999). The insights into the cognitive processes obtained from protocols can
then be complemented by keystroke logging data. Programmes such as Translog
(Jakobsen 1999; Jakobsen and Schou 1999) make it possible to follow the pro-
cess of target text production as manifested by the subject’s keyboard activity,
and then for instance see how much time the translator spends on a particular
segment or how he or she introduces corrections. Yet more information can be
obtained from eye-tracking (e.g. O’Brien 2006). This method consists in analys-
ing the reader’s (translator’s) eye position and movement to ascertain where he
or she is looking and where the fixation is higher than elsewhere (hot spots).
In this chapter the term “cognitive” is used in another sense, to talk about a way
of approaching language. But even when used to talk about linguistics the notion
of “cognitive” could be misleading. In fact it can be applied to designate ap-
proaches that are to some extent conflicting. Noam Chomsky’s Generative
Grammar (e.g. 1957, 1965) and its later proposals within Minimalist Program
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Mikołaj Deckert
4. Construal
The features of language outlined above are closely related to the concept of
construal proposed by Ronald Langacker within the framework of Cognitive
Grammar, a subsection of Cognitive Linguistics. Construal can be characterised
with the use of parameters like granularity, prominence and perspective.
Granularity – also referred to as specificity and resolution – is used to de-
scribe the level of construal’s detail. A schematic scene like “A person per-
formed an action” will have a number of increasingly specific elaborations like
“A woman performed an action” “Jane climbed a mountain” “John’s wife
Jane ascended Rysy in July last year”.
Prominence refers to the dynamics between the trajector-landmark align-
ment and profiling. As far as the first component goes, the trajector is defined as
the element on which attention is focused and which is described or located with
reference to the more stable, and often larger participant, known as the land-
mark. Profiling consists in designating a structure (profile) within
a superordinate construction (base). Common profile-base configurations are
“finger–knuckle”, “hypotenuse – right-angled triangle”. An example of how
prominence is distributed could be an expression like “a butterfly on a branch”
where the insect functions as the trajector, a smaller, and less stationary partici-
pant profiled against the landmark.
Perspective is about the relationship of the conceptualiser (metaphorically
called the viewer) and the conceptualised (viewed) object. A vital element in this
arrangement is the vantage point from which a scene is conceptualised. The im-
port of the vantage point can be seen in the semantic distinction between “Come
up into the attic” and “Go up into the attic” (Langacker 2007: 436) where the
first utterance construes the speaker as positioned in the attic and the second one
as positioned elsewhere.
Langacker’s claim is that the linguistic expressions we use are a way of
“construing”, or packaging, conceptual content which as a means of imposing
construal on a scene. An example would be conceptual content comprising ele-
ments such as a 250 ml glass containing 125 ml of liquid. The scene’s partici-
pants and relations between them can be differently organised on the conceptual
level and then packed in the form of a linguistic expression in a huge range of
manners. Depending on the resolution level, the glass’s colour and transparency
or the type and temperature of the liquid can be characterized but they might just
as well be referred to more schematically as merely “container” and “liquid”.
Moreover, different elements of the configuration can be profiled. We can draw
the receptor’s attention to the glass or to the liquid but, perhaps more consequen-
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tially, we have the choice as to which of the halves that comprise the container’s
interior will be designated, i.e. whether the liquid-holding or the air-holding half
is structured as more prominent. That the choice is consequential for the process
of meaning construction can be well seen in the proverbial pessimist-optimist
difference between “glass half-full” and “glass half-empty”.
The reasoning behind the idea that different ways of mentally organizing and
linguistically coding content differently impact meaning can be associated with
the notion of iconicity. To begin with, Charles Sanders Peirce (1931/1974) made
a distinction between three types of signs: an icon, an index and a symbol. In
icons there is a physical resemblance between the sign and what it represents and
the shared quality is there in the icon irrespectively of the object. Examples of
icons are photographs and diagrams and linguistic expressions like “yeeees”.
Sample indices include a weathercock or an expression like “here”, “that” or
“you” in which one can experience a property that implies the object. As for
symbols – signs such a flag or Morse code – there is no semblance between the
sign and object it stands for and the sign denotes an object be virtue of being
interpreted as denoting it.
As for linguistic signs more particularly, in traditional formulations they are
taken to be arbitrary (Saussure 1916) in the sense that there is nothing X-like in
linguistic item X. In other words, the signifier (the visual or acoustic manifesta-
tion) is not paired with the signified (concept) in any motivated fashion with the
exception of onomatopoeic expressions and musical forms.
Cognitive linguists argue iconicity is common in language and can be ob-
served on many levels of linguistic organisation. The view that language form
itself contributes to meaning is at loggerheads with an approach known as
“truth-conditional semantics” where the meaning of sentence is seen in terms of
truth conditions under which that sentence is true. In that framework “John
kicked the ball” and “The ball was kicked by John” would be considered to have
the same meaning. In turn, according to the Cognitive Linguistics view, the
meaning of those expressions is different as they differently construe conceptual
content.
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6.1.1. Perspective
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relates scenes that had been observed prior to the time of relation” (Tabakowska
1993: 78-79). Because the events are already determined, the definite article will
be used. The second option is to introduce the viewpoint of “the ‘innocent’ read-
er” to whom they are not yet known (Tabakowska 1993: 79) and because the
reader is learning about them only at this point, they are paired with indefinite
articles, to generate a sense of recency.
Translational perspective shifts can also be exemplified with the analogy of
presence and proximity (Tabakowska 1993: 83). In a story the narrator can use
tense distinctions to differently position the vantage point. Tabakowska discuss-
es this on the example of translation of Tadeusz Konwicki’s “Kompleks polski”.
The source text employs present-tense narration which temporally aligns the
moment of relating events with the events themselves, thus – as in the case of
articles above – contributing to an atmosphere of urgency. Additionally, this
construes the narrator as the object and the subject simultaneously. The target
text, in turn, is narrated in past tense, which creates distance between the speak-
er’s point of view and the object of narration. Tabakowska (1993: 84) argues
that as a result of this alteration there is no source-target equivalence and the
target audience are presented with “an altogether different novel”.
6.1.2. Scale
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6.1.3. Salience
Tabakowska also uses the notion of radial categories to talk about the particle
“to” in Polish as she illustrates salience modifications in translation. “To” draws
the receptor’s attention to the part of the sentence the speaker assumes to be the
most prominent one in a given communicative situation (Ożóg 1990: 150) and it
imposes a subjective speaker-based figure/ground configuration where figure is
the participant on which attention is concentrated, i.e. the one that is located,
evaluated etc. relative to the less prominent entity. Prototypically, “to” points to
entities, in which instance Polish-English transfer is fairly straightforward. The
less prototypical members of the “to” category are for instance those communi-
cating emotional closeness, not just the more prototypical closeness in the physi-
cal sense. In Polish-English translation, once again the structural linguistic dif-
ferences surface, making the translator’s task potentially more demanding.
6.1.4. Metaphor
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the original, intentional meaning of the message”. At that point, the target ex-
pression initiates yet another cycle of re-conceptualisation in the target audience.
Lewandowska-Tomaszczyk (2010: 108) makes the point that “re-
conceptualization is not only possible but unavoidable in translation, as it is dic-
tated partly by the new construal parameters in the target language form, differ-
ent context (...), but also brought about by subjective preferences of the transla-
tor in choosing particular target language forms (...)”.
Lewandowska-Tomaszczyk’s (2010) list of re-conceptualisation types is as
follows:
1. conventional coding
2. conventional coding with different [subjective] construals
3. language-convention induced conceptualisation by language-
specific (semanticised) syntax
4. shifting on the scale of negation
5. figure/ground organization of content
6. viewpoint shift
7. subjectification
8. iconicity of syntax and semantics
9. prototypical phraseological equivalents – different effects
10. instruments, utensils
11. social, educational, etc. structures
12. class-specific conceptualisation of pragmatic events
13. culture-specific onomatopoeia
14. proper names: domestication – foreignisation
15. cross-space re-conceptualisation of proper names
16. language/concept-specific word games
17. concept replacement
18. metonymy: activation of parts of one domain onto the whole do-
main
19. metaphorical sayings, proverbs, compounds: different source do-
mains (conceptual content and profiling] in target language than
in source language, mapped on identical source and target lan-
guage target domains
20. axiological markedness
21. quantitative re-conceptualisation: decreasing the prominence of
part(s) of the scenario
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On the whole, the model’s postulate is that the product resulting from the cycles
of reconceptualisation is “a blend, a hybrid” of the author’s model of a scene or
event and the target audience’s model (Lewandowska-Tomaszczyk 2010: 143).
The receptor’s interpretation emerges online and, what is important, the dyna-
mism of meaning is observable both in the source text and in new interpretations
of the translation (Lewandowska-Tomaszczyk 2010: 143).
Some of the other approaches employing the apparatus of Cognitive Lin-
guistics in translation description are for instance Hejwowski’s (2004, 2007)
proposal to use the notions of verb frames, scenes and scripts (cf. Boas 2013). In
turn, Deckert (2013) looks into patterns of construal reconfiguration in interlin-
gual subtitling across the parameters of granularity, prominence and perspective.
Similarly, Jankowska (2013) used construal operations in her contrastive analy-
sis of audiodescription scripts.
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7. Conclusions
Cognitive Linguistics provides us with a set of principles and constructs that can
be used in systematic description of how meanings emerge. Vitally, then, the
apparatus can be implemented in translation analysis to compare how conceptual
content gets structured across languages. Such analyses presuppose the analyst’s
high linguistic competence (Tabakowska 2002) which is linked to an important
feature of those investigations, i.e. their high level of detailedness which –
though potentially problematic (Hejwowski 2004: 53) – makes the translator
more aware that even apparently small source-target shifts are consequential. At
the same time, this is not to say that shifts should be avoided at all cost. They
will be justified by a number of constraints imposed on the translator – from
technical limitations (e.g. in audiovisual translation) to the availability of cultur-
al assumptions of source and target audiences, to ensuring that the target text is
not ill-formed where no unconventional language use had been intended by the
original author.
What is more, the vital realisation that Cognitive Linguistics promotes is
that the mere consideration of conceptual content is insufficient for
a comprehensive account of linguistic meaning. An investigation of the matter
has to be supplemented with looking into the manner. Just as the ‘meaning’ of
a painting, photograph or film depends on how objects and events are represent-
ed (cf. Tabakowska 1993: 129), often much more than the objects or events
themselves.
I. Cognitive Linguistics
Evans, V. and M. Green (2006). Cognitive Linguistics: An Introduction. Mahwah, NJ
and Edinburgh: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates/Edinburgh University Press.
Geeraerts D. and H. Cuyckens (2007). (eds.) The Oxford Handbook of Cognitive Lin-
guistics. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Geeraerts, D. (2006). (ed.) Cognitive Linguistics: Basic Readings. Berlin and New York:
Mouton de Gruyter.
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References
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Corpora and Descriptive Translation Studies
Łukasz Grabowski
Opole University
lukasz@uni.opole.pl
Abstract: This Chapter aims to survey the scope of possible applications of language
corpora and corpus linguistics methodology in empirical research on translation, con-
ducted within the field of descriptive translation studies (DTS)1. First, the scope of the
field of DTS is described in some detail, followed by a presentation of the most im-
portant tenets of the corpus linguistics approach to studying language. Second, an over-
view of the types of corpora used in research on translation is presented. Third, the
Chapter explicates the difference between quantitative and qualitative research methods
offered by corpus linguistics. Fourth, translation universals, translator’s style and transla-
tion style are presented as key research problems in DTS, followed by an overview of
case studies addressing these problems with the use of corpus methodologies. The Chap-
ter ends with conclusions and observations regarding possible future development of
DTS as well as with some references to sources where readers can find more specific
information on the problems touched upon in this Chapter.
Keywords: corpus linguistics, descriptive translation studies, translation universals,
parallel corpora, comparable corpora, quantitative methods, qualitative methods
1. Introduction
1
This Chapter draws extensively on the author’s earlier publications (Grabowski 2012a,
2012b, 2013), among other works cited in it.
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2
Piotrowski and Grabowski (2013) present a discussion on certain problems with inter-
preting linguistic data extracted from language corpora.
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According to Zanettin (2012: 10), corpora used in DTS typically contain two
main sets of linguistic data representing different varieties of the same language,
e.g. translations, non-translations (i.e. native texts written originally in the same
language), or texts in different languages (which can be translations and the orig-
inals, or only texts originally produced in different languages). Importantly,
translational texts can be translations of different source texts, or they can repre-
sent multiple translations of the same text (which happens only in the case of
literary texts). Depending on the choice, there are two major types of corpora
extensively used in DTS, namely parallel corpora and comparable corpora,
which can be further broken into more fine-grained categories depending on the
directions of the translations.
The term parallel corpus is used to refer to collections of parallel texts that
are translations of each other. Such a corpus is composed of two corpora: the
first one includes original texts, and the second includes their translations into
a target language (Lewandowska-Tomaszczyk 2005: 43). Such a corpus can be
also called a bilingual parallel corpus. A parallel corpus can also include paral-
lel texts in more than two languages, e.g. original texts in one language (called
a ‘pivot language’) and their translations into many languages – then it is re-
ferred to as a multilingual parallel corpus or mono-source-language parallel
corpus (Laviosa 2002: 36; Olohan 2004: 25).3 Parallel corpora can be unidirec-
tional (i.e. when they include source texts in language A and target texts in lan-
guage B only), or bidirectional4 (i.e. when they include source texts in language
A and target texts in language B, and source texts in language B and target texts
in language A) (Olohan 2004: 24). Finally, since parallel corpora contain both
source texts and their translations, they are also referred to as translational cor-
pora (Olohan 2004: 101).
A comparable corpus is used to refer to collections of texts in one lan-
guage and similar texts in another language (which are not translations). Then it
is referred to as a bilingual comparable corpus. Also, it is possible for
a comparable corpus to include similar texts written in more than two languages,
and then it is called a multilingual comparable corpus) (Laviosa 2002: 101).
All in all, a comparable corpus includes native texts (i.e. non-translations) in two
or more languages, which are typically similar in terms of all or some of the
3
An example of such a corpus is an InterCorp Project, which is a subproject of the
Czech National Corpus – a large parallel synchronic corpus of fiction covering 25 lan-
guages, including Czech as a pivot language. Available at:
http://www.korpus.cz/intercorp/?lang=cs
4
An example of bidirectional bilingual parallel corpus is English↔Russian Parallel
Subcorpus of the Russian National Corpus, which is available online at:
http://www.ruscorpora.ru/search-para.html
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following criteria: the same or approximately the same date of their production
or publication, theme, function, style, domain etc. (Lewandowska-Tomaszczyk
2005: 52). Texts collected in a comparable corpus are more natural than texts
collected in a parallel corpus, as they are not subject to any constraints typical of
the translation process. In other words, comparable corpora provide access to
multilingual collections of texts independently produced by native speakers of
particular languages (ibid.: 53).
However, Baker (1995) claims that comparable corpora are not just the ones
including independent texts in two or more different languages. Quite to the
contrary, Baker (ibid.: 233) argues that comparable corpora may also include
two independent collections of texts produced in one and the same language.
The first collection may include original texts produced by native speakers of
a particular language (e.g. Polish), which are not translations, and the other col-
lection may include texts translated into L1 (e.g. also Polish) from any language
L2 or L3 (e.g. English, Russian etc.). The texts included in each of the two col-
lections should be similar in terms of their type or genre, theme, function, date of
production and length. A corpus like this one is called a monolingual compara-
ble corpus, and it enables researchers to compare linguistic features of native
texts with translated texts in the same language, produced independently from
each other. An example of such a corpus is the Translational English Corpus
(TEC)5, which contains native English texts translated from a number of differ-
ent languages, on the one hand, and – similar in terms of type, theme, size and
function – original native English texts extracted from the British National Cor-
pus (BNC), on the other. However, more specific problems6 related to compila-
tion of all the types of corpora discussed above are beyond the scope of this
Chapter.
Since the 1990s, parallel corpora, comparable corpora as well as corpus lin-
guistics methodology have been widely applied in DTS research. In order to
emphasize the influence exerted by corpus linguistics on descriptive research on
translation, the latter has been frequently referred to as corpus-based descriptive
translation studies (Laviosa 2002: 18). In the following section, the most im-
portant quantitative and qualitative methods of the analysis of corpus data are
presented in greater detail.
5
TEC is available online at:
http://www.monabaker.com/tsresources/TranslationalEnglishCorpus.htm
6
More information on design and compilation of corpora used in research on translation
can be found in, among others, Zanettin (2012).
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In the case of quantitative methods, linguistic data attested in corpora are first
classified and counted, and on the basis of these procedures more complex statis-
tical models are constructed to explain researchers’ observations (McEnery &
Wilson 1996: 62). Results of such quantitative analyses can be generalized to
a larger population of texts, or compared with results of the analyses conducted
on different corpora (e.g. source texts can be compared with their translations, or
translations compared with non-translations in the same language), be it parallel
or comparable ones. As a rule, quantitative methods of data analysis are facili-
tated by various computer programs custom-designed for text analysis (e.g.
WordSmith Tools, AntConc etc.), word processors and/or spreadsheets. Such
programs can help one obtain data in the form of descriptive statistics, wordlists
or their transformations (e.g. frequency profiles or frequency spectra). The pro-
cedures discussed below are typically employed independently for each lan-
guage component of a parallel or comparable corpus, for each source and target
text in the corpus, or for each translational and non-translational text in the cor-
pus, depending on the types of corpora used in a study.
Descriptive statistics describes the main features of texts or corpora in
quantitative terms, e.g. a number of running words (text length), word types
(different words) or sentences, mean sentence length, proportion of different
words (types) to the total number of running words, known as type/token ratio
(TTR), or standardized type/token ratio (STTR) calculated as average across
stretches of 100 or 1,000 word tokens in a text. As a rule, low TTR or STTR
means a narrow range of vocabulary, or narrow scope of subjects discussed in
a text or corpus, while high TTR or STTR indicates the opposite. A higher mean
sentence length as compared with another text tentatively indicates that the style
is more explicit and precise. On the other hand, a lower mean sentence length
indicates the opposite, i.e. the style being more concise and terse because, for
example, a translator used shorter sentences to translate long-form constructions
typical of an original text. Table 1 presents basic descriptive statistics on two
independent Polish translations of the English-original novel “Lolita” by Vladi-
mir Nabokov, completed by Robert Stiller (1991) and Michal Kłobukowski
(1997).
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Table 1. Example of descriptive statistics for Polish translations of Lolita by Stiller (1991) and
Kłobukowski (1997)
In short, these indicators provide basic information on style and lexical richness
of texts, and hence they may be used in comparisons of source texts and their
translations, or different translations of the same source text. However, when
comparing statistical data, in particular the ones generated for parallel texts, one
has to bear in mind that any source text and its translation are not directly com-
mensurable due to typological differences between any two languages. Such
a situation calls for the need to compare the statistical indicators with standard
measures obtained from reference corpora for each language (Zanettin 2012:
181).
A wordlist, or a frequency list, accounts for a register of all words that oc-
cur in a particular text or corpus. Usually, the wordlist is supplemented with
information on the total number of occurrences provided for each word. In other
words, such a frequency list reports the number of instances (tokens) of each
word (type), which occurred in a text or a corpus (Baroni 2009: 804). In practice,
a frequency list is a preliminary survey of the text or corpus under scrutiny.
However, it is important to bear in mind that any text or corpus presented as
a wordlist is not a text anymore, but rather its transformation that helps focus
researchers’ attention not on the message of a text, but rather on its form, or
other aspects of individual words found in it (Scott & Tribble 2006: 12). Using
a word processor, a spreadsheet or corpus software, it is possible to manipulate
data obtained in a frequency list so that it can be ordered in different configura-
tions, e.g. ascending or descending alphabetical order, decreasing or increasing
frequency order, decreasing or increasing length order etc. According to Scott
(2007: 132), wordlist analyses can be used for multiple purposes, namely for
studying the type, range and distribution of vocabulary used in a text or a corpus
(e.g. in two translations of the same original text), comparing frequency of
a word in different texts or corpora of the same or different genres (e.g. in spe-
cialist texts and translations produced in the same language), comparing fre-
quencies of cognate words or pairs of translation equivalents (e.g. in a source
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text and its translation) etc. Also, Olohan (2004: 77) argues that wordlists enable
researchers to find regularities or irregularities as regards frequency and distribu-
tion of grammatical words in texts (e.g. in non-translated and translated texts in
the same language), to identify common words (types) in a particular text or
a corpus, or to identify unusual and creative words or expressions, which typi-
cally occur in texts with low frequencies (which means that one should look for
such words at the very bottom of a wordlist). Table 2 provides an example of
a wordlist showing the twenty most frequent content words in the English-
original and two Polish translations of “Lolita”.
Table 2. An example of a wordlist, where *R stands for a rank of a word on a frequency list
English-original Translation by Stiller Translation by Klobukowski
R* Word Freq R* Word Freq R* Word type Freq
9 was 1486 21 już 365 21 już 275
30 have 388 29 Lo 236 22 Lo 274
37 said 344 33 jest 219 28 jest 228
39 were 305 37 jeszcze 201 35 jeszcze 202
42 little 287 43 było 181 42 była 166
51 lo 236 47 była 168 46 było 156
61 old 197 49 był 158 49 był 152
62 Lolita 193 59 Haze 135 57 Haze 124
63 two 192 63 Lolita 125 58 bardzo 120
81 know 139 71 pan 112 64 potem 108
84 haze 137 80 bardzo 99 69 Dolly 100
87 way 135 81 Humbert 99 72 raz 99
89 child 132 84 znów 98 76 Lolita 96
93 room 121 85 Dolly 96 79 nigdy 94
95 girl 120 98 raz 83 80 ma 92
100 am 117 102 jestem 80 87 Humbert 87
101 car 117 103 domu 79 93 domu 82
102 good 116 104 lat 78 97 pan 82
103 Humbert 115 107 wciąż 77 101 jestem 80
108 eyes 109 109 czasu 73 102 miała 80
Wordlists, like the one presented above as an example, can be subjected to fur-
ther transformations. One of them is a frequency spectrum, which is obtained
by assigning a number of words (tokens) to the frequency of their occurrence in
a text. It enables one to answer the question how many word types in
a frequency list have a particular frequency (Baroni 2009: 804). As a creative or
author-specific vocabulary usually occurs in a text with low frequencies, fre-
quency spectra can be used to quantify lexical variety or a degree of repetition
among low-frequency words. As a rule, a text is more varied lexically if the
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If one compares either a source text with its translation, or different translations
of the same text, then higher values for lower frequencies mean that the text is
more lexically varied. It can further mean that a translator frequently uses such
translation strategies as explicitation where ambiguous words, phrases or terms
in a source text are rendered by more words in the translation; if the opposite is
the case, then it is possible that a translator frequently simplified or normalized
the vocabulary in the translation, and used fewer words with more general mean-
ings. If one compares translations with non-translations, then frequency spectra
enable one to determine whether lexical variety is either higher or lower than in
non-translated texts.
The corpus-driven7 quantitative methods presented above are limited in that
they focus on data sets with only two vectors presented in a tabular form, i.e.
specific observations (numbers) in the rows, with the vectors (column variables)
specifying different properties of the observations (e.g. 17.96 is a mean sentence
7
A corpus-driven approach is an orientation to the analysis of linguistic data where no
hypotheses are formulated before the actual analyses, and the data are not classified in
any way (i.e. described in terms of a particular language theory). The hypotheses are
formulated later as derived from the data under observation. The opposite orientation is
a corpus-based approach which implies prior classification of data (i.e. assigning la-
bels, derived from particular language theories, to corpus data) and formulating
a hypothesis grounded in a particular theory of language. The purpose of observation
of corpus data is therefore to test the hypothesis formulated before the actual observa-
tion of data.
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8
The choice of the definite article the in this hypothetical example does not mean that
one should pay more attention to how translators deal with specific grammatical cate-
gories. In fact, a platform of comparison may be any formal, syntactic, semantic or
pragmatic feature (corresponding to concepts conveyed in a source text which are for
some reason considered to be important by a researcher), e.g. proper names, culture-
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specific items, terms, constructions expressing politeness etc. Very often, the choice of
a specific linguistic feature depends on whether the corpus is an annotated or unanno-
tated one (and on the scope of annotation if the former scenario is the case).
9
Such method is known in statistics as systematic sampling (Babbie 2013: 222-223). An
excellent overview of statistics used specifically in the humanities is also found in
Canning (2013), a free open access online book.
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lems and case studies, and therefore shed more light on how researchers have
applied quantitative and qualitative methods in their research.
10
The fragment on the theoretical background of TUs has been adopted – with some
modifications and additions – from Grabowski (2013).
11
These labels are also cited by Baker (1993: 245) and Mauranen and Kujamaki (2004:
1) respectively.
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text more explicit as compared with the source text and overtly reveal hidden
meanings in the latter; this may manifest itself in, among others, more frequent
use of cohesive ties in translation, more repetitions in texts, longer sentences and
ultimately – translations being longer than original texts (ibid.). Explicitation can
be also achieved through overusing prepositions, adding nouns in attributive
function, disambiguation of pronouns and using geographical names in their full
form (Vanderauwera 1985). The simplification hypothesis concerns the tenden-
cy of translators to simplify the language used in translation, more often than not
in terms of lexis, syntax and stylistics (Baker 1996: 181-182). It may manifest
itself in, among others, overusing hypernyms, paraphrases and periphrases
(Blum-Kulka&Levenston 1983), avoidance of archaisms and sophisticated lin-
guistic expressions at the expense of colloquial and unoriginal vocabulary in
translations (Vanderauwera 1985: 102-103). In the same study, Vanderauwera
also observed the tendency of literary translators to substitute complex and com-
pound sentences with simple sentences and gerund clauses. Normalization,
described as a tendency of translators to adopt target texts to norms and typical
patterns of the target language (Baker 1996: 176-177), manifests itself in, among
others, substituting untypical, rare and creative words and collocations in source
texts with typical expressions in the target texts (Kenny 2001), overusing clichés
and truisms, using simple grammatical constructions in translations (Øverås
1998: 581-682, cited in Olohan 2004: 97), adapting cultural elements specific to
the source-language-culture with elements typical of target-language-culture,
substituting archaisms with frequent contemporary expressions (Vanderauwera
1985). Finally, the levelling out hypothesis refers to translations being more
homogenous (or more similar) in that they show more similarity between each
other than between translations and their source-texts or between translations
and native texts in the same language (Baker 1996: 184).12
12
As researchers focus on either specific texts or a corpus of texts (e.g. a parallel or
monolingual comparable corpus), then one can assume that the postulated TUs are ap-
plicable only to texts subject to study. Obviously enough, it is impossible to exclude
the possibility that these TUs have predictive power and hence can be applicable to
other texts as well, but such an assumption – proposed by Kenny (2001: 54) – requires
further studies. The rationale behind such a limitation of TUs is that tendencies in
translation change over time (e.g. translations produced in the 19 th century differ from
contemporary translations in many respects, let alone from the embellished baroque
translations), translations are subject to the influence of source and target language,
direction of translation, translator’s idiolects (including values and worldview), transla-
tor’s gender, translator’s ideology, social and political environment, text type and gen-
re conventions etc., which altogether exert profound influence on the choice of transla-
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Importantly, Baker (1993: 233) adds that research on translation (and TUs)
should not be limited to comparisons of source texts and their translations, but
should be extended to comparisons of non-translated texts with translated texts,
which are produced under different social, cultural and sometimes even political
circumstances. Tellingly, the relation between the source text and its translations
(represented by parallel texts or parallel corpora) is different from the one be-
tween translated texts and non-translated texts (stored in monolingual compara-
ble corpora). According to Chesterman (2004: 6), the former is the relation of
equivalence, which enables one to see a text as a translation of another text,
whereas the latter is the relation of acceptability of a text or its fitting into the
family of non-translated native texts in the target language. Thus, the hypotheses
about TUs may be postulated either on the basis of the relation of equivalence or
on the basis of the relation of textual fit. This problem was addressed by Ches-
terman (2004: 8) who proposed a division of TUs into S-Universals (i.e. the ones
postulated on the basis of equivalence) and T-Universals (i.e. the ones postulated
on the basis of textual fit). The former look into the ontology of translation and
its relation to the source text while the latter focus on specific linguistic features
that distinguish translations from texts originally written in the target language
(Kajzer-Wietrzny 2012: 25). According to Chesterman (2004: 7-8), potential S-
universals include the law of interference, the law of standardisation, the explici-
tation hypothesis and the reduction of repetitions, while potential T-universals
encompass simplification, conventionalization (later referred to as normaliza-
tion), untypical lexical patterning and underrepresentation of target language
specific items. Also, Chesterman (2004: 8) adds that both S-universals and T-
universals are to a certain degree interdependent, e.g. interference from the
source language might be a potential cause of unnatural lexical patterning or
underrepresentation of target language specific items in translation. In contrast
with S-universals, the search for T-universals constitutes an attempt to explore
translated texts in their own right rather than from a perspective of their source
texts, which requires a relative norm of comparison in the form of non-translated
texts written in the same language (ibid.).13
However, even if research on translation universals contributes to descrip-
tion of general linguistic patterns typical of translational texts, it is entirely pos-
sible to find translations which fail to conform to those ostensibly universal pat-
terns. According to Baker (2004: 173), since “there there will always be individ-
ual translators who opt to use different strategies, to go against the norm”, it is
tion strategies, techniques or procedures and hence – on lexical, grammatical and sty-
listic characteristics of translated texts.
13
A more detailed overview of TUs is also found in Kajzer-Wietrzny (2012).
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14
An example of such a study is Grabowski (2012a, 2012b) who conducted a com-
parative study – with the use of quantitative corpus linguistics methods – of two inde-
pendent Polish translations (by Robert Stiller, dated 1991, and Michał Kłobukowski,
dated 1997, respectively) of the English-original „Lolita” by Vladimir Nabokov
(1955).
15
According to Baker (2000: 262) and Rybicki (2013), the main challenge at hand in this
approach is to neutralize all the different variables (e.g. the impact of editors, publish-
ers, genre conventions etc., to name just a few) in order to identify only those linguistic
features that can be unambiguously attributed to the translator alone.
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16
According to Saldanha (2011: 27), such a view of translation style is adopted by,
among others, Boase-Beier (2006) who adopts a cognitive perspective in her explora-
tion of the ways translators recognise particular stylistic effects in the original and rec-
reate them in translations.
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5. Case studies
An overview of specialist literature shows that much more has been written on
the application of parallel and comparable corpora in applied branches of trans-
lation studies, in particular in translator training, natural language processing,
multilingual terminology extraction etc. However, as mentioned earlier in this
Chapter, parallel corpora, comparable corpora as well as corpus linguistics
methodology have also been widely applied in DTS, typically in explorations of
translation universals, translator’s style and translation style. An overview of
selected case studies is presented below.
Parallel corpora were used in research on translation strategies and lexical crea-
tivity. Kenny (2001) used a parallel corpus (German-English Parallel Corpus of
Literary Texts) and a comparable corpus (collections of German and Austrian
literature) to study lexical normalization and lexical creativity. The study re-
vealed a tendency for normalization (44% of instances) in the case of translation
from German into English of creative hapax legomena (i.e. author-specific
words which occur in a text only once), particularly in the case of derived forms
and complex verbal nouns. Kenny (2011) also revealed that certain translators
may use the normalization strategy less often than others.
Vanderauwera (1985), who compared a parallel corpus of fifty selected con-
temporary Dutch literary novels with their English translations, revealed that the
latter show a high degree of explicitation (e.g. frequent use of connectives and
prepositions, addition of nouns in attributive function, repetitions of previously
used expressions, use of full geographical names, disambiguation of pronouns),
simplification (e.g. substituting archaisms and sophisticated expressions with
contemporary and stock ones) and normalization (e.g. substitution of creative
collocations with typical ones).
Bosseaux (2001) used parallel texts of the English novel The Waves by Vir-
ginia Woolf and its two independent translations into French in order to investi-
gate differences and similarities between the two translations. On the basis of
measures such as sentence-length, type/token ratio (TTR) and analysis of trans-
lation patterns of selected culture-specific lexical items, it was revealed that
there are considerable differences between the two French translations, in partic-
ular in terms of the translation strategies (foreignizing vs. domesticating proce-
dures) employed by the translators.
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6. Conclusions
This Chapter outlined the scope of possible applications of language corpora and
corpus linguistics methodology in descriptive translation studies (DTS). Chiefly,
there are three types of corpora extensively used in DTS: parallel corpora (i.e.
collections of parallel texts, which are texts in source language aligned with their
translations), comparable corpora (i.e. collections of texts in a source language
and similar texts in target language) and monolingual comparable corpora (i.e.
collections of similar translated and non-translated texts in the same language).
More specifically, the Chapter presented selected case studies focusing on explo-
ration of translation universals, translator’s style and translation style, considered
to be major research problems in DTS, with the use of diverse quantitative and
qualitative methods.
It is possible to draw a number of conclusions regarding the current state of
DTS on the basis of the information presented in this Chapter. However, there is
one observation that stands out and it pertains to the growing awareness among
researchers of limitations of basic quantitative and qualitative research methods
which have recently become insufficient to address some more sophisticated
problems (e.g. translatorial attribution or translation universals). That is why
recent studies reveal that researchers refine their methodologies by additionally
using multivariate methods typical of computational stylometry and authorship
attribution, which may pave the way and provide stimulus for further develop-
ment of DTS in the future. However, the reasons which justify doing so are still
humanistic, which may appear to be dubious considering the level of mathemati-
cal sophistication found in these methods. Yet the number of books and transla-
tions published worldwide every year – running into tens of millions – is so high
(and still increasing) that it is no longer possible for a single researcher or a team
of researchers to analyze them, let alone read. And that is why scholars are in-
creasingly in need of more effective and more sophisticated quantitative research
methods that allow one to extract from texts specifically those features which the
scholars are interested in. Having been presented with more fine-grained results
and distinctions, it is later possible to return to those texts and explore them
qualitatively again to verify whether the hypotheses – descriptive, explanatory,
interpretative or otherwise – formulated in the very beginning were right or
wrong.
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References
Babbie, E. 2013. The Basics of Social Research. Belmont: Wadsworth, Cengage Learn-
ing.
Baker M. 1993. Corpus Linguistic and Translation Studies: Implications and applica-
tions. In: M. Baker, G. Francis & E. Tognini-Bonelli (eds.), Text and Technology:
in Honour of John Sinclair, Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 233-250.
Baker, M. 1995. Corpora in Translation Studies: An Overview and Some Suggestions
for Future Research. Target 7(2): 223-243.
Baker, M. 1996. Corpus-based Translation Studies: The Challenges that Lie Ahead. In:
H. Somers (ed.), Terminology, LSP and Translation: Studies in Language Engi-
neering in Honour of Juan C. Sager. Amsterdam & Philadelphia: John Benjamins,
175-186.
Baker, M. 2000. Towards a Methodology for Investigating the Style of a Literary Trans-
lator.Target 12(2): 241-266.
Baker, M. 2004. A corpus-based View of Similarity and Difference in Translation. In-
ternational Journal of Corpus Linguistics 9(2): 167-193.
Baroni, M. 2009. Distributions in Text. In: A. Lüdeling & M. Kytö (eds.), Corpus Lin-
guistics: An International Handbook Volume 2. Berlin and New York: Walter
deGruyter, 803-821.
Blum-Kulka, S. 1986. Shifts of Cohesion and Coherence in Translation. In: J. House
& S. Blum-Kulka (eds.), Interlingual and Intercultural Communication. Tübingen:
Narr, 17-35 (also cited in Baker 1993: 245, Laviosa 2001: 289 & Olohan: 2004:
93).
Blum-Kulka, S., Levenston, E. 1983. Universals of Lexical Simplification. In:
C. Faerch&G. Casper (eds.), Strategies in Inter-language Communication. London
and New York: Longman, 119-139 (also cited in Laviosa 2002: 44).
Boase-Beier, J. 2006. Stylistic Approaches to Translation. Manchester: St. Jerome Pub-
lishing.
Bosseaux, Ch. 2001. A Study of the Translator’s Voice and Style in the French Transla-
tions of Virginia Woolf’s ‘The Waves’. In: M. Olohan (ed.), CTIS Occasional Pa-
pers, Volume 1. Manchester: Centre for Translation & Intercultural Studies UMIST,
55-75.
Burrows, J. F. 2002. ’delta’: A Measure of Stylistic Difference and a Guide to Likely
Authorship. Literary and Linguistic Computing 17(3): 267-287.
Canning, J. 2013. An Introduction to Statistics for Students in the Humanities (online
book). Available at: http://statisticsforhumanities.net/
Chesterman, A. 2004. Hypothesis about Translation Universals. In: G. Hansen,
K. Malmkjær & D. Gile (eds.), Claims, Changes and Challenges in Translation
Studies. Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 1-13.
Dayrell, C. 2005. Investigating Lexical Patterning in a Comparable Corpus of Brazilian
Portuguese. Unpublished PhD dissertation. University of Manchester.
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Multimodal Communication and Multidimensional
Translation in Audiovisual Contexts
Łukasz Bogucki
University of Łódź
lukasz.bogucki@gmail.com
Translation has long departed from being an operation on texts in the traditional
sense. The presentation of the written word is constantly evolving, from hand-
writing through typing, digitalised text, hypertext, electronic ink and beyond.
Moreover, in line with the common adage „a picture says more than a thousand
words“, information is increasingly transferred by visual means. Even the spo-
ken word, rendered in conference interpreting, is supported by multimedia
presentations consisting of visual slides. However, this Chapter is not concerned
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with static images that supplement texts, but with moving pictures supplemented
by the other elements of the audiovisual message (see below).
Moving pictures have been around for over a century, but currently they
may be taking the place of literature, however bold the statement may be (cf.
Zabalbeascoa, 2010: 25). We are living in a screen-dominated era. Blackboards
and chalk at school have now largely been superseded by interactive white-
boards and multimedia projectors. Personal computers, laptops, netbooks, tab-
lets, smartphones, PDAs, gaming consoles and the like are omnipresent. The
Internet is now an obvious concomitant of life, yet it is only a generation old.
Ostensibly unambiguous words such as “friend” or “like” now require redefining
to account for their Facebook senses. All of this clearly points to the visual
channel as a major medium of transferring informational content.
This Chapter is devoted to researching audiovisual translation, a dynamic
genre whose main feature is the coexistence of visual and verbal communica-
tion. The role of the visual will be highlighted here, as a feature distinguishing
audiovisual translation from translation in the traditional sense, understood for
the purpose of this discussion as transfer of information provided in writing from
the source language into the target language, maintaining the relation of equiva-
lence.
The filmic message is made up of four semiotic channels (Delabastita 1989;
Zabalbeascoa 2008):
image (the visual-nonverbal channel), i.e. the moving pictures,
writing (the visual-verbal channel), including displays (neon signs, road
signs, billboards...) and captions (credits, signboards, notices, burnt-in
captions, toptitles, subtitles),
sound (the aural-nonverbal channel), including music and effects (both
on-location and added in post-production),
speech (the aural-verbal channel), i.e. dialogue.
This Chapter will begin by defining and characterising audiovisual translation,
stressing the semiotic complexity of the genre. Consequently, methods of re-
searching audiovisual transfer that deploy the polysemiotic perspective will be
presented.
2. Nomenclature
Audiovisual translation appears to be the generally adopted term for the type of
activity discussed in this paper; however, other names have been used elsewhere.
“Film translation”, a term also commonly used outside academic and scholarly
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3. Taxonomy
1
www.esist.org
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4. Historical perspective
2
or two voices, a male one and a female one, which is the case in Russia.
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5. AVT in Poland
Poland was a dubbing country between the end of WW2 and the late 1980s (the
tradition seriously hampered by the tragic passing of arguably the most famous
dubbing director, Zofia Dybowska-Aleksandrowicz), but is now recognised as
a paragon of voice-over, a practice treated by foreigners with “a slight sneer of
disdain” (Szarkowska 2009: 185).The popularity of voice-over on Polish televi-
sion is indeed remarkable. According to a Canal Plus poll (Bogucki 2004: 69), in
the 1990s it was preferred by 50.2% of Polish respondents. Garcarz (2007: 131)
quotes a more recent poll, where it is equated with dubbing in terms of populari-
ty (approximately 45% each). Some Polish DVD releases of foreign box office
hits used to be advertised as having the Polish voice-over version as added value
(Chmiel 2010: 124). As Mera (1999: 73) observes, “over-exposure to one or
other technique affirms its acceptability and continued use.”
Poland seems to be one of the main European centres of research into AVT,
others being arguably Italy and Spain. This is largely due to the fact that all the
main modalities are practised here, unlike in most other European countries,
which seem to favour one method over the others (dubbing in Germany, Spain
and Italy, subtitling in Greece, Portugal and the Netherlands, for instance). Apart
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7. Mal nécessaire
This French expression is taken from the title of an influential paper on subti-
tling by Marleau (1982). The underlying assumption of this section is that audi-
ovisual translation is necessary evil and viewers everywhere would be better off
watching programmes in the original. Each modality has its own inadequacies
and deficiencies.
In dubbing, replacing the original voices of actors detracts from the intended
cinematic experience. Instead of learning what the voice of their favourite movie
star sounds like, audiences get to hear the voice of the actor/talent who dubs the
particular celebrity. By the same token, the target audience may confuse certain
actors if they are dubbed by the same voice talent. The lip-sync constraint (ad-
justing the target language version to the particular actor’s lip movements),
character synchrony (dialogue that is consistent with the visual image; for in-
stance, an affirmative response together with nodding) and isochrony (utterances
occurring between the character’s mouth opening and shutting) all mean that the
translator has to resort to less acceptable equivalents / departures from the origi-
nal, so that the foreign version appears more natural. Furthermore, dubbing
makes it difficult to render the prosodic features of an actor’s voice, thereby
detracting from his or her attempt to portray a character. Finally, the overall cost
of dubbing, in particular hiring the professional cast, may lead to some material
never being released in a particular country, where the expense may be deemed
prohibitive.
Subtitles occupy part of the screen and may block out relevant clues, thus
contaminating the visual channel. Conversely, in some cases the visual back-
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ground may render some subtitles unintelligible, for example if the colour con-
trast is too low. For these reasons, subtitles may occasionally have to be moved
to the top part of the screen, creating momentary confusion among the audience
and prolonging the reaction time. Due to the additive nature of subtitling, on top
of an already complex artistic creation made up of image, dialogue, soundtrack
and text, the viewer has to continually focus on captions. While it does not nor-
mally prohibit the viewer from following the plot, subtle details of camera
movements, viewing angle, actors’ body language and facial expressions may
pass unnoticed.The technical and other constraints on subtitling (see, for exam-
ple, Bogucki 2004) mean that condensing the original (spoken) text is par for the
course; according to the six-second rule (Díaz-Cintas and Remael 2007: 96-99),
subtitles should be comfortably read in six seconds or less, which means that
they have to be short and to the point.
In the case of voice-over, poorly recorded versions hinder comprehension,
as the volume of the original dialogue is almost as high as that of the voice-over
translation. This is particularly confusing for viewers who understand the origi-
nal, as attempting to focus on two simultaneously delivered language versions is
severely distracting. Voice-over is arguably the least natural of the three main
audiovisual translation techniques, especially when delivered by a single voice
talent for all the actors, regardless of whether they are male or female. The voice
talent does not attempt to act out the dialogue, but remains as neutral as possible,
which some viewers may consider monotonous and uninspiring.
Despite their significant contribution to making audiovisual content accessi-
ble to a wider audience, modalities of audiovisual transfer designed for the bene-
fit of the vision- or hearing-impaired cannot possibly be expected to provide
their recipients with an experience matching that of the original. For instance,
audiodescription consists merely of briefly describing the scene and the action,
leaving most of the visually-conveyed information to the imagination of the
blind person.
Finally, surtitling for the opera or theatre necessitates the installation of ex-
pensive hardware, whether above the stage or on the backs of seats.
We have thus characterised audiovisual translation as an extremely complex
genre. Traditional, text-based approaches do not suffice to account for this com-
plexity, neither do more modern, translator-oriented ones. Moreover, methods
and tools of translation research may be only partially applicable to studying
AVT. Let us explore two interdisciplinary proposals that could afford a more
holistic perspective of the genre under scrutiy.
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9. Multidimensional translation
The term was introduced within the framework of the MuTra project, coordinat-
ed by the Advanced Translation Research Center (ATRC) in Saarbrücken, which
is an answer to modern developments and current challenges in translation and
interpreting studies. The project works on the assumption that the boundaries
between translation, interpreting and multilingual communication are becoming
increasingly blurred and multidimensional language competences (including
technology and (project) management skills) are required to meet modern multi-
lingual communication challenges in an enlarging Europe. Thus, whatever the
translation (or interpreting) product may be, there is certain common theoretical
ground as regards the translation process:
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Fig 1. The common core of translation and interpreting within the MuTra project approach (after
Gerzymisch-Arbogast 2005)
Members of the MuTra project see the following translation and interpreting
scenarios:
They also ask a number of relevant questions that ought to be empirically inves-
tigated, viz.:
3
The final product of live subtitling is written text, but the translational operation is very
much like simultaneous interpretation, i. e. spoken source input is interpreted as spo-
ken target input.
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10. Conclusions
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Background Reading
References
Baker, M. and B. Hochel. (1998). ‘Dubbing.’ In: Baker, M. (ed.), Routledge Encyclope-
dia of Translation Studies. London and New York: Routledge, 96-99.
Bakewell, M. (1987). ‘Factors affecting the cost of dubbing.’ EBU Review 38 (6), 16-17.
Baldry, A. P. and P. J. Thibault. (2006). Multimodal Transcription and Text Analysis.
Oakville, CT: Equinox Publishing.
Belczyk, A. (2007). Tłumaczenie filmów. Wilkowice: Wyd. dla szkoły.
Benecke, B. (2004). ‘Audio-description.’ Meta 49: 1, 78-80.
Bogucki, Ł. (2004). A Relevance Framework for Constraints on Cinema Subtitling.
Łódź: Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego.
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Translation in Digital Space: Machine Translation, CAT
and Localization
Abstract: Contemporary solutions for translation have far exceeded technological re-
quirements in recent years. This has caused a shift in both professional enterprise and
scientific investigation. Global communication systems increase translation output and
insure quality, while hypertext type documents are far more frequent. Recent technologi-
cal developments have thus found their way into translation services. An array of transla-
tion tools have come into popular use over the last decade, while translation has entered
the realm of project management. The paper will focus on the use of computer tools
aimed at fostering the translation process and present an overview of the challenges that
lay ahead in digital space.
Keywords: corpus, CAT, Translation Memory, Terminology Management, Machine
translation
1. Introduction
There is some ambiguity to a certain extent within the term ‘translation’ since its
scope of meaning encompasses different notions, though they are inevitably
correlated with one another. The whole process intends to recreate the content of
the source language message by means of the target language in such a way that
the semantic subject matter of the former remains represented as accurately as
possible by the latter. Consequently, as stated by Savory (1968: 50), the target
text is supposed to be a reproduction of the words, ideas and style contained in
the source text. However, taking into account that the selection of lexis and
grammar along with the values and perception of meaning are unique for every-
one, the idiosyncrasies incorporated in the translated text result in attaching per-
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sonal message to it (Newmark, 1981: 8). Yet the purpose of this chapter is not to
focus on the theoretical background of translation, but rather on current devel-
opments in the digital realm. Contemporary solutions for translation have far
exceeded technological requirements in recent years. This has caused a shift in
both professional enterprise and scientific investigation. Files received from
customers may have different formats. Currently clients provide the whole web
content as well as collections of text chains extracted from software source code.
Global communication systems increase translation output and insure quality,
while hypertext type documents are far more frequent. Recent technological
developments have thus found their way into translation services. An array of
translation tools have come into popular use over the last decade, while transla-
tion has entered the realm of project management. Hence the term localization,
which can be defined as the second phase of translation project work, accounting
for distinctions, both socio-cultural, linguistic and technical within appropriate
markets. The following chapter will focus on the use of computer tools aimed at
fostering the translation process and present an overview of the challenges that
lay ahead in digital space.
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customary names for a bilingual compilation of texts are ‘bitext’ as well as ‘par-
allel corpus’, the latter of which can also pertain to a multilingual group of texts,
nevertheless both of the terms are solely relevant in the case when source lan-
guage texts and their translated versions underwent the process of alignment, i.e.
particular segments of the original text were connected with their matching parts
in the target language texts. It is essential to emphasize that parallel corpora
must not be mistaken for printed parallel texts, which solely belong the same
type and pertain to the same topic as the source texts, though do not constitute
their translations.
Additionally, within corpora directed specifically at facilitating the process
of translation there are also bilingual comparable corpora, which share the fun-
damental idea with printed parallel texts, namely they consist of texts whose
subject matter and purpose are in common. However, the records incorporated in
bilingual comparable corpora must not be translated – it is necessary that texts in
one language as well as those in another be initially written in their languages.
Not only can corpora play an important role in assisting translators in their
work, but also in theorising about the character of translated text. An example of
such text collections are monolingual comparable corpora composed of records
in a single language only, although divided into a group of texts translated into
this language and a group for whom this is the source language. The use of this
type of corpora in translation studies does not aim at assessing the quality of
translation, its ultimate purpose is to investigate translation as a process (Baker
1996: 175) and the inherent attributes of its result.
In the domain of machine translation, the concept of corpora led to the
emergence of corpus-based (as opposed to rule-based) machine translation sys-
tems, which incorporate large corpora as examples. Briefly, the process of trans-
lation is achieved through the recognition of the elements that overlap between
the SL text inserted into the system and the contents of the corpus, and conse-
quently, the generation of the TL text on the basis of the aligned units in the
corpus, where both of the steps are performed automatically. Nevertheless, on
account of the fact that corpus-based machine translation is further divided into
statistical machine translation and example-based machine translation, the pro-
cedures are more complex and vary depending on each type.
Pertaining to computer-assisted translation, it was the idea of parallel corpo-
ra, the pattern of which induced the development of a translation memory ena-
bling translators to utilize their previous translations while working on a new
project. Furthermore, all the tools for data retrieval from corpora at the same
time constitute computer-assisted translation tools since they are helpful to trans-
lators in such procedures as selecting more common target language terms with-
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3. Computer assistance
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The most significant aspect of CAT is, presumably, a translation memory (TM),
which constitutes a form of database, or more precisely an aligned parallel cor-
pus, since it is built of previous translations along with their equivalent SL texts,
both divided into segments (typically corresponding to sentences), at the level of
which the alignment is performed. The fundamental purpose behind a TM is to
provide an access to the previously translated texts and their original SL coun-
terparts during a new text translation process in order to enable a direct applica-
tion of TL equivalent segments, or at least to give a suggestion of possible solu-
tions, if certain fragments recur. Despite the fact that the idea of TM was initiat-
ed in the 1970s and first put into practice with, actually, MT systems in the next
decade, it was not until the mid 1990s when TM became widely available to
assist human translation (Somers 2003: 31).
The first approach to creating a TM is referred to as interactive translation,
which involves aligning equivalent SL and TL segments and adding them one by
one to an empty TM as the text is being translated. Next time the translator
opens the TM system, he or she may choose whether to continue building the
previous TM or start another one. The former option is recommended when the
new text to be translated covers a similar subject matter or is assigned by the
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out what other cultures want and how they function. One thus takes away any
culture specific instances visible within the product making it generally accepta-
ble by all users. Please notice, the use of the term product as from hereonin we
shall refer to the finished translation project as product. As a result we change
the methodological approach instantly, especially in reference to TQA. Localiza-
tion, or L10N, in turn becomes taking the product and making it linguistically,
culturally and technically adequate for the target locale (Yunker 2002). Locale
can be defined as ‘a set of parameters’ used to identify the users language and
preferences (Sandrini, 2008). Localisation is often treated as a mere ‘high-tech
translation’, but this view does not capture its importance, its complexity or what
it encompasses. In general, localisation addresses non-textual components of
products or services. Translation thus becomes just a part of this process.
Similarly, cultural or rather cross-cultural knowledge becomes a pre-
requisite. R.A Hudson (1980) writes that “culture is something that everybody
has” and involves some “property of a community, especially that which might
distinguish it from other communities” (Hudson 1980: 73). Furthermore, it may
be defined as “the kind of knowledge which we learn from other people, either
by direct instruction or by watching their behavior” (Hudson, 1980: 81). The
author claims that if “culture is knowledge”, then “it can exist only inside peo-
ple’s heads” (Hudson 1980: 74). When outlining the basic assumptions of mod-
ern discourse, Deborah Schiffrin (1987) states that “language always occurs in
context” and that “language is context sensitive” (Schiffrin 1987: 3). She implies
that one’s world knowledge background is a key factor to understanding linguis-
tic elements and assumes that “language always occurs in some kind of context,
including cognitive contexts, in which past experience is stored and drawn upon,
cultural contexts consisting of shared meanings and world views, and social
contexts through which both self and others draw upon institutional and interac-
tional orders to construct definitions of situation and action” (Schiffrin 1987: 4).
In effect, culture shapes experience and affects our view of reality, thus becom-
ing an important component of localization.
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requiring experience in the coordination of work phases. Van der Meer (2002)
and Sandrini (2008) regard such a process as modifying the site in order to make
it more “accessable, usable and culturally suitable” while Yunker (2003) de-
scribes it as project-oriented including linguistic elements and ‘digital assets’.
Having this in mind the localizer thus becomes an agent of internet marketing.
Let us now analyze the very basics of what to consider in this process. First-
ly one must take into account the marketing function; secondly the socio-cultural
aspect and finally linguistic and technical issues. Thus, first and foremost the
localizer needs to address an array of non-linguistic issues. While honestly, this
seems to be an obvious statement, many forget that first and foremost one must
consider the informative value of website content. This allows for further co-
authoring of localized products. A website in effect is the symbol of the brand or
company in question and should, therefore, set up trends for prospective con-
sumers. Note the following figure.
WEBSITE
Bearing in mind that our primary role as localizers is delivering properly func-
tioning products, the process will require work under the following:
the contents must be adapted to the linguistic and cultural system of the
target language;
the communication tone must be suitable for technical standards and sty-
listic requirements in the target market;
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Furthermore, page formatting must be taken into account and made compatible
with the original graphical structure, and with the demands of search engine and
directory positioning. This allows Richard Sikes (2009) to present three possible
methodological approaches, which include:
Controlled authoring
The Global Pyramid Capstone (Globalize – Internationalize – Localize)
Optimization
In the case of controlled authoring, the localizer may predict difficulties and thus
have huge influence on the original product. Schewe (2001) establishes a close
link between marketing strategy on localization in reference to language choice.
Texts must be adapted to domestic marketing strategies and they must be
adapted to domestic communication standards. This allows the transla-
tor/localizer to obtain the intended pragmatic/marketing effect or pragmat-
ic/sementic equivalence. The effect is thus based on cultural filtering and differ-
ence in expectation norms between recepients. In such a case, translation is
treated as recontextualization; as mentioned by House (1981), creating the re-
cepients’ contextual conditions. This approach sees texts as bound to their origi-
nal and new recepients, being the basis for the equivalence relation. What is
important is its communicative performance. The text, and in this case an entire
website product, aims at functional pragmatic equivalence. Generally, the L2
product must be a semantic and pragmatic equivalent.
General translation theory allows one to create a set of parameters to asses
the quality of translation. In reference to Newmark (1988), Hatim and Mason
(1990) House (1997) and Baker (1992) one can arrive at the following points:
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House (1997) assumes that unless influenced by pragmatic variance, only mini-
mal violations of the above mentioned are acceptable in translation. Due to the
fact that no two languages are alike, and thus no two cultures are alike, the na-
ture of the message, purpose of the producer and intended audience seem to be
variables most suited for quality assessment of both general translation projects
as well as websites. Further investigation within the area of assessment requires
referring to Skopos, a technical term for the aim or purpose of a translation’
(Vermeer 2000: 221). Skopostheorists believe that any action has a particular
aim, or rather a purpose. Thus, translation is considered not as a process of
transcoding but as a form of human action having its own purpose (Schäffner
1998b: 235; Hönig 1998: 9). The skopos of a translation, as explained by Ver-
meer (2000), is the goal, defined by the commission and adjusted by the transla-
tor. He defines commission as „the instruction, given by oneself or by someone
else, to carry out a given action [which could be translation] (Vermeer 2001:
229)”. Similarly, such can greatly build methodological background for website
localization. Let us now focus on strategies and procedures as used by transla-
tors. Krings (1986) defines translation strategy as “translator’s potentially con-
scious plans for solving concrete translation problems in the framework of
a concrete translation task (Krings 1986:18). Furthermore, Bell (1998) differen-
tiates between global and local strategies and confirms that this distinction re-
sults from various kinds of translation problems (Bell 1998:188).
On the other hand Nida (1964) sees procedures as performance actions,
which include making judgments on syntactic and semantic approximations.
These approaches have been analysed in depth in Newmark (1988). The open
question remaining, is how far these are applicable towards in-depth text inter-
vention during the process of localization, since the procedure itself requires
applying functional constraints. Naturally technical requirements many a times
prove to be of great difficulty to average translators. This naturally results in
group or rather project team work. Eva Muller (2009), thus suggests the follow-
ing in reference to the linguistic realm of the localization project. Please note:
Localization tests covering linguistics must be performed for each language inde-
pendent of the internationalization test. Typical test tasks to be fulfilled are proof-
reading of translated objects such as the UI and user documentation… All items
must be named consistently and according to the specification in order to build
a user-friendly localized product, and uniformity between user documentation and
online help, for example.
We can thus conclude that the localization process puts stronger emphasis on
translation tools and technology as compared to standard translation. The locali-
zation industry is rather young, as one can trace its origins back to the 1980’s,
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therefore as mentioned in the beginning of this paper one is still in the dark con-
cerning set methodological considerations. The following is thus a proposal for
reaching set criteria concerning quality assessment as based on project work.
Judging the quality of website products within objective requirements in-
volves the preparation of a model for assessment. Project work had been con-
cluded with the following points required for WLQA (Website Localization
Quality Assessment) based on earlier scholarly considerations:
Skopos
Functionality (Pragmatic/Semantic Function)
Technicality
Encoding of text elements
Displayability
HTML/XML acceptability
Marketing value
Target audience
Train the translators in the software to be localized to make sure they are familiar
with the product, the target group, your style guide and the workflow they should
follow. Provide a teach-the-trainer course for your Multilanguage provider. In this
instance, you have to conduct a single training for all languages since you’re coop-
erating with a multi-language provider.
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tags and translatable text in different colours, other tools block the possibility of
introducing any modifications to the tags, and the most advanced ones retrieve
the text to be translated in isolation from tags and copy it to another file, at the
same time creating one more file where an appropriate annotation to enable rein-
serting the TL text in the proper place is preserved.
Considering video game localization, apart from the basics as graphical el-
ements, menus in the before mentioned code blocks, there are other significant
elements that apply to manufacturing a complete and valid product. These take
localizers very much into realms applicable to both literary and audio-visual
translators. Many have attributed this to ‘domestication’ as in terms of dubbing.
Some claim, however, that it is dubbing–and not any other form of screen trans-
lation–that can aspire to being the ‘ideal’ form of film translation in terms of
faithfulness, on the assumption that strictly linguistic considerations should not
determine the overall value of a translation. In dubbing, the translator has to be
faithful not only in the theatrical sense but also in terms of phonological syn-
chronisation (Pieńkos 1993: 131). Similar observations are frequently put fore-
ward in localization of video games.
5. Conclusions
In this sense, following Baker (1998) who states, that film is a semiotic composi-
tion consisting of four channels, the same logic may be applied to the matter at
hand as many new products make use of subtitling in their ‘video intermissions’
during thematically structured games:
1
Cf. Schwarz (2002)
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In effect, the translator needs to create subtitles in such a way so as they fulfill
their role within this polysemiotic environment (Shwarz 2002).
Finally, faithfulness to the lore or genre should be mentioned. Players fre-
quently reject localized products if its overall composition goes away from the
original. Character names, place names and language specific elements should
be as close as possible to the ‘world of the game’. As with any other action un-
dertaken, one needs to remember that a direct and ideally domesticated product
can in fact become a poor example of the localization process.
References
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tion.’ Proceedings of the 49th Annual Meeting of the Association for Computational
Linguistics: Human Language Technologies, 389–394. Portland (USA), 19–24 June
2011.
ALPAC. (1966). Language and Machines: Computers in Translation and Linguistics.
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vision of Behavioral Sciences, National Academy of Sciences, National Research
Council Publication 1416. Washington: NAS/NRC.
Baker, M. (1992). In Other Words: a Coursebook on Translation. London and New
York: Routledge.
Baker, M. (1996). ‘Corpus-Based Translation Studies: The Challenges that Lie Ahead.’
In Somers, H. (Ed.), Terminology, LSP and Translation: Studies in Language Engi-
neering in Honour of Juan C. Sager, 175–186. Amsterdam and Philadelphia: John
Benjamins.
Barnbrook, G. (1996). Language and Computers: A Practical Introduction to the Com-
puter Analysis of Language. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press.
Barrachina, S., Bender, O., Casacuberta, F., Civera, J., Cubel, E., Khadivi, S. Vidal,
E. (2009). ‘Statistical Approaches to Computer-assisted Translation,’ Computation-
al Linguistics, 35(1): 3-28.
Bell, R. T. (1998). ‘Psychological/cognitive Approaches.’ In M. Baker (Ed), Routledge
Encyclopedia of Translation Studies. London & New York: Routledge.
Benson, M., Benson, E., & Ilsen, R. F. (1986). The BBI Combinatory Dictionary of Eng-
lish: A Guide to Word Combinations. Amsterdam and Philadelphia: John Benja-
mins.
Bogucki, Ł. (2009). Tłumaczenie wspomagane komputerowo. Warszawa: WN PWN.
Bouma, G. (2009). Normalized (Pointwise) Mutual Information in Collocation Extrac-
tion. In Chiarcos, C., de Castilho, R. E., and Stede, M. (Eds.), From Form to Mean-
ing: Processing Texts Automatically. Proceedings of the Biennial GSCL Conference
2009 (31–40). Tübingen: Gunter Narr Verlag.
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Literary Translation
Jerzy Jarniewicz
University of Łódź
jjarniew@uni.lodz.pl
Abstract: The article starts with an attempt to define the specificity of literary transla-
tion by pointing to the characteristic features of the texts that this kind of translation
deals with and of various contexts (cultural, economic, political, etc.) in which it func-
tions. Much space is devoted to the discussion of what Roman Jakobson called the poetic
(or aesthetic) function of language. Examples are given, primarily of poetic texts and
their translations, providing practical illustration of the most common problems that
literary translators face. Issues addressed in the article include the significance of form in
literary texts, untranslatability and creativity, translation as interpretation (with reference
to Roman Ingarden’s concept of the areas of indeterminacy in a work of art), connotative
meaning, intertextuality and heteroglossia, and, finally, gender in translation. The article
concludes with a discussion of the changing status of literary translation, the concept of
translator as the “second author” and of the translator’s visibility.
Keywords: gender in translation, indeterminacy, intertextuality, translator’s invisibility,
limits of translation, literary translation, poetic function of language, untranslatability
1. Introduction
Among the numerous types of translation, literary translation stands out, argua-
bly, as translation par excellence, in which most problems of all types of transla-
tion find their manifestations in a condensed, highlighted form. What makes
literary translation different is, by definition, the kind of texts which it is con-
cerned with. Opinions vary as regards the distinctness of the language of litera-
ture, ranging from a belief that it is in fact a different form of language, with its
own grammar and lexicon; to claims that there is nothing intrinsically specific in
the language of literature, apart from the readers’ willingness to treat a literary
text as such. Yet it is agreed that literary texts possess characteristic properties
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which determine the way they are read, disseminated, evaluated, interpreted and
rendered into a foreign language. Francis R. Jones makes a list of these proper-
ties: “they have a written text base, though they may also be spoken; they enjoy
canonicity (high social prestige); they fulfill an affective/ aesthetic rather than
transactional or informational function; they have no real-world truth-value; they
feature words, images, etc., with ambiguous and/or indeterminable meanings;
they are characterized by ‘poetic’ language use (where language form is im-
portant in its own right) and heteroglossia (i.e. they contain more than one
voice), and they may draw on minoritized styles” (Baker 2009: 152).
From the point of view of translation theory and practice, the most significant
property of literary texts is that in their case the commonly applied distinction
between the form and the contents does not apply: in literary texts the “how” is
the “what”. This particular feature is the basis of what Roman Jakobson called
the poetic (or aesthetic) function of language, i.e. the one which makes the read-
er focus his or her attention on the text itself, on the way linguistic elements are
selected and combined to achieve specific artistic ends. Changing the way in
which a poem is written or recited, altering its visual or phonic arrangement,
affects the poem’s meaning.
If we look at Edwin Morgan’s poem “Summer Haiku”:
Pool
peopl
e plop!
Cool
(Finlay 2000: 21)
its contents, when severed from the way in which it is communicated to us, may
seem utterly banal: people see a swimming pool, jump into it and feel good. The
poet, however, turns this unexciting narrative into an exciting poem by inventing
its one-off, unique form, splitting it into four short lines and using a variety of
poetic devices. Lines 2 and 3 include the same set of five letters, yet in
a different order – such a rearrangement of the order in which letters in a word
appear so as to produce another word is called anagram. But the lines 2 and 3 are
formally linked not only due to the same set of letters. Line 2 consists of a word
the last letter of which (“e”) is not only mute, but also invisible, or rather: absent
(“peopl”), having been moved to the next line – an instance of what in literary
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translation what constitutes the poem is unavoidably altered. One can quarrel
with Frost and argue that to alter does not always mean to lose. Or that perhaps
more is lost when poetry is NOT translated. Whichever side we take, one thing
seems indisputable: translation which loses sight of the formal qualities of the
source text is a translation which loses its literary – or poetic – quality.
In the light of what has been said, is it still possible to claim that a poem like
Morgan’s “Summer Haiku” can be successfully translated? The answer depends
on how we understand “translation”. Douglas Robinson writes that “If ‘transla-
tion’ is defined narrowly as the exact rendition of everything in the source text,
including meaning, syntax, and mood, then translation itself becomes impossi-
ble; every text lies beyond the ‘limits of translation’. If it is defined broadly as
a text that stands in some significant relation to a source text, including very free
imitations, then translation becomes ubiquitous; virtually everything can be read
as a translation, and the limits of translation are potentially infinite” (France
2000: 15). Despite these reservations, a group of students have recently worked
on translating Morgan’s poem. Their free, sometimes ridiculously so, versions of
the poem show a variety of approaches, but they also indicate that all the transla-
tors are aware of the necessity to go beyond the limits defined by the poem’s
contents, to write the poem anew, creatively following its formal determinants,
rather than to copy it. Here are four examples of their translations:
(1) Basen
Polsk
A plusk
Aaa
(2) z
łód
ki
chlup
w
chłód
wód
(3) na basenie
chłopak
i chlap ok
zadowolenie
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Literary Translation
(4) człowiek
woda
chlup
trup
It can be guessed that in all four cases the starting point was to find a word that
could correspond phonetically with the onomatopoeic word for the sound of
splashing water. Thus in the first version, “plusk” is responsible for the unex-
pected appearance of the nearly homophonic “Polska”. In the second translation,
“chlup” must have started the sequence of one-syllable words with [u] sound:
“łód”, “chłód”, “wód”, and in the third translation “chlap” suggested the use of
“chłopiec”. It is interesting that, although the translators have all reproduced
rhymes, enjambment, and onomatopoeia, none of them succeeded in building
a proper anagram.
However, problems with translating Morgan’s short poem do not stop here:
“Summer Haiku” does not exist in isolation. The poem in its title and form refers
to the traditional Japanese haiku, such as the most famous poem by Basho,
which in literal translation reads:
Old pond:
frog jump-in
water sound
(Henderson 1958: 19)
This intertextual allusion is part of the poem’s meaning, changing the seemingly
banal situation into a sort of epiphany. Japanese haiku to which Morgan serious-
ly or ironically alludes is deeply set in the culture of Japan and in the context of
Buddhist Zen, which is clear to Japanese readers of Basho, though not necessari-
ly to non-Asians. According to Henderson, the Zen qualities which are present in
Basho’s haiku include: “a great zest for life; a desire to use every instant to the
uttermost; an appreciation of this even in natural objects; a feeling that nothing is
alone, nothing unimportant; a wide sympathy; and an acute awareness of rela-
tionships of all kinds, including that of one sense to another” (Henderson 1958:
21). These are all qualities which exist in Basho’s frog poem. To what degree
does Morgan utilize this tradition in “Summer Haiku”, does he try to invoke the
Zen context of Basho’s poem in his own text, are questions that the translator
should be ready to answer. The translator can of course ignore these Japanese
references while translating Morgan’s poem, as most of the student translators
quoted above did, but other translators being aware of the Zen connection may
try to keep them, producing different versions of the same poem which would
respect its intertextual context.
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3. Meaningful music
This first line of the poem seems to be just a series of sounds, with no discerni-
ble lexical sense: no single word here has a meaning of its own. The line in-
cludes two proper nouns, two names “Xanadu” and “Kubla Khan”, which as
names have no meaning (it is impossible to define a name so as to know which
objects are assigned to it). The other two words of the line are operative words
“in” and “did” – a preposition and a modal word that acquire meaning only in
connection with other words. And yet, despite its apparent “meaninglessness”,
this first line is a perfect opening of a poem which is (as the subtitle reminds us)
“a vision in a dream” and as such has more to do with the free flow of sounds
and images than with the commonplace logic. Instead of logical transitions and
identifiable references to external reality, it introduces the logic of another order,
an abstract sequence of sounds, like an incantation, which frees us from analyti-
cal thinking and invites the readers to open their minds to what is beyond reason,
in the realm of dream and the unconscious.
To achieve this, the opening line has been carefully patterned. We have in-
ternal rhymes: “xan” / “khan”, “du”/”ku” , and alliteration “du” / “did” and
“Ku”/ “Khan”. The arrangement of vowels is also ordered:
(i) aa aa
u u
i
What emerges is a perfect symmetry of sound, with “i” in the centre and
a double “a” before and after it, separated by a single “u” on both sides. Such an
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arrangement of sounds is not far from magical spells, like the cabbalistic charm
“abracadabra”, which work on us due to their hidden order. Any translation of
Coleridge’s first line that would fail to keep this orchestration would be
a significant loss, as the form of this line is its only meaning. There are a number
of Polish translations of this poem, but due to the differences between Polish and
English structures which do not allow such abstract music to be reproduced,
none has managed to retain this “magical” quality of the opening line:
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Jerzy Jarniewicz
Finally, what purpose that expense and effort of your labours and all those years
which you’ve almost completely spent poring over books, hardly ever enjoying
worldly amusements? Now is the time to gather the fruit you’ve cultivated and sup-
port your fragile wilting nature.
(Kochanowski 1996: 111)
The author of the prose version ignored the poetic qualities of the poem, priori-
tizing its discursive meaning. When compared with the versed translation, the
fragment in prose, though faithful to the paraphrasable contents of the original,
seems to be deprived of the emotional charge of the argument, which is commu-
nicated by means of formal devices, such as rhythm, rhyme, or the variegated
line-length. The urgency of the voice disappeared, likewise the ceremonial sub-
limity of the diction. Authors associated with New Criticism thought such
a reduction of literature to a communicable message a fallacy, and called it “the
heresy of paraphrase”. Texts may differ as regards the degree of their discursive
component, but to define meaning independently of the form is to go against the
essence of literature. One can, of course, read Homer’s The Illiad in order to
learn about ancient warfare or Kochanowski’s Treny because of its debate with
ancient stoicism, but such readings ignore the literary status of these works, re-
ducing them to texts of informative function.
4. Creativity
What has to be preserved in the translation of this poem is the simple, if not sim-
plistic rhyme and the condensed epigrammatic form, which makes the sentence
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What we see here is an instance of translation as a creative act: the effect of the
translator’s work is a text in Polish which is arguably more interesting than its
original version. Barańczak follows Nash very closely, but decides, as if forced
by the dictate of rhyme, to give the final word in an ungrammatical form:
“regułów”. Such a violation of a linguistic norm, deliberate and comic in its
effect, has no equivalent in Nash’s poem, yet fits well in its slightly absurd
world: the ungrammaticality of “regułów” does not only state, but also illustrates
the point made in the poem. If there are no rules, then, consequently, one can
violate grammatical norms. Barańczak’s creative translation, which makes use of
the characteristics of the target language: of Polish inflected suffixes, is
a legitimate extension of the possibilities that the English poem offers. The
translation, with its Polish surplus, enters the Polish language as a poem in its
own right. In his anthology Barańczak publishes also two other translations of
this short poem, though precedes them with a bracketed note saying that these
are only “additional variations which have nothing in common with the original,
but show how powerful its inspirational force is”:
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5. Untranslatability
The identity of form and meaning in literary texts which we have been discuss-
ing here is one of the central problems in translation. What is translation, if not,
as common sense would have it, saying the same thing in a different language,
i.e. in a different form? When the text is translated from one language to another,
the meaning should be preserved, while the form has to be changed. But this is
an inaccurate view, much contested by most of contemporary theories. “Mean-
ing is now more likely to be construed as fleeting and inherently unstable, highly
subjective and context-bound, and thus not amenable to replication, whether in
the same or other language” (Baker 2009: 96). Meaning is not an entity that can
be taken out of one context and transferred to another. Languages in turn are not
vessels that contain transferrable meaning, but rather generators of meaning.
They are never symmetrical, nor isomorphic, they do not correspond to each
other in a one-to-one relationship. Their grammars and lexicons are differently
structured and they differently conceptualize the world. If literary translation
deals with texts in which form is meaning, then translation of literary texts may
seem to us as a contradiction in terms. And indeed, literary translation is often
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deemed to be an impossible task. Much has been written on the concept of un-
translatability. Theo Hermans believes, however, that total untranslatability, as
well as total translatability, are limiting concepts: “Full translatability, in the
sense of an integral reproduction of a text’s full signification, may be possible
only in the case of artificial formal languages. Complete untranslatability would
be beyond words, as it would imply the impossibility of communication or even
semiosis” (Baker 2009: 300). So rather than proclaiming the impossibility of
translation, let us assume that literary translation is a creative activity defined by
the existence of the source text (in its various linguistic, cultural, and social con-
texts) and the target language with its history, traditions, norms, and many other
determinants, in which the target text has to be written. Rather than talking about
translation in terms of transference of meaning from one language to another,
suggesting thus that it is a reproductive, mechanical operation, we can speak of
literary translation as highly creative, original activity inspired by the SL text,
which takes into account linguistic and literary possibilities offered by the TL
culture. The decisions that a translator of a poem has to make are essentially of
the same order as the decisions that an “original” poet makes: translators, like
poets, select and combine elements of language, so as to achieve a particular
aesthetic or emotional effect. However radical this may sound, the translator is
thus a second author – not a reproducer, or imitator, involved in a parasitic, de-
rivative or automatic activity. Consequently, Anton Popovic claims that “the
translator has the right to differ organically, to be independent”, though Susan
Bassnett, who quotes these words in her book, feels the need to add: “provided
that independence is pursued for the sake of the original in order to reproduce it
as a living work” (Bassnett 2002: 85).
6. Translation as interpretation
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“a work of art requires an agent existing outside itself, that is an observer, in order –
as I express it – to render it concrete. Through his co-creative activity in apprecia-
tion the observer sets himself as is commonly said to ‘interpret’ the work or, as I
prefer to say, to reconstruct it in its effective characteristics, and in doing this as it
were under the influence of suggestions coming from the work itself he fills out its
schematic structure, plenishing at least in part the areas of indeterminacy and actu-
alizing various elements which are as yet only in a state of potentiality. In this way
there comes about what I have called a ‘concretion’ of the work of art”
(Ingarden 1979: 40).
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Was a poison.
What is “dog’s testicle flower” we do not know, neither do we know what kind
of plant is called Forget Your Troubles, though the latter seems to echo the more
familiar forget-me-nots. They must be literal translations of native words for
plants growing in Kampuchea. The names are as alien to us as the uses to which
these strangely named flowers are put. While translating these names into Polish,
we can adopt literal translation and render “dog’s testicle flower” as “kwiat
psich jąder”, without having to identify the plant. Yet, in the fragment quoted
above there is one familiar-sounding English word for a popular plant, “honey-
suckle”. On the one hand, it might seem that the situation here is simpler: “hon-
eysuckle”, as the dictionary says, is in Polish “wiciokrzew przewiercień”.
Should we then translate “honeysuckle” in this poem as “wiciokrzew”? If it were
a technical text, a scientific article or a botanical guidebook, there would be
hardly any other option, but we are dealing here with a poem, a literary text in
which the “how” is the “what” and the meaning rests more on associations than
on lexical definitions. And in this poem, the pleasant word “honeysuckle” cre-
ates a surprising juxtaposition with the down to earth, unpoetic usage to which it
is put: a poultice for boils. The effect of surprise or incongruity between the
sweetly sounding word and the medical power it possesses is effected by means
of the enjambment: the word “honeysuckle” stays with us for a longer while
before we pass to the next line and learn about its unusual usage. And in this
while, what is activated is a series of connotative meanings such as the ones that
associate the sweetness of the plant’s name with a vaudeville song from 1901
“The Honeysuckle and the Bee” by William H. Penn and Albert H. Fritz, with
such lines as:
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Jerzy Jarniewicz
a word which sounds familiar and evokes warm, homely feelings, sweet enough
to raise a few eyebrows when set against its prosaic medical usage.
Could we then instead of the emotionally bland “wiciokrzew” use the more
endearing “lubczyk” or “kocimiętka”? Both words sound sweet and poetic. Yet
while translating the word “honeysuckle” we cannot ignore its factual meaning,
i.e. that it is a plant that grows in Kampuchea and that it is or may be used in
medicine for the purpose stated. Before finding a Polish equivalent we should be
certain that the plant is not confined in its growth to Europe or that its effect
when applied to skin is not disastrous. Does lubczyk grow in Kampuchea?
The meaning of the word “honeysuckle” is thus far from being uniformed, it
is a cluster of different denotative and connotative meanings:
honeysuckle = caprifolium
familiarity
sweetness
“poeticality”
romanticism
plant in Kampuchea
plant used in medicine
It can be claimed that in the context of Fenton’s poem, it is not the denotative
meaning that is dominant, but the connotations of sweetness, familiarity and
romanticism, spurred by the pleasantly sounding name of the plant. And if that is
so, one of the possible ways to translate “honeysuckle” would be to cheat the
reader and invent a nicely and familiar sounding name, for example “mio-
dolepek”. Though such a plant does not exist, the word would perform well its
function in the poem.
One of the dangers in literary translation is narrowing the interpretative pos-
sibilities of the text. Though each translation is an act of concretization, i.e. fill-
ing the areas of indeterminacy by selecting out of the many possible meanings
the ones we think most important to the whole, the ideal would be to keep all the
ambiguities and indeterminacies in the translated text. Philip Larkin’s poem
“High Windows” ends with a symbolic image which can be read both as
a statement of nihilism or a nearly-religious affirmation:
And immediately
Rather than words comes the thought of high windows:
The sun-comprehending glass,
And beyond it, the deep blue air, that shows
Nothing, and is nowhere, and is endless.
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The poem has been translated by Barańczak in the way that narrows the possible
ambiguity to one, affirmative reading:
The third line of the fragment includes an interpolation which strengthens the
poem’s affirmative sense: Barańczak writes about “revelation” (“objawienie”).
His decision to use this theological word stems from the translator’s reading of
the poem and his interpretation of the open symbolic image. It does not falsify
the poem, but eliminates one of its ambiguities. That we are dealing here with
some sort of revelation is possible, though Larkin did not use such loaded words,
leaving us with another possibility, that there is no illumination, but a discovery
of the great void on which our life is founded.
7. Gender in translation
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the possible ways of avoiding gendering the narration one can count the usage of
passive voice, or non-finite clauses, or rendering the narration in the present
tense (which, contrary to preterite, does not require gendered inflections). So, if
we want to leave the sex of the narrator unspecified, the English sentence “I
burnt all her letters” can be rendered into Polish as “Jej listy zostały spalone”,
“Spalono jej listy”, “Palę jej listy”. The problem with these structures is that they
are of limited usage: they cannot be used too often, and certainly not throughout
the whole, 300-pages long novel. One can consider changing the sex of the nar-
rator every second paragraph so as to make the reader aware of the arbitrariness
of gender, but such a practice might make the novel difficult to read. Finally, as
it happened with the Polish translation, the translator can bypass these doubts
and decide to translate the novel in feminine, providing the reader with the trans-
lator’s note explaining the lost ambiguities of the original – naturally, such
a note would be an admittance of the translator’s failure.
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the line is not an accurate translation: the animal in Shakespeare’s text is not
a “łoś” (elk). Barańczak’s translation, closer in this respect to the original, is not
that popular and has not replaced the older version: “Niech się zraniony jeleń
słania”. Hence, when quoted in translation may not be easily identified. What
has to be remembered is that intertextual references form part of the work’s het-
eroglossia, directing the readers to other texts and adopting their voices: no
wonder that the most famous example of heteroglossia in modern poetry, T.S.
Eliot’s The Waste Land, in which one hears words of Dante, Shakespeare, Rich-
ard Wagner, Joseph Conrad, Charles Baudelaire, and dozens of others, was orig-
inally called He Do the Police in Different Voices (my emphasis). If quoted
passages have already been translated into the target language, the translator
should not translate them, since this would go against the logic of intertextual
heteroglossia: instead of two (or more) voices we would have one voice of the
translator.
The source from which a given quote is taken may be familiar to the SL
reader, but not to the TL reader. Phrases well-known in England do not neces-
sarily enjoy the same popularity in Poland: „Tis the god Hercules, whom Antho-
ny lov’d, Now leaves him”. Translators often decide to depart from the original
allusion and look for an equivalent in the literature of the TL, trying to reproduce
not the reference, but the effect it has on the reader: of discovering familiar
works of literature of the past within the new or relatively new texts. In “Bur-
bank with a Baedeker: Bleistein with a cigar” Eliot quotes from Shakespeare’s
“Anthony and Cleopatra”, a play less known in Poland. A quote from the Polish
translation of the tragedy would not help the reader to identify the source, nor
even to realize that Eliot speaks here with somebody else’s voice. With this in
mind, Adam Pomorski decided to quote not from Shakespeare, but from Mic-
kiewicz, and to include phrases which would be familiar to any Polish reader:
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nizable in the Polish version, directing the reader to the famous older text. The
literary forefather has been invoked, the twentieth century has been shown to be
indebted to the great works of the past. There is also a connection between Her-
cules from Eliot’s poem (absent in the Polish version) and the phrase from Mic-
kiewicz’s “Ode”, since it was Hercules who killed the many-headed Hydra. Yet
Pomorski’s decision may cause doubts: implanting Mickiewicz into Eliot’s text
may sound like an act of cultural anachronism. Eliot most probably did not read
Mickiewicz. The translator presents Polish readers with his translation of Eliot’s
poem and tries to make them believe that they are reading a Polish poem, im-
mersed in Polish literature, stemming from it and dialoguing with it. Such
a juxtaposition of two contexts: Eliot’s English context and Mickiewicz’s Polish
context may create an unintended effect of grotesque incompatibility. Pomor-
ski’s translations of Eliot provide another example of the problems such
a strategy may generate. In Eliot’s French poem, “Lune de Miel”, we have:
“They saw the Netherlands, they are going to Terre Haute”. Eliot is seen pun-
ning here: Terre Haute is a place-name of a city in Indiana, the literal meaning of
which is “high-land”, as opposed to the Low-Lands of Holland. In Pomorski’s
version, the punning on place names is replaced by an interpolation of a Polish
phrase, which also juxtaposes the low and the high:
The line echoes with the well-known Polish phrase from a popular national op-
eretta (“szumią jodły na gór szczycie”), locating the poem very strongly in
Polish culture, but at the same time being the work of translating a foreign, Eng-
lish-language poet. Is such a replacement of the foreign with the local, of Eliza-
bethan tragedy with the nineteenth-century national operetta, artistically con-
vincing, remains an issue. Pomorski’s version stems from his belief in transla-
tion as a work for and within the TL culture, which enriches the TL literature by
engaging in a dialogue with it. Eliot’s poems, as the two just discussed, have
been implanted in their new – Polish – context, and start resonating with allu-
sions to Polish poets and Polish literature, creating further networks of intertex-
tual relationships.
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9. Visible translators
The last few decades have witnessed the rapidly changing attitudes to translators
and their work. With their role as “second authors” more readily (though by no
means universally) acknowledged, the old ideal of the perfect translator as an
invisible agent can no longer be sustained. Lawrence Venuti’s book The Trans-
lator’s Invisibility published in 1995 was a powerful statement which has since
deeply reoriented the way in which translators are perceived. The invisibility of
the translator, as well as the idea of the transparency of translations, are, Venuti
claims, illusions.
Translators leave their signatures in the texts they translate – at all stages of
the translation process. They have their share in selecting or omitting particular
authors and books. Into texts they translate they introduce their personal aesthet-
ic, stylistic and ideological preferences, but also mark the text with characteris-
tics of the wider: cultural, political and social systems they are part of. Their
work does not exist outside the structures of political power, being involved in
an uneasy relationship with publishing companies, media corporations and insti-
tutions, such as arts councils, which administer the state patronage in arts, divid-
ing funds and grants, organizing promotion and offering publicity support. The
story of what is translated, when and how, reveals the supra-individual mecha-
nisms at work, reflects the relations of hegemony and subjection between cul-
tures as well as between variously defined groups of the privileged and the un-
derprivileged, the oppressive and the oppressed (e.g. women, ethnic and sexual
minorities). It is thus crucial to remember that when we read a text in translation,
we read not only the work of a given foreign author, but – more importantly –
words which have been written by a particular translator in a concrete historical
moment and in a specific social-political context. It becomes more and more
important to remember that a translated text comes to us from a different culture
than ours – and that this difference should not be ignored, as it constitutes the
sense of translation. Antoine Berman wrote about translation as the “trial of the
foreign” and understood it in a double sense: “In the first place, it establishes
a relationship between the Self-Same (Propre) and the Foreign by aiming to
open up the foreign work to us in its utter foreignness. (…) in the second place,
translation is a trial for the Foreign as well, since the Foreign work is uprooted
from its own language- ground.” (Berman 1985: 284)
Translation is a historical practice whose basic norms, standards and ideals
are not universal; they change in time, determined by, reflecting or opposing the
dominating ideas of the age. Today a radical shift may be noticed. We move
away from translation understood as an act of domesticating what is foreign, so
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as to eliminate any traces of otherness and achieve a text which would read as if
it were produced in the target language, with the acceptance of all target culture
norms and traditions. Instead, we move towards translation as a meeting of cul-
tures, a “trial of the foreign”, which does not try to wipe out the otherness, but
introduces it to target language and target culture. Literary translators of today
tend to preserve what is new and unfamiliar in the texts they translate. In this
way their works function as creative interventions into the state of their native
literature, if not their native tongue. This is by no means a development without
precedents: on the contrary, translation has always played a formative role in the
processes of creating literary variants of national languages. The beginnings of
literary English owe much to King Alfred’s translation project of the 10 th centu-
ry, when the monarch in order to “make more widely available those books most
necessary for men to know” assembled a group of distinguished scholars from
England and abroad (France 2000: 41). Similarly, at the roots of Polish literature
one finds translations, especially from the Bible, such as Kochanowski’s
Psałterz Dawidów, but also from the classics and contemporary writings of the
age. But translations play an important role in literary histories not only in their
initial stage. It is impossible to imagine Polish Romanticism without translations
of Goethe, Schiller or Byron. The artistic ferment of the post-1956 Thaw which
produced some of Poland’s best writing of the 20th century owes much to the
outpouring of translations, including American novelists, such as Faulkner or
Hemingway. It is significant that among translators of literary works one finds
the nation’s greatest poets and writers, from Jan Kochanowski via Adam Mic-
kiewicz to Czesław Miłosz, as if testifying to the fact that translators have to be,
either factually or potentially, creative authors, and that every translation, as
Octavio Paz once said, “is an invention and as such it constitutes a unique text”
(Bassnett 2002: 44). To claim that translations exist independently of, or that
they are external to, the so called “original” literature is to be blind to these pro-
cesses. Translations have now been recognized as an integral part of local litera-
tures, being at the same time constitutive of what is called ‘world literature’.
References
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Abstract: This chapter gives a comprehensive overview of major issues involved in the
process of translating legal texts. It begins by highlighting the ways in which legal trans-
lation differs from other types of LSP translation. Defining characteristics of legal lan-
guage are then provided in an effort to account for the frequently-occurring difficulty in
comprehending and identifying legal source texts and genres. In the remainder of the
chapter, the focus is on legal terminology and phraseology as reflecting the basic units of
meaning in legal texts. This is followed by presenting classifications of legal translation
and discussing the central problem of legal equivalence. Two types of legal translation
are given a special prominence: the translation of multilingual law (EU translation) and
certified translation. Finally, this chapter signals a range of potential avenues for carry-
ing out research in the field of legal translation.
Keywords: legal translation, legal language, legal terminology and phraseology, certi-
fied translation, EU translation
1. Introduction
Legal translation has the reputation of being exceptionally challenging and de-
manding. By and large, this view is motivated by the complexity of the legal
domain and its arcane language. Indeed, translating legal texts is a complex lin-
guistic activity which involves mediating between not only different languages
and cultures but also between different legal systems and their institutions. Inevi-
tably, legal translation calls for special skills and knowledge on the part of the
translator pointing to the crucial importance of the triad of language, knowledge
and text. This chapter provides a general introduction into the intricacies of this
specialization and it offers a systematic overview of key concepts and a wide
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range of issues relevant to legal translation. First, we attempt to shed some light
on the nature of legal translation by highlighting its defining features.
The fundamental nature of legal translation can be clarified by reflecting on
its unique characteristics. One of the probably most frequent questions posed by
translation scholars concerns the uniqueness of legal translation, esp. in the con-
text of other types of specialized or LSP translation. It is generally agreed that
the cumulative effect of the combination of the following four features sets legal
translation apart from other types of specialized translation (see Harvey 2002
and Engberg 2013):
The first feature draws our attention to the fact that the legal translator does not
only deal with textual artefacts but s/he must also consider the wider institutional
context(s) in which a legal instrument is embedded: legal interactants (e.g.
judges, advocates, litigants, business entities, etc.) who use it and the intended
purpose such instrument is supposed to serve in a given legal process or other
circumstances. Making sure that our translated document has achieved an equiv-
alent legal effect in the target legal language should be an overriding concern for
legal translators.
The second point emphasizes that, unlike the language of science (such as
biology or physics), legal language hardly ever relies on truly universal concepts
(even the seemingly universal concepts of justice and democracy may be con-
strued and applied differently in Western Europe, Ukraine or China). Instead, it
is inextricably linked to a national legal system. Legal language is said to be
system-bound, which means that it is the product of the history, culture and, of
course, the legal system of a given country. Each national law forms an inde-
pendent legal system with its own terminology derived from unique conceptual
structures, rules of classification, sources of law, methodological approaches and
socioeconomic principles (Šarčević 1997: 13). These factors carry enormous
implications for legal translation viewed as intercultural communication and
effected across different languages, cultures, and legal systems.
The word ‘fidelity’ in the third point brings into focus legal terminology and
terminological precision. Despite the inherent incongruity of legal systems, there
are exceptionally strict standards of quality expected from translation work. For
example, the European Commission’s in-house translation service, Directorate-
General for Translation (DGT) in its Guide for external translators (European
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Commission 2008) insists that “the target text is a faithful, accurate and con-
sistent translation of the source text” (2008: 6). Legal translation should be first
of all accurate by focusing on terminological equivalence and pushing aside
stylistic concerns. In the words of Susan Šarčević “it is agreed that substance
must always prevail over form in legal translation” (2000: 3).
Finally, the fourth point brings us to some of the essential properties of legal
language. Unlike most technical languages, certain types of legal language may
be fraught with ambiguity and vagueness. Consider, for instance, the use of the
word reasonable in the sentence below, which comes from a Tenancy Agree-
ment:
The Tenant will (...) permit the Landlord or the Landlor’s agents at reasonable
hours in the daytime to enter the Property to view the state and condition thereof.
Which hours are in fact appropriate to visit the premises may be a matter of
some debate. In case of a dispute over the meaning of a given word or expres-
sion, courts may have to interpret it according to different rules. For example,
the meaning of a disputed term could be determined in terms of the accepted
usage of the trade or course of dealing (also known as course of performance),
the latter referring to how the parties used the term in the course of their past
transaction(s) (Tiersma 1999: 116). Indeed, the meaning of legal terms, phrases,
or even longer chunks of discourse is often determined by courts, legislatures,
and government agencies and consequently it may differ from ordinary usage.
Such influence of jurisdiction on the development of legal discourse has often
led to problems connected with its interpretation and comprehensibility. When
interpreting or construing a term, there are certain rules that may be invoked, for
example, the three rules of statutory construction traditionally applied by Eng-
lish courts (the literal rule, also known as the plain meaning rule, the golden rule
and the mischief rule). It should be also borne in mind that a certain amount of
vagueness or indeterminacy in legal lexical units may be intended and strategic.
For example, the expression with all deliberate speed used by the Supreme
Court of the United States in reference to racial segregation in schools (e.g.
Brown v. Board of Education, US. 294, 30, 1955) was employed deliberately in
order to ensure greater flexibility when interpreting the law and to offer some
leeway in the subsequent decision-making process (cf. Jopek-Bosiacka
2006: 56).
The four aspects highlighted above can serve as a starting point to under-
stand the unique nature of legal translation. Its fundamental concepts and central
issues such as classifications of legal translation, legal terminology, legal lan-
guage, sources of difficulty in legal translation, translating different types of
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legal texts, equivalence and strategies of and techniques for selecting termino-
logical equivalents will be examined now in greater detail in the following sec-
tions.
2. Legal language
In this section we take a closer look at the notion of legal language. It is general-
ly acknowledged that law does not exist without language. Legal rules and regu-
lations are coded in language. Legal concepts and legal processes are accessible
only through language. If a legal text is criticized for being abstruse and incom-
prehensible to the general public, the problem most probably lies with the lan-
guage. Whether it is at all appropriate to use the designation “legal language”
has been the subject of much debate. Klinck (1992) contains a detailed discus-
sion of various perspectives adopted with respect to this issue. Essentially, the
opinions range from those who maintain that “there is such an identifiable phe-
nomenon as ‘legal language’ and that it is meaningful to think in terms of such
a category” (Klinck, 1992: 133) and use the designation “law language” with
reference to a “technical, idiosyncratic sublanguage system,” to those like
George Mounin (1974) who assert that it is not scientifically correct to speak of
the language of law because legal language is only a specialized form of general
language rather than an autonomous and independent linguistic phenomenon. As
a result, no clear consensus exists on which classificatory term should be used.
Certain concepts often attributed to legal language include jargon, argot, style,
and sublanguage (see Tiersma, 1999: 141–3). They have not gained wide cur-
rency because they tend to be too restrictive to capture the complexities of legal
language. The term jargon refers primarily to vocabulary, while legal language
cannot be characterized solely in lexical terms. Similarly, argot can also be used
with reference to an informal highly specialized vocabulary from a particular
field but it is traditionally associated with secret language employed by various
groups, usually linked to illicit activity, to stop outsiders from understanding
their communication. It is thus a term with strong negative connotations and
hardly appropriate to describe the language of legal communication. The notion
of style has also been used in reference to legal English (e.g., Crystal & Davy,
1969). While it is felt that there seems to be a distinct legal style, the concept
lacks a sufficiently precise definition to warrant a rigorous and systematic study
of legal language. Finally, some scholars (Charrow, Crandall, & Charrow, 1982)
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Text 1
In the event the Indemnitee in his capacity as nominee for election to the Compa-
ny's Board of Directors at the Annual Meeting was, is or becomes a party to or other
participant in, or is threatened to be made a party to or other participant in, a Claim
by reason of (or arising or allegedly arising in any manner out of or relating to in
whole or in part) an Indemnifiable Event or Indemnitee's being a nominee for elec-
tion to the Company's Board of Directors at the Annual Meeting, UtiliCorp to the
fullest extent permitted by applicable law shall indemnify and hold harmless the In-
demnitee from and against any and all Losses suffered, incurred or sustained by the
Indemnitee or to which the Indemnitee becomes subject, resulting from, arising out
of or relating to such Claim (it being understood that except as provided in
SECTION 3(c) with respect to Expenses, reimbursements of any such Losses shall
be made as soon as practicable but in any event no later than 15 days after written
request (a “CLAIM NOTICE”) is made to UtiliCorp accompanied by supporting
documentation).
This excerpt contains one very long and complex sentence which consists of as
many as 185 words. Noteworthy is the frequent occurrence of conjoined phrases
and lists of words (usually nouns) resulting in an exceptionally dense use of
technical vocabulary (e.g. Indemnitee, Company’s Board of Directors, indemni-
fy), the use of shall, avoidance of personal pronouns, etc. The sheer length of the
text is partly due to the extremely frequent use of phrasal and verbal coordina-
tion and past participle forms placed in post-nominal positions, as in was, is or
becomes, (Losses) suffered, incurred or sustained. While this text is fairly repre-
sentative of contractual provisions, there are legal genres which could differ
radically in terms of their lexico-grammatic features, phraseology, macrostruc-
ture, production circumstances, etc. (Goźdź-Roszkowski 2011). By way of com-
parison, below is a different excerpt which comes from a letter written by
a solicitor to his client:
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Text 2
Dear Mr Johnson
I am grateful for the e-mail message which you sent to my Secretary Elaine last
week and confirm that the letters are now being sent out to the beneficiaries in Po-
land. I also confirm that the letters are being sent in English but with a copy of the
Polish translation enclosed. (…)
Turning to the question of the Probate Court requirements, they are not disputing
the English translation of the Will as such, but require an affidavit from a Polish
lawyer (in English) to confirm the validity of the Will under Polish law and who is
beneficially entitled. I enclose a precedent of the necessary document together with
some notes provided by the Probate Court, and I am wondering whether your co-
executor in Poland has the necessary qualifications to deal with this. If not, presum-
ably she will be able to contact a suitable person who is conversant with both the
Polish law and the English language.
The language of the letter appears ‘normal’ in that it is written in standard for-
mal English. It uses a moderate number of legal terms (italicized in the text).
Importantly, there are hardly any features attributed to legalese as shown in
Text 1. These two excerpts come from different legal genres representing differ-
ent levels of specialist communication and different transactive goals. Linguistic
characteristics highlighted above reflect those differences. For example, the fre-
quent use of coordination and the determiner any in Text 1 is intended to allow
for all conceivable contingencies in contractual provisions. Accordingly, the
next section explores the question of variation in legal language.
The term legal language effectively stands for a multitude of specific classes of
texts (genres) created and used by various professional groups working in differ-
ent legal contexts. Legal genres thus range from legislation enacted at different
levels (e.g., supranational, international, national, state, federal, etc.), judicial
decisions (judgments, decrees, or orders), law reports, briefs, various contractual
instruments, wills, powers of attorney, etc.), academic writing (e.g., journals,
textbooks), through oral genres such as, for example, witness examination, jury
summation, judge’s summing-up, and so forth, to various statements on law
reproduced in the media and any fictional representation of the foregoing. Thus,
legal language may be used broadly to refer to language of the law, language
about law, and language used in legal communicative situations. In the case of
English, legal language shows enormous variation in many different respects.
The system of common law originating in Great Britain has spread to many oth-
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er countries around the world, notably to the United States, Canada, Australia,
New Zealand, South Africa, and to India and other countries where English was
recognized as one of the official languages. Despite sharing certain basic charac-
teristics, the language and legal institutions in the respective countries have
come to differ markedly from one another (Williams 2005). Legal language also
differs in terms of the level of formality, mode (spoken or written), and the use
of individual genres by different professional groups (e.g., judges, attorneys,
paralegals).
The complexity of legal language can be attributed to its long historical de-
velopment, which often ran parallel and independently of ordinary language.
Legal English was greatly influenced by Anglo-Saxon, Latin, and French. Inter-
ested readers should consult Mellinkoff (1963) for one of the most detailed de-
scriptions of legal English including its history (see also Hiltunen, 1990; Tiers-
ma, 1999). The oldest recorded evidence of legal translation is the Egyptian–
Hittite peace treaty of 1271 BC (Šarčević 1997), while, for example, Bible trans-
lation dates back to the third century BC. Significantly, the forms and meanings
of legal language developed through legal rather than linguistic processes. The
highly varied and somewhat fuzzy nature of legal language is reflected in nu-
merous attempts to classify it depending on different factors such as, specific
research needs, methodologies and perspectives, distinct professional groups or
text type/genre. For example, Tiersma (1999) provides a tripartite division of
legal texts into three major categories of operative legal documents (those that
create or modify legal relations such petitions, statutes, contracts, wills, etc.),
expository documents (e.g. judicial opinions which analyse objectively legal
points) and persuasive documents (e.g. briefs or memoranda). Gibbons
(2003: 15) reiterates some fundamental and classic distinctions of legal lan-
guage. The basic dividing line runs along the written vs. spoken mode. Thus,
there are written, largely monologic texts of legislation and other legal docu-
ments and the spoken more interactive and dynamic texts found in a variety of
law-related processes, such as, for instance, courtroom interaction, police inves-
tigations, prisons and consultations between lawyers and clients. In Poland, legal
language has been conceptualized in terms of the classic dichotomy: language of
the law (język prawny) and its metalanguage (język prawniczy) (Wróblewski
1948). The former includes the language of the legislator used to create legal
norms and the latter encompasses the language employed by lawyers to talk or
write about the law (e.g. judicial decisions, pleadings).
It seems that the term “legal language” has been all too often used as
a convenient label for a generalized functional variety, or register. Unfortunate-
ly, such labeling often implied that it was either stationary or homogeneous,
ignoring a great degree of variability of legal language and its constant evolu-
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tion. More recently, some scholars have questioned the relevance of using such
general, umbrella terms, suggesting that the complexity and intertextuality with-
in legal language should be ideally viewed in terms of domain-specific hierar-
chical system disciplinary genres (e.g. Bhatia 2004; Kjaer 2000). Thus, the des-
ignation “legal language” in fact seems to refer to the universe of particular sys-
tems of genres connected with different professional activities and intertextually
linked to large primary genres such as legislation or judgments. In the course of
professional activity, its participants need to refer to, interpret, and exploit such
larger generic constructs in order to achieve their professional objectives. Taken
together, all such genres combined form a set of domain-specific disciplinary
genres. These can be found in different configurations depending on the nature
of a particular professional activity and the extent to which other genres are re-
ferred to or relied upon.
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1
For more information on court systems in each EU Member State in each EU official
language, go to the European E-Justice Portal: e-justice.europa.eu.
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Table 1. The direct collocational environment of uchwała and resolution in Polish and UK law.
UCHWAŁA RESOLUTION
source: collocations based on Kodeks source: collocations based on the Com-
spółek handlowych panies Act 2006
podjąć, powziąć, protokołować, uchylić, cancel, confirm, forward, move, propose,
zaskarżyć uchwałę; zgłosić sprzeciw do register, revoke, sign, pass, circulate,
uchwały vote on the resolution
uchwały zapadają... the resolution has/takes effect, expires,
states, specifies; has been carried/lost
unanimously, is put to the vote; ~ is de-
cided on a show of hands
uchwała wspólników, zgromadzenia resolution intended to be moved at
wspólników, zarządu, likwidatorów; a general meeting, ineffective ~, resolu-
uchwała jednomyślna, uchwała waż- tion at a general meeting, resolution of
na/nieważna, stwierdzenie nieważności the company, resolution of members or
uchwały of the class of members
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Table 1. (continued)
2
http://www.atanet.org/.
3
http://www.iti.org.uk/.
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covers also criminal and international law, as well as probate and fami-
ly law.
Genre-based classifications according to text types: legislation, judg-
ments and pleadings, contracts, articles of association, wills, powers of
attorney, notices, legal opinions, academic books/papers, certificates,
school diplomas, TV crime series, etc. (see section 2.3 above).
The authoritative or nonauthoritative status of translations. A majority of
legal translations are nonauthoritative, that is, they only inform about
the content of the source text. By contrast, authoritative translations are
equally authentic as source texts; they are “(v)ested with the force of
law” (Šarčević 1997: 21) and include legislation in multilingual coun-
tries and organizations, e.g. the EU, the UN, Belgium, Switzerland.
Types of legal systems involved: Garzone's classification into (1) texts
produced within a single national legal system, e.g. in Poland; (2) texts
generated in bi-lingual or bi-juridical countries, with both the ST and the
TT being authentic; (3) hybrid texts: international instruments produced
in the supranational multicultural environment; all language versions are
authentic (in particular legislation); (4) international documents which
regulate relationships between private parties in different nations (2000:
6–7).
The purpose of translation: legal translation for normative, informative
and general legal/juridical purpose (Cao 2007: 10). Legal translation
for normative purpose covers target texts which are equally authentic
as their originals, in particular legislative instruments in multilingual ju-
risdictions. The function of translation for informative purpose is to in-
form the reader of the ST content (e.g. a Polish statute translated into
English). The last category is intended for general legal or judicial
purpose; these translations are also predominantly informative and are
used in court as documentary evidence. They are not always legal texts
in the strict sense, e.g. a medical report, financial documentation, an in-
surance policy or any other document that may be included in case files.
In Poland these translations are referred to as certified translation (tłu-
maczenia poświadczone) and are required to be provided by a sworn
translator (tłumacz przysięgły).
The classifications show that legal translation is a diverse field that can be ap-
proached from many angles. The translation of multilingual legislation, which
produces an equally authentic version of the source text, is often singled out as
a separate category. Another type of legal translation which is subject to unique
constraints is certified translation (translation intended for judicial purpose).
Both will be discussed in more detail in section 5.
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4
See Venuti (2001) for a further discussion of foreignization and domestication and
Chesterman (2005) for the clarification of terms strategy, technique, method, etc.
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Certain terms may already have the so-called recognized equivalents (cf.
Newmark 1981: 76), also known as established equivalents, that is, equivalents
which are imposed by institutions or a client or are sanctioned by usage. When
translating Trybynał Konstytucyjny into English, the translator should consult the
English version of the TK website (http://trybunal.gov.pl/en/) to check how the
institution has named itself in English – The Constitutional Tribunal. For con-
sistency and clarity of reference, the translator should use this English equivalent
even if s/he is aware of a different meaning assigned to the term tribunal in Eng-
lish law (domestic tribunals, employment tribunals, employment appeal tribu-
nals). Recognized equivalents are of special importance in institutional transla-
tion, in particular in the translation of EU multilingual law. In order to ensure the
standardization of terminology, one of the critical quality criteria is the compli-
ance with the institutional term bases, such as IATE5 (InterActive Terminology
for Europe) or the DGT in-house glossary6 published by the European Commis-
sion's Directorate General for Translation, as well as with equivalents in related
instruments to be found in EUR-Lex, a database of European Union law. For
example, the preferred equivalent of a joint investigation team is the descriptive
equivalent wspólny zespół dochodzeniowo-śledczy rather than the functional
equivalent which corresponds to the term from the Polish Criminal Procedure
Code, wspólny zespół śledczy, because the latter does not fully correspond to the
EU concept due to the involvement of the police in such teams (IATE ID:
914843). Even though both equivalents have a very high reliability, only the first
one is marked in IATE as ‘preferred’ and hence, translators are expected to use it
when rendering EU documents.
Another technique is a literal equivalent, also known as formal equiva-
lence, word-for-word translation, calque, loan translation and through-
translation. A literal equivalent is acceptable when its meaning is sufficiently
transparent, it coincides with a functional equivalent and when it is not a false
friend that refers to a different TL concept. For example, some Polish-English
legal dictionaries propose to translate spółka cywilna literally as a civil partner-
ship. This literal equivalent, however, is also a term of UK law under the Civil
Partnership Act 2004 which refers to a civil marriage between same-sex couples.
This, obviously, is quite a different concept than spółka cywilna, a type of busi-
ness partnership/association under the Polish Civil Code. Examples of accepta-
ble literal equivalents include: bearer shares – akcje na okaziciela, human traf-
ficking – handel ludźmi. However, care should be taken when applying literal
equivalents and the translator should double-check if a SL concept does not have
5
http://iate.europa.eu.
6
http://ec.europa.eu/translation/polish/guidelines/documents/glossary_polish_en.xls
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The quality of legal translation may be assessed in relation to the source text
(equivalence, transfer of information) and in relation to other target texts of
a comparable genre (textual fit, naturalness of translation, readability). In partic-
ular, legal translation requires surgical precision to transfer ST information con-
tent accurately and optimally. However, it is also important to ensure that
a translation ‘reads well’ in the TL and meets TL recipients' expectancy norms.
Below we discuss two types of legal translation which are subject to more strin-
gent requirements than standard legal translation for informative purposes.
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7
see Vademecum Tłumacza, a DGT style guide, which is an excellent resource for Polish
translators with a wealth of practical information on stylistic, grammatical, orthograph-
ic, and punctuation issues in translation. Available at:
http://ec.europa.eu/translation/polish/guidelines/documents/styleguide_polish_dgt_pl.p
df
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8
http://ec.europa.eu/dgs/translation/index_en.htm.
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9
http://www.tepis.org.pl/
10
More information about the ministerial examination may be found on the Ministry of
Justice website at http://bip.ms.gov.pl/pl/rejestry-i-ewidencje/tlumacze-przysiegli/.
11
http://www.tepis.org.pl/pdf-doc/kodeks-tp.pdf.
12
For more information about sworn translators in Poland and other countries, see Ku-
backi (2012).
13
http://eur-lex.europa.eu/LexUriServ/LexUriServ.do?uri=CELEX:3010L0064:PL:NOT
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14
Another novel area of research is the impact of CAT tools and translation memories
on the process of legal translation and its quality.
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Essential readings
II. EU translation
Kjær, A. L. (2007) “Legal translation in the European Union: A research field in need of
a new approach.” In Kredens, K. and S. Goźdź-Roszkowski (eds.) Language and
the Law: International Outlooks. Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang. 69–95.
Wagner E., S. Bech and J. M. Martínez (2002) Translating for the European Union
Institutions. Translation Practices Explained. Manchester: St. Jerome.
IV Legal language
Mattila, H. E. S. (2006) Comparative Legal Linguistics. Aldershot: Ashgate.
Tiersma, P. (1999) Legal language. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.
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References
Baaij, C. J. W. (2010) “English Legal Discourse and the French Continuum.” In Gianno-
ni and Frade (eds.), Researching Language and the Law, 263-273.
Baker, M. (1993) “Corpus Linguistics and Translation Studies. Implications and Appli-
cations.” In Baker et al. (eds.), Text and Technology: In Honour of John Sinclair.
John Benjamins, 233–250.
Bhatia, V. K. (2004). Worlds of written discourse: A genre-based view. London, Eng-
land: Continuum.
Biel, Ł. (2010) “Corpus-Based Studies of Legal Language for Translation Purposes:
Methodological and Practical Potential.” Reconceptualizing LSP. Online proceed-
ings of the XVII European LSP Symposium 2009. eds. Carmen Heine and Jan Eng-
berg <http://bcom.au.dk/fileadmin/www.asb.dk/isek/biel.pdf> accessed 1 Oct.
2012.
Charrow, V. (1982). Linguistic theory and the study of legal and bureaucratic language.
In L.
Obler & L. Menn (Eds.). Exceptional language and linguistics. New York, NY: Aca-
demic Press.
Charrow, V., Crandall, J., & Charrow, R. (1982). “Characteristics and Functions of Le-
gal Language.” In R. Kittredge & J. Lehrberger (Eds.), Sublanguage: Studies of
language in restricted semantic domains. Berlin, Germany: De Gruyter.
Chesterman, A. (2005). “Problems with Strategies.” In: K. Károly and Á. Fóris (eds).
New Trends in Translation Studies. In Honour of K. Klaudy. Budapest: Akadémiai
Kiadó, 17-28.
Crystal, D. and D. Davy (1969). Investigating English Style. London: Longman.
de Groot, G.-R. (1998) “Language and Law.” Netherlands reports to the fifteenth Inter-
national Congress of Comparative Law. Antwerp/Groningen: Intersentia, 21–32.
Doczekalska, A. (2009) “Drafting and Interpretation of EU Law – Paradoxes of Legal
Multilingualism.” Formal Linguistics and Law. eds. G. Grewendorf and M. Rathert.
Berlin: de Gruyter, 339–370.
Engberg, J. (2013) “Comparative Law for Translation: The Key to Successful Mediation
between Legal Systems”, In: A. Borja Albi and F. P. Ramos (eds.) Legal Transla-
tion in Context. Professional Issues and Prospects. Bern: Peter Lang, 9-26.
Garzone, G. (2000) “Legal Translation and Functionalist Approaches: a Contradiction in
Terms?” Geneve: Actes <www.tradulex.org> accessed 1 Sept. 2009.
Gibbons, J. (2003) Forensic Linguistics. An Introduction to Language in the Justice
System. Blackwell Publishing.
Goźdź-Roszkowski, S. (2011). Patterns of Linguistic Variation in American Legal Eng-
lish: A Corpus-based Study. Frankfurt am Main, Germany: Peter Lang.
Harvey, M. (2002) “What’s so Special about Legal Translation?”, Meta, 47 (2), 177-85.
Harvey, M. (2000) A Beginner’s Course in Legal Translation: the Case of Culture-bound
Terms.” Genéve 2000: Actes <www.tradulex.org> accessed 1 May 2011.
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Hiltunen, R. (1990) Chapters on Legal English. Aspects Past and Present of the Lan-
guage of the Law, Helsinki Suomalainen Tiedekatemia.
Hjort-Pedersen, M. and D. Faber (2010) “Explicitation and Implicitation in Legal Trans-
lation ─ A Process Study of Trainee Translators.” Meta: Translators’ Journal
55(2), 237–250.
Jopek-Bosiacka, A. (2006) Przekład prawny i sądowy. Warsaw: PWN.
Kjaer, A. (2000) “On the Structure of Legal Knowledge. The Importance of Knowing
Legal Rules for Understanding Legal Texts”. In: Language, Text and Knowledge.
Berlin, New York: Walter de Gruyter.
Klinck, D. R. (1992) The Word of the Law. Ottawa – Canada: Carleton University Press.
Koskinen, K. (2000) “Institutional Illusions. Translating in the EU Commission.” The
Translator 6(1), 49–65.
Kubacki, A. D. (2012) Tłumaczenie poświadczone. Status, kształcenie, warsztat i odpo-
wiedzialność tłumacza przysięgłego. Warszaw: Lex a Wolters Kluwer.
Mason, I. (2004(2003)) “Text Parameters in Translation: Transitivity and Institutional
Cultures.” The Translation Studies Reader. ed. L. Venuti. 2nd edn. New
York/London: Routledge, 470–481.
Mellinkoff, D. (1963). Language of the Law. Boston, MA: Little, Brown.
Mounin, G. (1974) La linguistique comme science auxiliaire dans les disciplines jurid-
iques. Archives de philosophie du droit, 19, 7–17.
Newmark, P. (1981) Approaches to Translation. London/New York: Prentice Hall.
Nielsen, S. (2010) “Translational Creativity: Translating Genre Conventions in Statutes.”
Vertimos Studijos 3, 23–35.
Pommer, S. E. (2008) “No Creativity in Legal Translation?” Babel 54(4), 355-368.
Šarčević, S. (1997) New Approach to Legal Translation. The Hague: Kluwer Law Inter-
national.
Šarčević, S. (2000) “Legal Translation and Translation Theory: a Receiver-Oriented
Approach.” Genéve: Actes <www.tradulex.org> accessed 9 Jan 2009.
Scott, J. (2012) “Towards Professional Uptake of DIY Electronic Corpora in Legal Gen-
res”, Salford Working Papers in Translation and Interpreting 1
<http://www.salford.ac.uk/__data/assets/pdf_file/0010/229492/WorkingPapersT-
and-I.Scott.pdf> accessed 25 Feb 2014.
Venuti, L. (2001) “Strategies of Translation.” Routledge Encyclopedia of Translation
Studies. ed. Mona Baker. London: Routledge, 240–244.
Weston, M. (1991) An English Reader’s Guide to the French Legal System. New York:
Berg.
Williams, Ch. (2005) Tradition and Change in Legal English. Frankfurt am Main: Peter
Lang.
Wright, S. E. and G. Budin (eds.) (1997) Handbook of Terminology Management. Basic
Aspects of Terminology Management. Vol. 1. Amsterdam: Benjamins.
Wróblewski, B. (1948) Język prawny i prawniczy. Polska Akademia Umiejętności. Race
Komisji Prawniczej nr. 3, Kraków
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Medical translation
Wioleta Karwacka
University of Gdańsk
w.karwacka@gmail.com
If medical communicators are not to betray the same commitment of the very au-
thors they are asked to translate – primum non nocere – we need to acknowledge
and correct certain problems (…): differences in scientific terminology, deceptive
lexical equivalence, misconceived readership level, out-of-focus translator training,
misjudged translation expectations, etc.
(Fischbach 1998:1)
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1. Introduction
2. Medical language
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2.2. Eponyms
1
For more information on the history of medical language and medical translation see
Martí-Ibáñez (1962), McMorrow (1998), Segura (1998) and Zieliński (2004)
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Table 1. Examples of English eponymous terms and their eponymous equivalents in Polish
Table 2. Corresponding pairs of eponymous and non-eponymous terms in Polish and English
Concepts may be referred to with eponymous terms which also have non-
eponymous equivalents, sometimes a concept will be referred to with
such doublets in one language, and only eponymous or only non-
eponymous terms in other languages.
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Table 4. Examples of abbreviated forms used in English and Polish medical language
English Polish
X-ray Rtg
CT (computed tomography) TK (tomografia komputerowa)
℞ (prescription) Rp. (recepta)
CNS (central nervous system) OUN (ośrodkowy układ nerwowy)
COPD (chronic obstructive pulmonary POChP (przewlekła obturacyjna choro-
disease) ba płuc)
pRBC (packed red blood cells) KKCz (koncentrat krwinek czer-
wonych)
GCF (gingival cervical fluid) PD (płyn dziąsłowy)
2
cf. Esch & Petersen (2013)
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Word compounding, affixation and the doublet phenomenon are three features of
fundamental medical English (FME) described by Salager-Meyer (1983). Com-
pound nominal phrases (heart failure, patient safety, contrast medium) are
common in FME (Salager-Meyer 1983: 61). Therefore, preparing a functional
medical translation which uses fairly natural language may involve syntactic
shifts (phrase change) (cf. Chesterman 1997). The extract below shows such
shifts based on two bolded phrases, whose literal translation would result in pro-
ducing the following prepositional phrases in the target units, respectively: inju-
ries of the orbit, means of the protection of the head.
The affixation process is not only common in the lexis of fundamental medical
English (fail – failure, relate – relationship/correlation – unrelated, define –
definition – undefined, improve – improvement) (Salager –Mayer 1983:61) – it is
also observed in specialized terminology. What is especially characteristic of
specialized terminology is the use of Latin and Greek affixes (e.g. prefixes:
all(o) –another, different, adip(o) – fatty, carni(o) – of the cranium, onco- relat-
ing to cancer, hyper – excessive, hypo – insufficient, suffixes: – itis – inflamma-
tion, – algia – pain, -lepsy – attack, seizure, -logy – the knowledge of some-
thing), and the obvious correspondences between suffixes, roots etc. and the
meaning of the term. Polish medical terminology is also heavily based on Latin
and Greek affixes, besides borrowings and descriptive terms.
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3
See e.g. Soltesz Steiner (2003) for more exhaustive information on Greek and Latin
affixes in medical English
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tigate, shot – injection, heart attack – myocardial infarction. The doublet phe-
nomenon is well observed in adjective vs. noun roots. That feature is of great
importance in writing or translating information materials for lay readers, which
is discussed in section 2 of this chapter.
Table 8. The doublet phenomenon observed in adjective vs. noun roots (Polackova 2006: 131, cf.
Salager-Meyer 1983)
Nouns Adjectives in use
bone osseous tissue (Lat.)
eye optic nerve (Lat.)
liver hepatic carcinoma (Greek)
fat adipose tissue (Lat.)
neck cervical vertebrae (Lat.)
backbone spinal canal (Lat.)
kidney renal artery (Lat.)
stomach gastric juices (Greek)
forehead frontal bone (Lat.)
navel umbilical cord (Lat.)
mouth oral cavity (Lat.)
windpipe tracheal intubations (Lat.)
ear auditory canal (Lat.)
breast mammary duct (Lat.)
lungs pulmonary embolism (Lat.)
teeth dental caries (Lat.)
heart cardiac muscle (Greek)
brain cerebral cortex (Lat.)
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and readability which would employ applied linguistics approaches and the par-
adigm of patient-centredness.
Apart from the Declaration of Helsinki, there are a number of national and
international laws which regulate access to medical information in patient’s na-
tive language; they include regulations concerning the package leaflet (PPI)
Directive 2004/27/EC provides that
the package leaflet must be written and designed to be clear and understandable,
enabling the users to act appropriately, when necessary with the help of health pro-
fessionals. The package leaflet must be clearly legible in the official language or
languages of the Member State in which the medicinal product is placed on the
market.
What is more, “the package leaflet shall be drawn up in accordance with the
summary of the product characteristics”. Under Directive 2001/83/EC the lan-
guage of PPIs should be easily understood:
the package leaflet must be written in clear and understandable terms for the users
and be clearly legible in the official language or languages of the Member State
where the medicinal product is placed on the market.
Package leaflet is the subject of research especially for its user-friendliness (cf.
Askehave & Zethsen 2000; Hall 2006; Ezpeleta 2012; Montalt & García-
Izquierdo 2014; Pilegaard 2014). The lack of user-friendliness may be a result of
two factors: inter-linguistic translation (between two languages) and inter-
generic translation (from one genre to another e.g. transferring information from
the product summary to package leaflet) (Askehave & Zethsen 2000: 64). The
requirements under Directive 2001/83/EC mean that PPI should contain the
same information as the product summary (PS). That requires structural and
lexical simplification, determinologizing, synthesizing information, expanding
relevant information, and adjusting tenor (Ezepleta 2012, 2014).
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Nevertheless, PPIs are still notorious for being vague and overcomplicated. The
main problem areas include: the use of synonyms, syntax and complicated sen-
tences, the use of passive, impersonal style and information overload (Askehave
& Zethsen 2000: 64). As a result, PPIs simply support management and trade
strategies of pharmaceutical companies rather share knowledge and empower
patients (Hall 2006), possibly because their main purpose is to meet require-
ments and not to educate lay audiences (cf. Pilegaard 2007).
There are also a number of regulations which should secure the rights of
ethnic minorities and immigrants with regard to full access to medical services.
They result from the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, International Con-
vention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination, Convention
on the Rights of the Child, International Covenant on Economic, Social and
Cultural Rights, European Constitution, European Convention on Human Rights,
Framework Convention for the Protection of National Minorities and respective
constitutions and laws applicable in particular countries (Baráth et al. 2007). In
the light of those regulations, patients should be granted with access to relevant
documents in their native language and interlingual communication with medical
staff should be facilitated. In reality, however, foreign patients with limited L2
skills are not always sufficiently assisted, which may lead to significant prob-
lems – there is sufficient evidence that language barriers may severely affect the
quality of medical services (Heine 2003; Flores et al. 2003; Chung 2006;
Sanchez 2007; Chen 2009).
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Apart from the genres discussed above, there are other texts translated in
order to ensure interlingual communication in healthcare settings – brochures,
patient diaries, questionnaires, forms etc. Medical translation can bridge the
linguistic gap between medical professionals and patients, thus becoming
a factor in improving the overall quality of medical services. Ongoing research
will hopefully shed more light on achieving lay-firendliness of original and
translated materials (cf. Pilegaard 2014; Montalt & García-Izquierdo 2014).
Regulatory requirements do not only concern medical documents for lay readers
Under international regulations, instructions for use (IFU) and user manuals of
medical devices also have to be translated, even if a given device is a highly
specialized tool only used by specially trained professionals, unless a formal
approval is granted for the English version of the documents. Exhaustive EMA
(European Medicines Agency) documentation covering the characteristics of
pharmaceutical products needs to prepared in the twenty-four official languages
of the European Union. Pharmaceutical dossiers are also translated into the
languages of countries outside EU – and that is only the European perspective,
with medical research and development activities, being a global issue requiring
international communication and thus translation worldwide (cf. Andriesen
2006). Clinical trial documents, including clinical trial synopses are also a large
portion of the translation turnover.
The most typical features of specialized medical texts, i.e. terminology,
nominalization, heavy pre- and postmodification, long sentences, use of passives
(cf. Askehave & Zethsen 2000), hedges ( Salager-Meyer 1994), metaphors and
rich images4, and, occasionally, the language of evidence-based medicine
(EBM) (cf. Gajewski 2003; Górnicz 2007, 2009) may constitute the areas of the
greatest challenge to translators, as presented in the passages below – extracts
from research papers translated from Polish to English by the native speakers of
the source language.
Extract (a) is an example of terminological density, the use of English acro-
nyms in a Polish text. The beginning of the target sentence is not written in natu-
ral English, posing more problems than highly specialized terminology. Sen-
tences (b) – (e) show the use of EBM lexis, with the controversial choice in (e) –
4
“rich images are metaphorical expressions that are ‘rich’ in detail and in associations”
(Shuttleworth 2014: 35)
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intervention vs. investigated. Target sentences in (c) and (d) are more explicit
than their source counterparts. Extract (f) is an example of information and ex-
plicitness changes, possibly related to significance threshold (cf. Chesterman
1997): przyspiesza osiągnięcie celów terapeutycznych – improves rates of blood
pressure control and requires less time to achieve target blood pressure, kwesti-
ami – benefits, korzyści ekonomiczne – cost savings, efektywniejsza współpraca
z pacjentem – better compliance; the linking expression z tego względu is omit-
ted, by most patients with hypertension is added, information that the monother-
apy concerns antihypertensive drugs is removed (but can still be implied).
Extract (g) is an example of transediting (cf. Chesterman 1997); a number
of shifts are observed in the translation of this text and their purpose seems to be
following target conventions and achieving better reader-friendliness. The topic
sentence is added. The strategies employed in this sentence include: emphasis
change najistotniejszą – important, the addition of female (explicitation – both
men and women can be diagnosed with androgenic alopecia), unit change (cf.
Chesterman 1997) and addition of newly developed techniques:
Such maneuvers influence the explicitness of the text and its cohesion. The sen-
tence „Fototrichogram jest metodą rzadko stosowaną w praktyce” is not ren-
dered in the target text. The subsequent sentence is where clarity and cohesion
seem to be prioritized in the translation, and are achived also by means of a unit
change, information change skóry owłosionej głowy – a shaven scalp area and
adding allow the percentage of telogen hairs to be assessed:
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Table 10. Extracts from medical research papers translated into English5
Source Target
a) Ustalenie rozpoznania żylnej Making a diagnosis of venous
choroby zakrzepowo-zatorowej thromboembolism (VTE), mani-
(VTE), na którą składają się za- festing as deep vein thrombosis
krzepica żył głębokich (DVT) i (DVT) and/or pulmonary embo-
zator tętnicy płucnej (PE), wy- lism (PE) requires clinical assess-
maga zarówno oceny klinicznej, ment, as well as imaging and – in
jak i wykonania dodatkowych selected clinical settings – labora-
badań obrazowych, a w wybra- tory tests.
nych sytuacjach klinicznych –
także testów laboratoryjnych.
b) Przeprowadzone w ostatnich latach Large clinical trials performed in
duże próby kliniczne dowodzą, że the last few years prove that com-
terapia złożona nadciśnienia bined therapy of essential hyper-
tętniczego ma już ugruntowaną tension has reached a secure posi-
pozycję. tion lately.
c) W grupie kobiet z otyłością In the clinical sample of women
stwierdzono istotne statystycznie with obesity revealed significant
zależności pomiędzy ekspresją statistical correlations between an-
złości a dążeniem do szczupłości ger expression and drive for thin-
oraz symptomami depresyjnymi i ness, depressive and anxiety symp-
lękowymi. toms.
5
See the ‘References’ section for details
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We should take into account the large role that negative body image
and anger expression play in treating obesity.
d) Autorzy niniejszej pracy uważają, iż rekonstrukcja lewej żyły nerko-
wej jest stosunkowo prosta technicznie i jeżeli jest to tylko możliwe,
powinno się ją przeprowadzać w każdym przypadku.
We consider the reconstruction of the left renal vein to be technically
relatively easy and it should be performed in every possible case.
e) przedstawiono przypadek 16-letniego sportowca
we present a case of a 16-year old cyclist vs. w niniejszej pracy
f) Podsumowano dotychczas prowadzone i trwające badania kliniczne
poświęcone terapiom komórkowym w udarze mózgu.
Finally, we report recent and on-going clinical trials on stem-cell
therapy in cerebral stroke.
The variety of strategies used by medical translators is neither greater nor poorer
than that of translators who deal with other disciplines. The key factors here are
the requirements and conventions of particular genres –translators of informed
consent documents are expected to be very accurate and close to the original,
while translators of research papers need to consider e.g. the stylesheet used by
a particular publisher. Various aspects of the translation of specialized medical
translation are discussed in Translation and knowledge mediation in medical and
health settings edited by Vicent Montalt and Mark Shuttleworth (2012).
The dynamic development of medicine and natural sciences as well as the global
nature of the international community, the demand for medical translation is
significant, but it still remains a controversial question who should translate
medical text – a medical professional or a linguist or a linguist with some medi-
cal background (cf. O’Neil 1998; Heine 2003; IMIA 2009; Nisbeth and Zethsen
2012). Ideally, a medical translator would not be a medical professional, but an
especially trained translator, i.e. a linguist who underwent appropriate training,
a view which is also supported by IMIA (2009: 4-5). According to IMIA (Inter-
national Medical Interpreters Association), medical documents should be trans-
lated by professionals who have “a native or near-native, formal level of lan-
guage proficiency, analytical capabilities, and deep cultural knowledge in the
source and target languages” (2009: 3), other requirements include at least col-
lege level formal education covering courses in translation theory and practice,
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proficiency in the source and target languages, expert knowledge of the subject
matter terminology, terminology research skills and adequate writing skills. Oth-
er components of medical translator competence include: application of transla-
tion strategies, relevant procedures, conventions or standards, use of medical
databases, text banks, dictionaries, CAT tools etc. as well as certain psycho-
physiological features such as decision making, thoroughness, honesty etc.
(cf. PACTE 2011; Nisbeth & Zethsen 2012; Karwacka 2012, 2014)
A medical translator’s command of medical English and his or her writing
skills involves a range of genres and registers. Transferring medical information
for patients means avoiding unnecessary jargon, complicated syntax, or highly
specialized vocabulary. Translating documents which are written for medical
professionals, on the other hand, requires specific terminology and discourse
markers typical of similar texts produced in the target language. Therefore,
a translator’s linguistic competence involves general and specialized languages.
That is why medical training is not limited to acquiring medical knowledge
(cf. O'Neil 1998: 73).
Having said that, background knowledge of medicine is necessary to ensure
that a message is transferred without distortions, which is one of the critical is-
sues in interlingual and intercultural knowledge mediation (cf. Montalt and Shut-
tleworth 2012; Karwacka 2014). Medical translators do not only acquire medical
knowledge through medical studies and they are not always physician-
translators: “there will always be more medical translations than can be handled
by the relatively few physicians who translate (and) medical translation will
perforce be done by non-physicians” (O’Neil 1998: 69).
Some information on the background of medically knowledgeable linguists
is provided by the results of a survey Marla O’Neil (1998) conducted among
translators who are not physicians, but specialize in medical translation. Her
study revealed that medical translators acquire background knowledge by study-
ing medicine, participating in medical courses, working in a position indirectly
related to healthcare or medicine or participating in medical translation courses.
Other factors included access to medical professionals, medical professionnal
relatives, and a medical condition which resulted in doing background research
and contact with medical professionals. Most respondents to O’Neil’s question-
naire admitted that their translation was hardly ever verified.
The reality of medical translation too frequently shows that translators must
assume sole responsibility for the quality and accuracy of medical translations,
which seems to be one of the factors behind the often poor or substandard quali-
ty of medical translation, rather than merely the question of medical ver-
sus linguistic educational background of the translator (cf. Karwacka 2014),
especially if it is medical translators themselves that decide whether they are
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qualified enough to perform a particular translation task that they are considering
to take on.
Another related issue is quality assurance in medical translation since the quality
of translation may have clinical consequences (cf. Flores et al. 2003). The verifi-
cation guidelines involve a pre-translation preparation and analysis of the ST, its
actual translation and multi-step verification of the TT (cf. IMIA 2009). A valid
verification process also involves the conventions and requirements regarding
various text types and functions (cf. Mobaraki and Aminzadeh 2012), including
readability and clarity in expert-lay communication.
IMIA (2009: 6-11) suggest the following steps in the translation process:
preparing the final version of the ST (poorly written or confusing passages are
likely to be awkward and ambiguous in the target language), which is followed
by commissioning a translator who decides if she or he is qualified to translate
the text, then – translation, and finally – verification: the translated document is
reviewed and edited by another professional, who ideally should have more sub-
ject area expertise and be more experienced than the translator. It is then proof-
read, ideally by a third person. That, however, is not actually the final stage of
the process, as it may be necessary to adapt the TT to local requirements con-
cerning a informed consent documents and other medical texts (cf. Fernández
Piera and Ardura Ortega 2012: 291).
A fairly frequently applied but controversial method of translation review is
back-translation, i.e. the of translation the TT ‘back’ into the source language
by an independent translator who did not handle the original 'forward' translation
of a given text. IMIA advise against applying back-translation as a method for
verification for the reason that it might not reveal “the target language contextual
and usage nuances” (IMIA 2009: 2) or awkward literal translation. On the other
hand, what may appear as an inaccurate rendition in the back-translation is actu-
ally a passage written in idiomatic language (IMIA 2009: 3). Nevertheless, the
blind back-translation technique is frequently used to verify the accuracy of
translation (cf. Andriesen 2006; Fernández Piera and Ardura Ortega 2012), and
its advantages have been proven (Berkanovic 1980; Andriesen 2006). The back-
translation method is widely used in the sector of medical research and clinical
trials, as it is required by Ethics Committees and regulatory authorities in
a number of countries (see Grunwald and Goldfarb 2006: 2), but it should not be
implied that the sole purpose of back-translation is compliance with formal re-
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7. Summary
Recommended reading
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295
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Eudralex. 2009. A guideline on the readability of the label and package leaflet of medic-
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Gotti M., Salager-Meyer F. (eds.). 2006. Advances in Medical Discourse Analysis: Oral
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Słomski P., Słomski P. 2005. Podręczny słownik medyczny angielsko-polski i polsko-
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Interpreting
Abstract: The chapter will demonstrate various types of interpreting with respect to
social context and delivery manner. Although typologies differ because of specific set-
ting-related constraints, all modes of interpreting share common features and involve
a range of critical skills which will be analysed with a view to defining interpreting
competence. A range of constraints and consequently additional requirements on the part
of the interpreter will also be discussed. The diversity and number of duties of
a contemporary interpreter calls for constant professional development and specializa-
tion, thus adding to a long list of requirements that need to be fulfilled in a successful
interpreting career. The chapter touches upon certain psychological, social and linguistic
aspects of interpreting that need to be taken into consideration in the process of develop-
ing interpreting competence. Finally, various methodologies that can be chosen when
designing a research in interpreting will be presented to answer a question of how to
establish and justify principles and strategies used in the research.
Keywords: community interpreting, conference interpreting, simultaneous, consecutive,
interpreting competence, memory, communication, empirical studies, observational
studies, quality in interpreting
1. Typology of interpreting
Presumably the earliest form of translation: interpreting had been practised even
before the invention of writing and is undoubtedly one of the oldest professions
in the world. Interpreting is indispensable for ensuring a successful channel of
communication between two nations of different languages and cultural back-
grounds. Although the primary purpose of enabling communication is common
for all types of interpreting, the means whereby the message is transferred are
divergent. Typologies of interpreting differ with respect to social context and
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delivery manner. The social context and institutional settings in which the inter-
preter works specify two main types: community and conference interpreting.
Community interpreting (which is also referred to as public service interpreting,
especially in the UK) takes place in public institutions such as hospital facilities,
prisons, police stations, state institutions and the courtroom (although court in-
terpreting is also treated as a separate type by scholars like Roberts (2002)).
Community-based interpreting is provided in a bidirectional way for instance for
visitors or immigrants who need access to social services in a foreign country or
for the deaf and hard of hearing (signed interpreting). The term conference in-
terpreting refers to various international meetings in conference-like settings,
including “such diverse settings as international tribunals, private talks between
heads of state, or television broadcasts” (Pӧchhacker 2004: 161).Other setting-
dependant types are media interpreting (interpreting live coverages or inter-
views) and escort interpreting (where the interpreter accompanies tourists).
As regards the delivery manner of interpreting, three modes of interpreting
are widely recognized, namely: simultaneous interpreting (in sound-proof
booths with live sound equipment), consecutive interpreting (taking notes and
delivering the speech after the speaker) and whispered interpreting or
chuchotage (whispering to a limited audience). Other modes are dialogue inter-
preting, relay interpreting (listening not directly to the speaker but to another
interpreter’s third language interpretation), liaison interpreting (or sentence-by-
sentence with no need for note-taking or sound equipment), on-site interpreting
(also called face-to-face) and over-the-phone interpreting or a variant of the
simultaneous mode called sight interpreting (also called a-vista or on-sight)
which is performed in real time but is “simultaneous not with the delivery of the
source text but with the interpreter’s real-time (visual) reception of the written
source text” (ibid. 19). Although typologies differ because of specific setting-
related constraints, all modes of interpreting share common features and involve
a range of critical skills required to become a successful interpreter.
2. Interpreting Competence
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amus as being responsible for assessing sensory signals and then transfering
them to the cerebral cortex. Emotions are therefore subjective reaction to
a stimulus.
Conceptualization and definitial discussion of emotions within psychologi-
cal, social and linguistic frameworks has produced conflicting results across
disciplines (Scherer 2001; Niedenthal et al. 2005; Frijda et al. 1995), recognizing
the need for cross-disciplinary research. Norman (2004) and Picard (2000) stress
aspects as experience and interaction with the surrounding world, arguing for
emotion as an important factor in cognition. Scherer (2001) sees emotions as an
impediment of cognition and rational perception of reality, providing distinction
into aesthetic and utilitarian emotions; the latter occuring in prototipically pat-
terned events. Linguists have argued for conceptual catagories of cognition,
emphasizing that meaning emerges from socially and culturally shared practice
and norms, implicating that interpretation has social origin. Recent investiga-
tions suggest, that within the crosscultural framework, processing emotions re-
mains the same (Schrauf & Sanchez 2004). Lutz’s (1986) study demonstrated
the cultural component in emotion manifestation, with the phenomena being
grounded in socio-cultural contexts and representative of our own cognitive
typologies. While universalists (Ekman 1972) argue for the independent nature
of emotion conceptualization, relativists see representation as based on linguistic
and cultural conditioning (Wierzbicka 2004). Consequently, interpretation is
conditioned by emotions and other affective phenomena, along with a set of
culturally and socially interpretative schemas, which arrise due to a set of ma-
nipulative patterns. Given that the SL material must be rendered in accordance
with the rules of accuracy and faithfulness, it all adds up to the fact that emo-
tional stress has huge impact on the quality of interpretation.
Translators in general have time to consider and revise the entire text before
they deliver their product to the client. Interpreters need to achieve total accura-
cy at all times. It is this constant need for instant transference that becomes the
first factor for stress. Further elements include public speaking or any type of
social phobias, the fear of mal-production and the impossibility of predicting
what is to come. For a fact, one cannot predict upcoming content, yet strong
somatic activity blocks proper cognition, thus in effect greatly deprives the qual-
ity of interpretation. There is no one way to reduce stress level and many believe
that the classic phrase ‘practice makes perfect’ is the only proper way to deal
with emotions during interpretation.
An interpreter needs to maintain eye contact, be heard and show confidence.
This is crucial, thus one must make sure that the interpreter does, physically
have, a strong enough voice. One must keep in mind that language is only one of
many tools of communication, especially in the aspect of intercultural and there-
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fore extra-linguistic sphere, ie. non-verbal behavior also falls within the scope of
observation. We refer here to the broader term of prosody and body language.
The fact that prosodic features, in their structure, enriches interpretation, does
not raise objections among linguists. Schiffrin (1987) believes that for many
years there was no uniform relationship between the semantic system and pro-
sodic features, due to the fact that this concept seemed to be too complex and
uncertain. In many extreme cases, researchers criticized their impact on the
analysis of discourse. Modern research, however, points to the connection be-
tween discourse and sound (see Couper-Kuhlen 2003). An important element is
the tone of voice and emotional feel. Intonation signals the content and high-
lights the expressive function. Threefold methodological assumptions presented
by Couper-Kuhlen (2003), see intonation as grammar (Pierrehumbert 1980), as
the flow of information, and as a contextualization as discussed by Gumperz
(1982). Thus, emotion does not only impact interpretation per se, but the vocal
product as well. The rate of speech and emotional color is a signal from the re-
cipient of how to interpret the message.
Turning to the nature of communication, the authors would like to mention
the classic model by Dell Hymes (1972) which constitutes a modification and
extension of the concept of linguistic competence by Noam Chomsky. Accord-
ing to the scholar, it is the knowledge of conventions and rules of language use
depending on the situation and the role of social interlocutors that determine
interpretation. Communicative competence includes the aspect of knowledge of
socio-cultural norms in the repertoire of linguistic performance. Semantic struc-
tures, therefore, like emotions, are conditioned socially and culturally.
Finally, one needs to mention memory and especially memory training as
a key concept during interpreter training. This may even be considered as one of
the primary requirements. Memory basically involves the ability to organise and
store information. Using memory involves three stages: encoding – storage –
retrieval. Trainers frequently focus on exercises which involve helping future
interpreters to use Short Term Memory (STM) by focusing on the gist, logical
links and keywords. In this area note taking becomes an important ability. It is
our notes that allow the recollection of information presented in the original
speech. Apart from the traditional focus on practising interpreting skills by
means of such tasks as shadowing or code switching, students should also be
aware of the need to maintain physical and mental freshness, e.g. by drinking
water to keep the body hydrated.
In other words, we tend to perspire under stress, and de-hydration can af-
fect our concentration negatively. Furthermore, many specialists advocate the
incorporation of brain activation techniques, such as Brain Buttons – this exer-
cise helps improve blood flow to the brain to “switch on” the entire brain before
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a translation begins. The interpreter may use various techniques in order to im-
prove memory, such as: categorization, generalization, comparison and mne-
monics. However, concentration is key.
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useful in exploring interpreting processes but may also provide interpreter train-
ers with valuable information, bearing even more valuable implications for in-
terpreting curricula.
Nevertheless, it is hard to draw reliable conclusions from TAP studies on
translating and interpreting without detailed background information about the
subjects, e.g. their training and work experience, language skills, attitude, ethics
etc. (Jääskeläinen 2000). In a typical translation classroom, such background
checks will unavoidably result in different level of language competence, expe-
rience, not to mention attitude towards challenge. The results of research into
interpreting processes via such diverse student groups will not be valid and the
explanations of certain decisions made or problems encountered will remain at
the level of speculation (ibid.).Methodological shortcomings can, of course, be
remedied by supplementing TAPs with other data elicitation methods, such as
keystroke logging (e.g. Jakobsen 1999, 2003; Alves 2003), screen recording
(Perrin 2009) or eye tracking (e.g. Jakobsen and Jensen 2008) so as to corrobo-
rate results and capture data about cognitive processes more effectively (Alves
2003).
Similarly to the process of interpreting, its product also eludes precise
measurement, but it is assumed to be reflected in the product of interpretation,
namely the target language output and its quality. When it comes to the quality
in interpreting, quite peculiarly, excellence in this profession is not necessarily
commensurate with the number of disfluencies or omissions. Inerrancy is unat-
tainable because of what Gile (1999: 153-159, 2009: 182) calls the “tightrope
hypothesis” which states that interpreters are “vulnerable to even small varia-
tions in the available processing capacity for each interpreting component” even
when the source speech presents no particular linguistic or technical difficulties,
because they work “close to processing capacity saturation”.
Nevertheless, apart from cognitive-psychological experimental research,
linguistic or corpus-linguistic quantitative studies, there are also qualitative
methods of investigating the work of interpreters. Quality assessment in inter-
preting should therefore make allowances for a range of external factors that
influence quality as well as its attainment (Moser-Mercer 1996). Because of
various time and workload constraints, quality measurement cannot be conduct-
ed on the basis of general performance parameters. In a process-oriented frame-
work for defining factors which may influence an interpreting performance and
the types of possible repercussions on interpreting quality, Kalina (2007: 113)
distinguishes four dimensions to describe the components and conditions of
interpreters’ work: pre-process, peri-process, in-process and post-process phase.
Kalina (2005, 2007) advocates isolating individual factors and measuring them
one by one.
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References
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ence Interpreting; Current Trends in Research, Amsterdam/Philadelphia: Benja-
mins, 109-122.
Gile, D. (1999). “Testing the Effort Models’ Tightrope Hypothesis in Simultaneous
Interpreting- a contribution”, Hermes 23, 153-172.
Gile, D. (2001). “Selecting a Topic for PhD Research”, in Gile, D., Dam, H. V., Dub-
slaff, F, Martinsen, B and Schjoldager, A. (eds) Getting started in interpreting re-
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Gile, D. (2005). “Conference and Simultaneous Interpreting”, in Baker, M. and Sal-
danha, G. (eds) Routledge Encyclopedia of Translation Studies, New York:
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Gile, D. (2009) Basic Concepts and Models in Interpreter and Translator Training.
Revised Edition, Amsterdam/Philadelphia: Benjamins.
Gumperz, J. J. (1982). Discourse Strategies. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Gouadec, D. (2007). Translation as a Profession, Amsterdam/Philadelphia: Benjamins.
Holmes, J.S. (1988). Translated! Papers on Literary Translation and Translation Stud-
ies, Amsterdam: Rodopi.
Hymes D.H. (1972). Models of the Interaction of Language and Social Life. Gumprez
J. & Hymes D. Directions in Sociolinguistics: The ethnography of communication.
Holt, Rinehart & Winston, New York, 35-71.
Jӓӓskelӓinen, R. (1993). “Investigating Translation Strategies”, in Tirkkonen-Condit,
S. and Laffling, J. (eds.) Recent Trends in Empirical Translation Research,
Joensuu: University of Joensuu, 99-120.
Kade, O. (1968). Zufall und Gesetzmäßigkeit in der Übersetzung. Leipzig: VEB Verla-
gEnzyklopädie.
Kalina, S. (2000). “Interpreting Competences as a Basis and a Goal for Teaching”. The
Interpreters’ Newsletter, 10, 3-32.
Kalina, S. (2007). “’Microphone off’ – Application of the Process Model of Interpreting
to the Classroom”. Kalbotyra, 57(3), 111-121.
Kiraly, D. (1995). Pathways to Translation: Pedagogy and Process, Kent: Kent State
University Press.
Kopczyński, A. (1980). Conference Interpreting: Some Linguistic and Communicative
Problems, Poznań: UAM.
Krings, H.P. (1988). “Blick in Die ‘Black box’- Eine Fallstudie zum Übersetzung-
sprozess bei Berufsübersetzern”, in Textlinguistik und Fachsprache. Akten des In-
ternationalenübersetzungswissenschaftlichen AILA-Symposions, Hildesheim 13-16
April 1987, Arntz, R. (ed.) Hildesheim: Olms, 303-412.
Lakoff, G. (1987). Women, Fire, and Dangerous Things: What Categories Reveal about
the Mind. Chicago: University of Chicago
Lӧrscher, W. (1991). Translation Performance, Translation Process and Translation
Strategies: A Psycholinguistic Investigation, Tübingen: Narr.
Lutz, C. (1986). “Emotion, Thought and Estrangement: Emotion as a cultural category”
Cultural Anthropology, 1(3), 287-309
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Translation Competence
Paulina Pietrzak
University of Łódź
pietrzak.paulina@uni.lodz.pl
Abstract: The chapter will examine the concept of translation competence, its depend-
ence on and correlation with other factors with the benefit of the already functioning
theories. Various theoretical assumptions and approaches will be demonstrated in refer-
ence to the nature of translators’ competence. The process of its development will also
be analysed with the aim of specifying how it develops and differentiating between its
initial and terminal stage. Translators learn not only the skill of rendering a text from one
language into another successfully, but also, simultaneously, acquire other subcompe-
tences. A view on market demands and professional qualifications shows that translator
competence changes over time because of technology or numerous social demands. Thus
an attempt will be made to define the basic features of the competence. Translation com-
petence development requires taking all the characteristic features of the competence
into account. Complex and difficult though it may seem, the aim of translation trainers is
to provide their trainees with as rich and thorough translation education as possible.
Thus, however challenging it appears to teach something that is described as open-ended
and approximate, what is crucial in any approach is the recognition of the complexity or
the open-endedness of the process of translation in any curricular model.
Keywords: translator competence, translation competence, bilingual competence, skill,
subcompetence, minimalistic approach, language competence, transfer competence,
Think Aloud Protocol (TAP), verbalization, cultural competence, performance
1. Introduction
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Although such theories were put forward not later than the 1980s, there has
been a sweeping generalization concerning translation which prevails in the
society that every person who knows languages of two different countries pos-
sesses the natural ability to translate. Such a conjecture must be refuted as not
every person who knows the history of two different countries can become
a politician and not every person who knows legal systems of two different
countries can become a judge just like two legs are not enough to become
a football player. Even more absurdly, as it is pertinently observed by Marconi,
“if a person can correctly translate the text into another language, we say that she
understood, but if she cannot and yet does know the second language, we are
inclined to say that she did not understand” (1997: 133). Indeed, translation
competence may be underpinned by understanding, but not only the understand-
ing of the meaning but also of the whole range of knowledge-related aspects of
translation. It is therefore the understanding of a subject domain, the linguistic
genre, the purpose of the source text, time constraints and creativity.
The generally acknowledged conviction mentioned by Marconi may also be
caused by the fact that, indeed, as Neubert points out, “a near-perfect knowledge
of the niceties of the grammatical and the lexical systems of the source and tar-
get language are basic ingredients of translation competence” (2000: 7). Yet, that
will not suffice as all the other sub-competences are not necessarily within the
scope of the competence of an ordinary user of a foreign language. As Kierz-
kowska aptly puts it, “whether translation is an art or a craft, we all believe that
everyone who possesses even superficial knowledge of a language can easily
translate it, ignoring the fact that tailors and shoemakers teach their apprentices”
(2004: 153, translation mine). Thus it is this basic tenet that must be acknowl-
edged by both translation educators and translation students before they apply
their efforts to translating.
Moreover, in an abyss of difficulty regarding translation education, this
need for the realization that even a perfect command of languages does not suf-
fice falls within the duty of those in charge of imparting the skill on the subject
of translation. Language skills must therefore be honed to perfection but in such
a way that students do not focus entirely on language only. Tricky as it may
seem, this must be incorporated into the course or the whole training programme
of the studies together with a wide range of other abilities translators are re-
quired to possess; the abilities span such divergent fields as technical expertise
and ethical concerns, hence, what may serve as a departure point and
a foundational framework in planning the structure of a translation course which
will include a training in the necessary abilities is a closer look at what is really
necessary for all future translators, before they start working and specializing in
particular types of translation and interpreting in certain subject domains. There
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is simultaneously no doubt that the needs are thoroughly contingent on the times,
the level of development of technology, the degree of globalization and the way
it unfolds.
It may therefore be concluded that the demands of the market should pri-
marily be taken into consideration when designing a course aiming at developing
translation competence. However, although translation competence is the goal to
be attained in all translation courses, it cannot be mistaken for all the demands of
the market that translators face in a given period of time. It is far more than only
qualifications to be a translator since it is independent of social, cultural, geo-
graphical or historical influence. Accordingly, Pym observes that it “cannot be
confused with questions of professional qualifications, no matter how much
teachers like myself might worry about training students for the workplace”
(2003: 482). Similarly, Wills notes that translation competence “as a uniform
qualification for translation work is, to all intents and purposes, nonexistent and
probably also nondefinable” (1976: 119). Thus, it may be ventured that transla-
tion competence is an invariable value which may be backed up by what Pym
goes on to say that “qualifications change with technology and social demands,
bringing in bundles of history that are simply too big for the eternal generalities
of a science” (2003: 482).
Above all, it has been regulated by The International Federation of Transla-
tors in The Translator’s Charter, approved by the Congress at Dubrovnik in
1963, and amended in Oslo on July 9, 1994, in Section 1(6) which reads: “the
translator shall possess a sound knowledge of the language from which he/she
translates and should, in particular, be a master of that into which he/she trans-
lates” and continues in Section 1(7): “he/she must likewise have a broad general
knowledge and know sufficiently well the subject matter of the translation and
refrain from undertaking a translation in a field beyond his competence” (IFT
2010: 1). Moreover, the Polish version of The Translator’s Charter, passed in
1993 by The Polish Translators Association, in Section 1(7) stipulates even more
stringently that translators “are obliged to continually upgrade their qualifica-
tions through the development of language and translation skills and improve
their general knowledge” (STP 2005: 1, translation mine). Thus, not only is
translation competence nondefinable, but also, together with all its intrinsic
components, it is nearly non-achievable.
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In order that the present chapter does not seek to redefine translation competence
and produce one more definition extending the long list of existing attempts,
a concise description of the main approaches to this notion developed throughout
the years will now be delineated. As posited by Pym in his essay from 2003
(481-497), there have been four, widely divergent notions of translation compe-
tence that may be distinguished since the 1970s:
nonexistence of translation competence
multicomponent idea of competence
two-language summation model
concept of supercompetence
Non-existence of translation competence may best be explained by sheer impos-
sibility to pin the concept down, reduce it to an unsatisfactory definition of
a simple ability to translate and enumerate its components. Numerous attempts
have been made to name the concept with terms like skills, proficiency or exper-
tise. More uncharacteristically, Lӧrscher (1991) would prefer to associate this
term with the very translation process rather than with the abilities so he refers to
‘strategies’ as a sufficient term; Shreve (1997) talks about translation compe-
tence in cognitive terms and calls it ‘mapping abilities.’ Yet, he goes on to dis-
tinguish between translation competence and translation expertise, positing that
“translation graduates may exhibit varying levels of translation competence but
not translation expertise” and ends by asserting that “a graduate translator could
never accumulate the requisite amount of deliberate practice to exhibit consist-
ently superior performance” (2008: 154). Therefore, is it likely that a concept is
indeed nonexistent if translation theory abounds in various terms and enuncia-
tions for it? Thus, with all the attempts to name it and with all the ways of defin-
ing it, the concept can be nondefinable but certainly not nonexistent.
However, the two-language-summation model seems highly debatable as
well and it has already been shown to be unviable. Harris (1977) together with
Sherwood (1978) advocate the idea of “natural translation” performed by bilin-
guals without any special training for it. They list four features of this special
disposition of bilingual children to translate naturally which are: the pleasure
that young children derive from translating, a bilingual mental lexicon,
a language-independent semantic store and the ability to converse meaning
across languages (1978: 168). Indeed, these are the stages that translators under-
go in their quest for translation competence, similarly to a bilingual child in the
developmental stages. Interestingly, Harris and Sherwood treated translation
competence as the third competence in bilinguals, beside their competence in
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cators. Obviously enough, the programmes should be revised and adjusted even
to each particular group of translation trainees but enumerating necessary sub-
competences is more often than not devoid of any empirical research and in-
structions delineating how to implement the detailed subskills into the pro-
gramme and how to make translators have them; in fact this is what the point of
translation education is, not just the realization that they are necessary. Regretta-
bly, these lists of subcompetences hardly refer to the very process of translation
and may provide translation educators with an idealised picture of a translator.
Here emerges an alternative to regard translation competence as one, unified
notion, possibly called supercompetence, as it is only then that the inextricable
nature of all its subcompetences is duly emphasised. As Pym observes, this su-
percompetence approach means:
accepting that there is no neat definition of all the things that translators need to
know and will be called upon to do. Nor is there any reason to suppose that compe-
tence is at all systematic, like the grammatical or phonological rules that once pro-
vided the term with its archetypal content. (2003: 488)
No lists and systems can therefore serve the needs of translators, but only the
realization of the complexity of the process of translation. Competence is
a prerequisite for any undertaking; no attempt would ever be made without the
basic knowledge of at least the first principles of the task that one undertakes.
The fundamental principle is, above all, an awareness of the nature of the task.
In other words, one must know what it is that they are trying to do, to stand
a chance of ever doing it. The minimalist approach to translation competence
that Pym offers, namely the two abilities to generate possible equivalent phrases
and then choose the most suitable (1992, 2003) shall definitely suffice.
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In the light of this theory, native speakers of a given language possess compe-
tence which is internal and variations occur only within the scope of perfor-
mance as it is dependent on an array of factors. A reasonably pertinent comment
is made by Kenny who asserts that “Chomsky, like Saussure (2006) before him,
bases his linguistics on a dichotomy between an abstract system that underlies
language use (Chomsky’s competence; Saussure’s langue), and real-life lan-
guage as used by real people (performance; parole)” (2001: 4). Performance,
though compared to parole (French term for word or speaking) implying only
oral utterances, should stand for any form (either spoken or written) of the usage
of language, which serves the expression of thought by means of language.
To form translation competence these two competences must be unified.
Since translators work to communicate the message encoded, they create com-
municative acts; this approach appears to take translation competence on a par
with communicative competence, which is what Bӧrjars provides the founda-
tions for when observing that:
In the Chomskyan tradition, there is a strict dichotomy between, on the one hand,
the abstract internal language ability, referred to as I-language (I for internal or in-
dividual; a similar, though not identical, concept in earlier versions of the theory
was ‘competence’) and, on the other, the physical and perceptible language, re-
ferred to as E-language (E for external; in previous versions of the theory, ‘perfor-
mance’ stood for a related concept). The latter also involves the communicative and
social aspects of language. (2006: 16)
However, not only linguistic factors matter here, but also a wide range of inter-
disciplinary ones like extensive memory, code-switching, ability to control inter-
ference, self-confidence in performance, communication skills, persistence in
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problem solving and so forth. All the factors combined affect the choice of the
skills to be taught or developed in translation training.
Nonetheless, the question presents itself whether the necessary abilities are
at all feasible to be taught to a translation trainee. This uncertainty is what un-
dermines the validity of the innumerable inventories of the necessary skills to be
acquired. When the skills are analysed from the angle of the cognitive processes
and mechanisms regulating translation, it is worth reiterating the observation of
Shreve and Diamond:
the implication is that both bilingual abilities and translation are the result of the
complex integration of a variety of common cognitive mechanisms acting over spe-
cific configurations of neural sites. The translator/interpreter is distinguished from
the nontranslating bilingual by the nature and development of the relevant LTM
(long-term memory) resources and the way they are activated in the different com-
municative tasks.
(Shreve and Diamond 1997: 246, 247)
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This “black box” of a translator has been the focal point of numerous researches
and experiments but, try as translation scholars might, it is only its structure that
can successfully be described but, regrettably, not its content. Its interior parts
belong thoroughly to the translator and, however hard s/he tries, more often than
not it is virtually impossible to be revealed. However, the gravity of the subcon-
scious processes of translators and interpreters must not be disregarded only
because of the fact that they are indefinable. According to Kiraly, translation
educators must at least try “to address the question of the level and distribution
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of translation processes” (1995: 41). Prior to venturing into educating the future
translators, the chances of success must therefore be estimated on the basis of
the amount of conscious and subconscious processes that the trainees are able to
undertake. However, although only conscious processes can be revealed and to
some extent measured, for instance by means of Think Aloud Protocols (TAP),
translation education cannot exclude the subconscious.
The subconscious is therefore an uncharted area, but at least it needs to be
recognized together with its impact on translators and the process of translation.
To come to this realisation, the question what exactly it is and why it is so inac-
cessible must first be addressed. In simple terms, it may be seen as the mind of
the translator during the process of translation on the assumption that this is not
“an isolable process” but rather “a set of processes, a complex series of problem-
solving and decision-making processes conditioned by semantic, pragmatic,
situation-specific and culture-specific constraints operating on two ‘levels’- that
of the source and that of the target language” (House 2000: 150). Looking be-
yond translation processes, Séguinot explains the phenomenon of the unexplored
human mind by putting a translator on a par with an ordinary language user, i.e.
listener, reader, speaker and writer who he or she actually is:
For one thing, it is perfectly natural for people to let their minds wander, drift in and
out. Human beings rarely attend one hundred percent to the task at hand. Second,
readers and listeners hazard guesses based on the unfolding of the information they
receive. And third, readers and listeners with tasks to perform plan their interven-
tions as they listen or read. (2000: 145)
Inasmuch as there are limitations to human mind and the methods of its explora-
tion, the inaccessibility of the translator’s “black box” may be caused by the
limitations to the way through which these processes could be revealed. Namely,
it could be expressed and communicated only through verbalisation. Using the
study of Krings from 1987, Dimitrova notices that “an obligation to verbalise
may blur the clear-cut distinction between automated and non-automated parts
of the translation process” (2005: 72). Verbalising the thought is tremendously
constrained by, for example, time; this is because the thought is much quicker
than the process of speech production involving not only articulating the thought
but also a hectic search for words adequate enough to describe it.
The whole process appears to be so automatic on the part of translators and
interpreters that they would probably find it unfeasible to find the right words for
the explanation of the automated parts of the translation process. Moser-Mercer
uses the more apparent example of interpreters to draw the attention to the en-
couraging aspects of this lack of insight into the interior parts of the aforemen-
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tioned “black box” when she observes that “automation is essential to mastery of
the interpreting skill as it allows the interpreter to bypass common processing
limitations and to make optimal use of available processing capacity” (1997:
259). The quotation illustrates that these unconscious processes and therefore the
lack of constant conscious control over the activities the professional translators
perform, which causes the inability of the professionals to describe them, may in
fact be the reason why those particular people make good translators.
5. Terminological disambiguation
In the maze of theoretical dispute all the terms initially used by certain scholars
with time begin to develop unattended. The case may be that at one point deriva-
tives from those original terms should appear, which will inevitably become
conducive to further rendering the theoretical discussion equivocal. The notions
of translation competence, translator competence, translator’s competence or
translation competences have by now become so incorporated into the profes-
sional jargon of theoreticians and teachers of translation that their meaning is
frequently taken as read. Yet, their respective meanings cannot at all times be
used interchangeably.
As regards the nominal part of each of these phrases, the term competence is
“often linked to other concepts and qualities seen to be requisite for the task of
translation, most prominently to the following: knowledge, skills, awareness,
expertise” (Schäffner 2000: x). The term is therefore linked or even constitutes
other concepts indispensable for translation, as noticed by Bell who states that
translation competence is the “knowledge and skills the translator must possess
in order to carry it out” (1991: 43). All the knowledge and skills form compe-
tence which may be defined by Kelly as the set of knowledge, skills, attitudes
and aptitudes required to undertake professional activity in the field of transla-
tion (2005: 162). This stance is adherent to those of many translation scholars
such as Kiraly (1995), Neubert (2000), Presas (2000), Gile (2009).
Interestingly enough, Anthony Pym, a staunch supporter and defender of
a minimalist approach denounces enlisting sub-competences and advocates the
theory of two-fold translation competence consisting of only two skills, the abil-
ity to generate a series of more than one viable target text (TT1, TT2 ... TTn) for
a pertinent source text (ST) and the ability to select only one viable TT from this
series, quickly and with justified confidence (2003: 489). However, even this
standpoint corroborates the prevailing assumption that translation competence is
complex. No matter how many skills are encompassed in this concept, whether
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exist in isolation (Cao 2007: 50) and, similarly, when one variable is isolated the
rest is no longer complete.
Consequently, competences is not a suitable term when it comes to the dif-
ficult, “nondefinable concept” (Wills 1976) comprising all the necessary skills
that translators are obliged to have so as to deserve to be called competent or
proficient. The plural term competences may, however, be used to describe all
these skills as components of the concept behind this term. The components
cannot be separated and it should be reflected in the term chosen to delineate the
concept. The uniformity and inseparability may best be expressed by a term
equally uniform and inseparable, though complex, so definitely by a singular,
holistic term.
Having peremptorily elucidated the notion of competence, the time is ripe
for discussing the difference between and the validity of the abovementioned
attributives to the word competence: translation, translator and translator’s.
These three terms are often used interchangeably, for instance by Kiraly (1995),
but some scholars tend to confine to one of them, like Bell (1991) or Kelly
(2000), Way (2008) who decide to use the term translator competence or Alves
and Goncalves (2003) and Chesterman (2012) who refer to it as translator’s
competence. Others, like Shreve (1997) or Pym (2003) favour the term transla-
tion competence, although in 1991 Pym chose to call it translational competence
which is the term also used by Toury (1995) or Chesterman (1997). One more
term to describe this competence is transfer competence, used for instance by
Nord (1991) and interestingly, some scholars use a range of such comparable
terms to describe one notion but at various level of advancement. This is the case
with, for instance, Dimitrova who declares that “translation ability can develop
into translator competence, through formal learning and training and/or through
gaining practical professional experience. Translator competence can develop
into translation expertise” and elucidates further that “these are relative concepts,
of a prototypical nature, consisting of clusters of qualities and characteristics that
are typical to a higher or lower degree for a given category” (2005: 19).
So again, there is no need to opt for and stick to only one of these terms but
the difference, slight as it may seem, should be emphasized here. Dimitrova
believes that “translator competence is usually seen as a combination of various
competences or sub-competences, and the professional translator is generally
assumed to have gone through a developmental process affecting competences”
(2005: 13) so all the competences need to be considered through the translator
persona. This brings these two terms to an even wider discrepancy since assum-
ing that the competence is perceived through the translator and calling it transla-
tor competence implies that it has already been acquired and the translator pos-
sesses it; whereas the competence seen as a general notion described by the term
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References
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Paulina Pietrzak
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Borrowing from English – Some Implications for Transla-
tion and Translator Training
Jerzy Tomaszczyk
University of Łódź
tomas@uni.lodz.pl
Abstract: While English lexical influences in the languages of Europe and beyond are
on the rise, the integrity of Polish, for one, does not seem to be threatened, Nevertheless,
the growing number of regular loans as well as semantic effects – loan translations and
semantic extensions – and the changes the borrowed properties undergo in the host lan-
guage are bound to pose a challenge for (above all trainee) translators and interpreters.
The paper presents some new data illustrating the extent of English lexical imports in
Polish, discusses in some detail the nature of the problems they generate and provides
a set of recommendations for translator/interpreter training designed to help aspiring
language professionals deal with the relevant problems. Finally, a list of recent publica-
tions – teaching aids – is included.
Keywords: cross-linguistic influences, false friends, language contact, lexical borro-
wing, translation between Polish and English, vocabulary learning
1. Introduction
The Anglicization of European lexis is a fact of life ( Furiasi et al. 2012; Görlach
2003; C. Hoffmann 2000; Z. Hoffmann 2011; Fischer and Pułaczewska 2008)
and non-European languages are not immune either (Rosenhouse and Kowner
2008). While Polish started opening up to English quite some time ago (Walczak
1983; Mańczak-Wohlfeld 1987) sizable influence did not set in until about
WWII (Koneczna 1936/37; Fisiak 1961; Ropa 1974) and, as the process has only
been gaining momentum since then, it continues to attract the attention of nu-
merous scholars (e.g. Dylewski and Jagodziński 2012; Kaczmarska 2006;
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Figure 1. English lexical influences in the Polish press (percentages of total new vocabulary)
These and other data in the study referred to above, including evidence illustrat-
ing the incidence of English-origin vocabulary in Polish texts, written and con-
versational (Figure 2), appear to justify the conclusion that – contrary to popular
and media opinion – English lexical influence on contemporary Polish is super-
ficial and presents no threat to the integrity of the Polish language. (cf. also e.g.
Mańczak-Wohlfeld 2004; Zabawa 2011)
The figures in Figure 2 may seem small, but it should be kept in mind that the
loans are mostly content words, predominantly nouns (80 %+) and thus likely –
in some texts – to constitute a significant proportion of the meaning-conveying
items. Still, compared to what is reported for the other languages of Europe
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(Figure 3 below) Polish is roughly in the middle of the league table of English
lexical influences in European languages.
Figure 3. English loans in sixteen European languages (Görlach 2003:163f) (percentage share in
the total of 3,639 entries in Gőrlach's Dictionary of European Anglicisms, Görlach 2001):
Norwegian 75.7, German 71.7, Dutch 68.3, French 65.8, Italian 63.1, Polish 46.9, Russian 45.7,
Romanian 43.7, Croatian 43.6, Hungarian 43.4, Bulgarian 40.6, Spanish 40.5, Icelandic 39.5,
Greek, 39.0, Finnish 29.3, Albanian 15.5
The figures in Figure 3 mean that in terms of the evidence in Görlach's diction-
ary (2001 ) in the last decade of the 20th c. there were e.g. almost twice as many
English lexical loans in Norwegian as in Polish. NB. this is dictionary evidence,
not incidence data, i.e. types, not tokens (types are words as found in dictionar-
ies, while tokens are words in a text; for example, in the preceding sentence the
word in is used six times, i.e. there are six tokens of a single type).
In a study of English (phraseological) influences in another Scandinavian
language, Danish, Gottlieb (2012) presents evidence to demonstrate that – lin-
guistically – Denmark is approaching a diglossic situation, with English chang-
ing its status from foreign to second language, and suggests that other speech
communities are likely to follow suit (see also Phillipson 2007). The process
manifests itself in a steady increase in the extent of ‘invisible’ influences from
English, including – among others – semantically extended meanings of native
words and loan translations (see also McKenzie 2012). To see to what extent this
prediction holds true for Polish, I have examined two numerically roughly com-
parable subsamples of my English-lexical-influences-in-Polish data (To-
maszczyk 2012), one for 2007 and one for 2013.
In Table 1 below loanwords are English-origin items showing minimum as-
similation (adoption of Polish inflectional morphology does not count as evi-
dence of assimilation), while morphologically derived forms are items that have
been subject to derivational processes in Polish (in the utterances in which they
were found). A distinction is also made between items that were treated by the
speakers as if they drew no attention to themselves in any way, i.e. could be said
to be fully assimilated pragmatically and sociolinguistically (plain) and items
that were made to stand out from the stream of speech through the use of meta-
pragmatic markers such as so-called, so to speak, as they say, reformulation etc.,
e.g.
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1. ...z tego wynika, że państwo powinno się zaangażować w pomocy [sic!] tym
tak zwanym, obco brzmiąca nazwa startapom, prawda, czyli nowym fir-
mom, całkiem nowym firmom (M65, 10/1/14)
...it follows that the state should help these, so-called, foreign-sounding
name, start-ups, that is new businesses, entirely new businesses
2. …młodzi ludzie, oni są zdolni do zrobienia flaszmobu, czyli takiego ad hoc
rzuconego pomysłu żeby się zebrać, żeby szybko coś zrobić …
… young people, they are capable of having a flashmob, that is such an ad
hoc idea to come together and do something on the spur of the moment
(M65, 24/1/14)…
(see Tomaszczyk 2013 for details) (prominent). Note that the figures represent
tokens and that percentages are calculated relative to total numbers of lexical
influences in the two subsamples, i.e. N=1786 for 2007 and N=1698 for 2013.
The data in row 7 are totals of the figures in rows 5 and 6 (to permit comparabil-
ity with Table 2).
Table 1. Basic statistics for English lexical influences in conversational Polish in 2007 and 2013
2007 2013
(N=1786) (N=1698)
1. loanwords 1265 (70.83%) 1223 (72.03%)
2. derived 256 (14.33%) 238 (14.02%)
3. plain 951 (53.25%) 913 (53.77%)
4. prominent 570 (31.91%) 548 (32.27%)
5. loan translation 123 (6.89%) 136 (8.01%)
6. semantic extension 142 (7.95%) 101 (5.95%)
7. 5+6 265 (14.84%) 237 (13.96%)
For comparison, Table 2 presents relevant data from an earlier study (To-
maszczyk in press) for loanwords, morphologically derived forms,
and combined figures for loan translations and semantic extensions (correspond-
ing to row 7 in Table 1). The comparability of the two sets of data (Tables 1 and
2) is limited because the earlier work (in press) focused on written texts and
dictionary words (types). As can be seen, the comparison is nevertheless inter-
esting. To make comparison easier, the relevant figures for 2007 and 2013 are
also included.
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Table 2. Basic data for English lexical influences in the Polish press over 1972-2005 (percentages
relative to total number of English lexical influences in the given period)
1972-81 1985-92 1993- 2001- 2007 2013
2000 2005
N=256 N=246 N=237 N=252 N=1786 N=1698
1. loanwords 25% 30.08% 45.15% 55.16% 70.83 % 72.03%
2. derived 66.40% 56.1% 41.77% 31.74% 14.33% 14.02%
7. 5+6 8.59% 13.92% 13.08% 13.1% 14.84% 13.96%
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As can be seen, with the exception of column 1 in Table 2, the figures for
‘invisible’ influences are surprisingly stable and low. In other words, for Polish,
things don't seem to be working out the way one would expect on the basis of
Western European trends, at least not quite yet. Nevertheless, overall numbers
illustrating English lexical influence on Polish seem to be growing: Mańczak-
Wohlfeld’s first glossary of English loans in Polish (1994) listed ca. 1600 items,
while her 2010 work lists more than 3000 items (semantic phenomena are not
included in either).
Table 3. Type/token data for loan translations and semantic extensions in 2007 and 2013
2007 2013
loan translations
number of types/tokens 80/123 111/136
tokens/types 1.557 1.225
type/token ratio 0.65 0.82
single tokens/all types=% 60/80 =75 % 96/111=86.48%
semantic extensions
number of types/tokens 49/142 55/101
tokens/types 2.88 1.84
type/token ratio 0.345 0.544
single tokens/all types=% 34/49=69.39% 40/55=72.72%
The argument advanced in this work is that – whatever the details of the situa-
tion in a particular speech community – the growing presence of English in the
languages of Europe is bound to pose a challenge for translators and interpreters,
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especially for trainee translators and interpreters. The reason is, very briefly, that
sooner or later the borrowed properties assume a life of their own in the host
language/community and gradually acquire characteristics that make them more
or less different from those they had/continue to have in the donor language
leading to the rise of deceptive cognates (faux amis) (cf. e.g. Beeching 2010;
Chamizo-Dominguez and Nerlich 2002; Krzeszowski 2000; Lauwers, Van-
derbauwhede and Verleyn 2010; Wełna 1977; see also the online bibliography at
www.uni-bonn.de/~dbuncic/ffbib).
That contact related phenomena, some of which in some contexts are often
referred to as cross-linguistic influence, transfer, or interference, play a role in
foreign/second language learning and translation/interpreting, including – in
particular – novice translation/interpreting, has been recognized for a long time,
and that role may be negative as well as beneficial (cf. e.g. Capelle and Loock
2013; Chamizo-Domínguez 2010; Granger 1993; Jarvis and Pavlenko 2008;
Jarvis 2011; Malkiel 2009; Nuccorini 2006; Paquot 2013; Podhajecka 2013;
Ringbom and Jarvis 2009; Tercedor 2010; Wolter and Gyllstad 2011; Zethsen
2004). Again very briefly, the effect seems to be beneficial at the earliest stages
of FL learning, when the problem for the learner is to acquire FL forms, above
all lexical, and that is also the main focus of the teaching effort. Hence the rele-
vance of the concept of latent bilingualism, first proposed in Poland by Rusiecki
(1980) – discussed extensively in Majer 1983: 57ff – and more recently translat-
ed into a learning tool by Otwinowska-Kasztelanic (2004), the point being that
before a speaker of Polish even starts learning English he or she already
“knows” quite a number of English words first because of the common Europe-
an linguistic heritage and also because of borrowing – direct or indirect – from
English. The same holds – except to a much greater extent – for more closely
related language pairs. On the other hand, as the learner becomes more and more
comfortable with his/her English and starts producing more sophisticated, origi-
nal texts, oral or written, where meaning comes to the fore, problems are likely
to start cropping up.
Those problems are related – among others – to the existence of lexical
items which are similar or very similar between the speaker’s (writer’s, transla-
tor’s) languages. The similarity is responsible for what is known as cognate fa-
cilitation effect, which means that bilingual/multilingual speakers recog-
nize/access cognates faster than non-cognates. The facilitation effect seems to be
the more pronounced the greater the similarity (Bultena et al. 2013; Kroll and
Dijkstra 2010). Details of how the bilingual mental lexicon works need not con-
cern us here, especially as the jury is still out on that; recent treatments include
Cook and Bassetti 2011; de Groot 2011; Grosjean and Li 2013; Kroll and Her-
mans 2011.
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If similar forms tend to become activated at the same time, then the initial
problem of form acquisition in the early stages of FL learning gradually gives
way to a problem – at later stages – of how to keep the two sets of words – one
for L1 and one for L2 – apart or, more precisely, how to constrain the surfacing
of non-target – unintended – items (cf. the inhibitory control mechanism dis-
cussed by Kroll and Dijkstra 2010 and by Michael and Gollan 2005; cf. also
Denes 2011: 185).
Below are a few examples illustrating the kind of translation problem in re-
cent student assignments that inspired the present work.
3. English original
... when you understand how beautifully Arabic fits together – why the
root meaning ‘west’ leads to the words for ‘sunset’ and ‘strange’ – the
sense of illumination is sublimely satisfying.
Polish translation of the italicized fragment
...sens tego przykładu sprawi ci niesamowitą przyjemność.
English back-translation
… the meaning of this example will give you indescribable joy.
4. Their owner is a DJ who has made a career out of his enthusiasm …
… który zrobił karierę dzięki swojemu entuzjazmowi
… who achieved outstanding success in his job thanks to his enthusiasm
5. ‘There is nothing I can do to top him’, one says in a resigned sort of way, all
fight knocked out of him
...każda walka kończy się jego nokautem
...any fight ends with him getting knocked out
6. The security mindset occasionally veers into the absurd.
To właśnie nastawienie ochrony zmierza do absurdu.
It is precisely the security (men’s) attitude that tends to the absurd.
What all four examples demonstrate is not just how easy it is to fall victim to
deceptive cognates, but that – more importantly – some people have no problem
according keyword status to a falsely identified ‘equivalent’ and building a story
around it. Also notable is that equivalence appears to be equated first of all with
lexical equivalence and that it does not seem to bother the translators that the
stories they invent do not fit in very well with the source texts or, as in the case
of example 3, the translation does not make much sense. In the first three cases
words in the English texts were identified with their Polish counterparts, viz. E
sense – P sense (= meaning); E career – P kariera, as in zrobić karierę = achieve
professional success; E knock out vb – P nokaut n = a knock-out, as in boxing. In
example 6 the relevant source text fragment refers to the US immigration offic-
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word level, it is useful to keep in mind that each use of a word is a new
phase in that form’s existence, at least a tiny bit different from all previ-
ous uses. In the majority of cases this is due simply to context effects –
again, every context of use is different from all the other ones – and thus
the newness is typically unintentional but there is room here for deliber-
ate action: Dennis Preston (e.g. 2013) has been promoting language re-
gard for what is otherwise known as language attitudes, François
Grosjean (2008) has been promoting guest-words for borrow-
ings/loanwords, while in translation teaching circles the more traditional
form translator training is gradually giving way to the (justified) dis-
tinction translator training vs translator education. Closer to everyday
life, the Polish bishops – and some MPs – have recently gone to consid-
erable lengths to make P gender (based on E gender) a dirty word.
(iii) In particular, considering the very unstable – or dynamic – nature of one
subset of Polish lexicon, i.e. borrowings from English as presented at the
beginning of this paper, time would be well spent if students were made
aware of the fate of the foreign element in Polish (progressive assimila-
tion, calquing, semantic extension). The teaching/learning aids that exist
would be a good starting point (e .g. Douglas-Kozlowska 1998; Korzen-
iowska 1998; Thornbury 2002; cf. also Review of practice materials
below) but the rate of change here is such that standard descriptive work
is unlikely to keep pace, although time is not the only factor here: more
than 20 per cent of the attestations of P gentleman/dżentelmen (from
E gentleman) in my 2006-2007 data had negative semantic prosody
(Lewandowska-Tomaszczyk and Tomaszczyk 2008), a finding that is
not reflected in dictionaries, and the word has been around in Polish for
several decades.
The situation does call for some consciousness raising and mindful-
ness work (cf. e.g. Jimėnez Ivars and Pinazo Calatayud 2013; Leow and
Bowles 2005; Wilss 1997). In addition to helping translation trainees
handle potential problems with better known types of foreign influence
viz. loans, assimilated and unassimilated, calques and semantic exten-
sions (for useful tips cf. Rivers and Temperley 1978/1981: 190ff; and
Hatch and Brown 1995 passim), the training should also include less
numerous categories such as false loans, hybrids, loan creations and loan
renditions e.g. smoking for dinner jacket, spot for a piece of advertising,
real for real life, or “real” reality, as opposed to virtual reality, komiks
for comic strip, or P stop, from EuroEnglish autostop for hitchhiking.
Obviously there is little chance of this type of influence coming up in
L2-L1 translation but it does surface in L2 writing and in L1-L2 transla-
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tion (cf. e.g. Dodds 1999). If – as is reported – such problem words are
sometimes avoided, that must apply to those cases where the stu-
dent/speaker/writer knows they are dealing with potential confusion (cf.
Meara 1993: 283; Malkiel 2009). Indeed, Kussmaul (1995: 18f) talks of
excessive fear of interference and regards it as a side-effect of teaching,
where students – faced with repeated warnings – develop avoidance
strategies to stay out of trouble. One cannot but agree with Colina's view
(2003: 37) that it is up to the teachers/translator trainers to explain and
raise students’ awareness and, more generally – and more basically –
help the students gradually shift from “heavy bottom-up orientation” in
text processing to a more balanced strategy , i.e. balanced between bot-
tom up and top down, giving due consideration to discourse and prag-
matic properties of texts (Colina op. cit,, Tirkkonen-Condit 1992:439;
cf. also recommendation (i) above), both SL and TL texts I would add
(on the last point cf. also Barbe 2000).
With respect to lexical problems involving cognates it is interesting
that a highly positive long-term effect of explicit instruction has been
observed (Perhan 2008, summarized in Helms-Park and Dronjić 2013),
and it has been suggested that “cognates be made a centerpiece of Eng-
lish instruction for Hispanic children in the USA” because of the extent
of lexical similarity between Spanish and English (Bravo et al. 2006,
summarized in Helms-Park and Dronjić 2013; cf. also Otwinowska-
Kasztelanic 2007).
One type of questionable lexical behaviour one does come across in
L2 writing and in L1-L2 translation is what looks like ad hoc morpho-
logical creativity based on the assumption that if there is e.g. a Latin-
based Polish form, there must be a corresponding form in English, as in
the case of (putative) E *metropoly, for metropolis, based on
P metropolia, E *pretendent, for candidate, based on P pretendent, or
E * politic for politician, based on P polityk. Such behaviour is by no
means restricted to general vocabulary and classroom contexts: in her
discussion of legal translation Matulewska 2013: Section 4.5 (165-179)
implies that problems of the kind presented here are due to insufficient
subject-matter knowledge on the part of the translator, but she does not
illustrate the point with real life examples. Suzan Šarčević (1997), on the
other hand, reviews the evolution of legal systems and legal translation
in bilingual countries together with problems generated by the insistence
on literal translation, first lexical then syntactic, which had its roots in
antiquity and affected, among others, the translation of religious texts
(pp. 24ff) (see however Lavigne 2006 for a critique). In a discussion of
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7. English original
Loosen the screws in the holder and remove every piece of the old wire;
wipe off the sooty deposit before replacing the burnt wire with a new
piece of correct strength.
Polish translation
...przed zastąpieniem przepalonego bezpiecznika na nowy
o odpowiednim natężeniu.
English back translation
...before replacing the burnt fuse with a new one of correct strength.
The text – Repairing a fuse – comes from an old handyman’s encyclopedia and
concerns fuses that went out of use many years ago. In England it was once pos-
sible to buy fuse wire for DIY repairs, while in Poland one was supposed to
replace them, never to fix them. The student would have known none of that so,
most likely, she consulted with her father or grandfather and wrote what she had
been told, not what the ST would have justified.
It could be argued that the effects of massive exposure to L2 texts would not
be easy to test. Informally, and with the present paper in mind, I have gone
through a sizable volume of essays written by Łódź University’s middle-tier
English literature scholars, all in their thirties, and have found nothing worth
quoting here: those people have spent years reading and they have all also taught
advanced-level English, mostly composition. This could be dismissed as an ex-
ception, but it does not invalidate the point that extensive exposure is good for
FL proficiency and performance.
(v) Consciousness or awareness raising, mentioned above, would also have
to include purely (historical) linguistic considerations to the effect that
foreign language material in host language environment, most obviously
lexical, starts out typically as an ad hoc answer to a communication need
of one kind or another and is then either discarded as nonce formation
and/or quote or else it is picked up by other speakers/writers and eventu-
ally ends up in host language dictionaries, a circumstance generally rec-
ognized as proof of its legitimacy. Of the ca. 1000 English-origin items
in a sample of new lexis in the Polish press 1972-2005 only about 16 per
cent found their way into the Mańczak-Wohlfeld 2010 Anglicisms dic-
tionary (Tomaszczyk in press).
Strictly speaking, such is the nature of language and human com-
munication that any linguistic item at any point of its existence is subject
to forces that push it in one direction or another as part of something that
is called linguistic evolution, an ongoing process. The more people use
it, the higher its frequency, the more likely it is to change, and change
here is inevitable. The question for the translator to answer him- or her-
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self is whether they want to initiate change, reflect it, or resist it, all
three options being equally available (cf. House 2011: 204-5; see also
Benhamida 1993; Baumgarten and Ȍzçetin 2008; Bennet 2011; Kranich
et al. 2011; Loock 2013). Responsible decisions of this kind require
a certain amount of self-reflection and self-confidence, but above all
knowledge and understanding of what is going on around them as con-
text for each text they work with and – more broadly – as input out of
which intuitions are built (cf. Lewandowska-Tomaszczyk 2010). This
too is an ongoing process. What I have in mind in particular amounts to
day-to-day monitoring of the translator’s or translation trainee’s lan-
guages: this, by itself, is bound to open their eyes and minds also to the
underlying language variation and change processes that surface-level
micro events exemplify, but this would be even more likely to take place
if appropriate stimulation were provided while they are still in training;
a wealth of very relevant and useful ideas, advice and suggestions for
classroom activities and self study aimed at developing metalinguistic
awareness can be found e.g. in Thornbury 1997; Carter et al. 1997, and
Albu 2005, the theoretical underpinnings are dealt with inter alia in van
Lier 1996; van Lier and Corson 1997; Jessner 2006, and in various pub-
lications by Svalberg, e.g. 2012, while a piece focusing on translation
practice is Ehrensberger-Dow and Perrin 2009.
The language watching desideratum is all the more relevant in view
of the inexorable – it seems – rise of lingua franca English (Motschen-
bacher 2013); the consequences of this development for translation prac-
tice may be difficult to predict at present, but it does not look like a fad
that will soon go away (Hewson 2013; House 2013).
While Hatch and Brown (1995: 126-132, 136-138, 142-144, 181-188, 304-306)
is an extensive – and excellent – review of practically-oriented research involv-
ing various languages, it is clear that classroom practice and self-study materials
can only be truly relevant if they target a specific language pair (cf. Hatch and
Brown 1995: 130f, based on Nash 1978).
The exercises and activities that have been developed specifically for speak-
ers of Polish learning English – included in the volumes presented below – could
equally well be of use to speakers of English struggling with Polish.
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2013), these calls must be hitting fertile ground, for research shows that lan-
guage students have been quick to embrace new technologies both in and outside
the classroom (Grgurović et al. 2013; Sockett 2013; Steel and Levy 2013).
A catalogue of free/open-source software for the translation classroom is ap-
pended to Flórez and Alcina 2011. Furthermore, rather than making human in-
volvement in translation superfluous, the new technologies are making it more
demanding, albeit different (cf. e.g. Toudic 2014; Garcia 2012). This makes the
recommendations discussed above all the more justified.
NB. The terms interference, deceptive cognates (faux amis/false friends) as
well as problems, fall victim to, which appear in the present text, represent
a well-established tradition of talking/writing about the phenomena of interest.
They all imply that something undesirable or inappropriate is going on and such
indeed is the widespread – popular and media – perception of the external mani-
festations of bilingualism. Among those who study these phenomena the view is
gaining ground that bi- and multilinguals simply have richer speech repertoires
and – quite naturally – they tend to take advantage of the full range of linguistic
means they have at their disposal (cf. the extended discussion in MacKenzie
2012 and the references therein; see also Grosjean 2008). It is nevertheless the
case that language mixing and code switching have a bad reputation – another
fact of life – hence the large number of metapragmatic phenomena accompany-
ing the use of foreign lexical material (row 4, Table 1).
5. Conclusion
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References
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Bultena, Sybrine, Ton Dijkstra, and Janet G. van Hell. 2013. “Cognate and word class
ambiguity effects in noun and verb processing”. Language and cognitive processes
28/9:1350-1377.
Cappelle, Bert and Rudy Loock. 2013. “Is there interference of usage constraints?
A frequency study of existential there is and its French equivalent il y a in translat-
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Index
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Index
dubbing, 187, 190, 191, 192, 193, 200, interpreting, 8, 10, 34, 144, 161, 187,
202, 203, 219 192, 197, 198, 201, 249, 266, 303,
304, 305, 306, 309, 310, 311, 312,
empirical studies, 303 313, 314, 317, 327, 330, 343
English, 38, 49 intertextuality, 9, 23, 24, 195, 225, 255
entrenchment, 39, 54 intonation, 308
eponyms, 7, 273, 276, 282, 293
equivalence, 5, 7, 9, 10, 11, 12, 14, 18, lacunae, 56, 236
19, 21, 22, 25, 33, 36, 38, 39, 42, language competence, 197, 311, 315,
43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 50, 53, 55, 56, 320, 321
60, 61, 96, 109, 121, 122, 125, legal language, 254
148, 149, 174, 188, 215, 218, 247, Lewandowska-Tomaszczyk, B., 39, 50
249, 250, 260, 262, 263, 265, 268, limits of translation, 225, 228
274, 305, 323, 344, 345, 348 linguistic untranslatability, 67, 73, 107,
error, 209, 292, 312, 335, 345 108
established equivalents, 119, 137, 262 literal translation, 5, 55, 58, 88, 89, 99,
explicitation, 25, 167, 169, 173, 174, 107, 111, 120, 121, 122, 128, 229,
177, 179, 180, 181, 286 237, 265, 279, 292, 347
literary translation, 7, 18, 44, 57, 71,
Fauconnier, G., 49 148, 185, 199, 225, 234, 238, 239
Fellbaum, C., 39, 49 Lutzeier, P., 50
foreignization, 43, 260
frames, 9, 11, 19, 38, 153 machine translation, 6, 206, 207, 208,
frequency of use, 9, 32, 46 209, 220, 221
frequency spectrum,, 166 medical terminology, 274, 275, 276,
functional equivalents, 134, 256, 261 279, 280, 281, 297
medical translation, 7, 273, 274, 275,
gavagai, 14, 15, 17 276, 279, 290, 291, 292, 293, 296
gender, 27, 56, 67, 68, 70, 71, 72, 90, memory, 211, 223, 303, 306, 308, 310,
174, 225, 239, 240, 261, 341 326, 327
gender in translation, 225 mental spaces, 9, 19, 20
gender mismatch, 71 metaphor, 6, 143, 145, 150, 151, 153,
granularity, 21, 36, 143, 146, 153, 269 156
minimalistic approach, 315, 320
heteroglossia, 225, 226, 241, 242 modulation, 5, 20, 56, 60
multimodality, 6, 7, 187, 197
iconicity, 143, 147, 152
image schema, 143, 151 neologisms, 28, 29, 31, 67, 99
indefiniteness, 68, 178 number, 6, 10, 18, 22, 23, 32, 36, 38,
indeterminacy, 5, 9, 14, 178, 225, 236, 43, 44, 49, 61, 67, 68, 69, 81, 92,
238, 240, 249 120, 126, 127, 132, 143, 146, 148,
interpreter, 8, 61, 121, 192, 303, 304, 151, 154, 163, 164, 165, 166, 167,
305, 306, 307, 308, 310, 311, 312, 168, 170, 171, 178, 182, 198, 206,
327, 330, 334, 337 210, 211, 217, 218, 231, 253, 256,
368
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Index
273, 274, 275, 279, 282, 283, 284, re-conceptualization, 5, 6, 9, 18, 20, 29,
286, 288, 292, 303, 305, 306, 309, 40, 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 151, 152
311, 316, 320, 323, 337, 341, 342, register, 37, 46, 165, 185, 254, 257,
343, 351, 353 268, 305, 323
Relevance Theory, 192
oblique translation, 53, 55, 59 reproduction, 107, 123, 124, 125, 126,
oligosemy, 67, 73, 74 129, 130, 132, 205, 235
omission, 131, 132, 179, 312 respeaking, 187, 192, 201
ontologies, 35, 36
ontology, 36 semantic prosody, 9, 46, 346
semantics, 9, 10, 13, 21, 23, 26, 27, 35,
paratextual elements, 11 39, 46, 58, 113, 143, 145, 147, 152
performance, 8, 76, 145, 215, 216, 249, simplification, 41, 153, 170, 173, 174,
305, 308, 310, 311, 312, 315, 316, 177, 179, 181, 264, 283
319, 321, 326, 333, 349 skill, 305, 315, 316, 317, 322, 330, 331
perlocutionary effects, 12, 21 Skopos theory, 13, 107, 109, 223
perspective, 5, 6, 11, 20, 38, 55, 60, 62, sociolect, 9
108, 143, 145, 146, 148, 149, 153, speech acts, 9, 12
174, 176, 188, 190, 191, 194, 195, subcompetence, 315, 320
197, 258, 261, 285, 297, 312, 321, subtitling, 63, 153, 155, 187, 189, 190,
326, 328, 333 191, 192, 193, 194, 198, 199, 201,
Pig Latin, 137 202, 203, 219, 328
play on words, 11, 75, 76, 77, 86, 97 S-universals,, 174
poetic function of language, 225 surtitling, 187, 189, 194, 201
Polish, 38 syntagmatic translation, 126, 136
polysemy, 27, 37, 39, 67, 73, 74, 92,
273 terminology, 7, 31, 39, 50, 64, 69, 168,
prominence, 143, 146, 152, 153, 247 177, 206, 210, 211, 218, 247, 248,
prosody, 46, 306, 308 249, 252, 255, 256, 257, 262, 264,
puns, 6, 11, 20, 24, 67, 75, 76, 77, 78, 267, 268, 271, 273, 275, 276, 279,
79, 80, 81, 82, 83, 84, 85, 87, 92, 281, 285, 290, 291, 305, 320
93, 94, 96, 97 terminology management, 210, 211,
218, 271
qualitative methods, 159, 163, 164, terms, 5, 7, 9, 11, 12, 13, 15, 16, 20, 22,
168, 171, 172, 176, 179, 182, 311 25, 31, 32, 34, 35, 36, 37, 38, 39,
quality, 13, 147, 178, 196, 205, 206, 40, 45, 47, 55, 57, 63, 73, 76, 96,
207, 208, 209, 210, 212, 215, 216, 99, 107, 118, 120, 121, 126, 133,
217, 218, 221, 227, 228, 231, 248, 143, 144, 147, 148, 150, 153, 162,
262, 263, 265, 268, 274, 284, 285, 163, 164, 167, 168, 169, 171, 173,
291, 292, 293, 303, 307, 311, 312 175, 178, 181, 191, 192, 195, 207,
quantitative methods, 159, 164, 167, 210, 211, 212, 218, 219, 234, 249,
180, 268 250, 252, 253, 254, 255, 256, 257,
258, 260, 261, 262, 263, 264, 267,
realia, 114, 117, 118, 119 270, 273, 275, 277, 278, 279, 280,
369
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Index
281, 282, 283, 297, 309, 319, 329, translator competence, 8, 291, 315, 330,
330, 331, 332, 339, 341, 348, 353 331, 332
tertium comparationis, 9, 10, 13, 16, transposition, 5, 27, 56, 59, 60, 120,
17, 50 265
Think Aloud Protocol (TAP), 315 T-universals, 174
transfer competence, 315, 323, 325, 332
translation competence, 8, 315, 316, unit of translation, 53, 55
317, 318, 319, 320, 321, 322, 323, untranslatability, 73, 74, 107, 108, 110,
324, 325, 326, 327, 328, 330, 331, 114, 132, 225, 235
332, 333 user-friendliness, 7, 273, 282, 283
translation memory, 156, 207, 210, 211,
218, 268 verbalization, 310, 315
translation procedures, 5, 6, 53, 54, 55, visual, 6, 11, 19, 145, 147, 187, 188,
56, 58, 59, 63, 264, 348 189, 192, 193, 195, 196, 197, 198,
translation shifts, 53, 54, 55, 62 219, 226, 227, 304
translation strategies, 7, 9, 25, 41, 53, voice-over, 123, 187, 190, 191, 192,
167, 174, 177, 178, 222, 260, 291 194, 198, 203, 328
translation style, 159, 160, 172, 175,
176, 177, 178, 182 wordlist, 165, 166, 180
translation universals, 159, 160, 168, wordplay, 20, 67, 74, 75, 76, 77, 78, 82,
172, 175, 177, 179, 182, 184 83, 84, 85, 86, 87, 88, 89, 90, 91,
93, 96, 97, 98, 99, 196
370
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