Thomas Heck - Giuliani Bio
Thomas Heck - Giuliani Bio
https://archive.org/details/maurogiulianivirOO0OOheck
RO123 42394
FORM 19
Mauro Giuliani:
Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
MUSIG INFORMATION CENTER
VISUAL & PERFORMING ARTS
EXIZSAGO FPUSLIC LIBRARY
a PSST
PRAY
Dedicated to friends of the guitar and
of Giuliani s music the world over.
Mauro Giuliant:
Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
Thomas F. Heck
| Editions Orphée
Columbus
Copyright © 1995 by Editions Orphée, Inc.
Heck, Thomas F.
Mauro Giuliani : virtuoso guitarist and composer / Thomas F. Heck.
Da ecm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
Contents: Mauro Giuliani : a documentary biography — The
compositions of Mauro Giuliani — Checklist of the works of Mauro
Giuliani.
ISBN 0-936186-87-9
1. Giuliani, Mauro, 1781-1829. 2. Giuliani, Mauro, 1781-1829-
Bibliography. 3. Composers—Italy—Biography. 4. Composers-
Italy—Bibliography. 5. Guitarists—Italy—Biography. I. Title.
ML410.G395H42 1995
781.87,022de20
[B] 95-17327
Cir
MN
ROLI23 42394
MUSIG INFORMATION
CENTER
VIBUAL & PERFORMI
NG ARTS
EHIGAGO PUSLIe LIBRARY
Table of Contents
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OVEN
OTI Gamce attr toe Oa MAST MRA Ser Pea ea eS Ae GM EE, Xi
MCRBODMed INCHIS, ADDTEUIGHIONS ©. pl: extn ee ee Xiv
6.1.4. Remarks on the works with and without opus number Op tele get Pewee y ue’ Wwe le. je) ple
6.2.3 Duets for melody instrument and guitar et Fei pa) (eis (eip Merde Ce; ley vey ei “Wel reniiauy ele:
6.2.4 Duets for two guitars Ca ee en ee Me en enero Tech aty oul CeO © Gey
6.2.5 Works for solo guitar Ce tk i a eat Ge CTE Tey Pe CMe och ON cho a ep rye i Om Aad
‘Transcriptions
The Rossiniane i ee ee wee eee eT CMeCe tr ym ere Po) My) xe
08 lel Quer Tome (el Pel ene 6) emis Ee. enuieil fsiu\ ag. Seuicemis me ants
The “Guitarism”
Ook KORNSISite hl ye Ae en, 1 ae a Aen ee er ae 192
AD PENA CES Spe a eye hry nas xtGOA Sraainida APaDS erga eee aa DROS Wee! ae 231
Appendix I — Source documents in original languages ........ 233
Appendix II— Formal diagrams of the first movement of each of
nilianre three concertos, 2.05). o7 8.4 OA ae eee ee 259
Appendix III — Giuliani’s Op. 49,
Dix Variations ond bin oKonibauern Bupe— 5 ee a 262
Appendix IV — Samples of Giuliani’s autograph hand:
i excerpe of tne score of Op.i47. Patt 1, NO! jo. ciate 268
B - Excerpt of Giuliani’s letter to Domenico Artaria,
GUneU eu EP tekO27 vege cat em cee en ete eet ones 269
Appendix V —Layout and Pagination of The Giultaniad
CGRdOn nea ere)hn Saree ero ee a a) ule A. outa oer eter 270
DElCCHVGMSIMNOC TON. great mR nde cu rkcy oan unites orem oye 271
Mie xn Prel ete eee ryt sare aoa) Se os eat teta tes Ue ees i Ble 2h
List of Illustrations
Portrait Engraved portrait of Mauro Giuliani published in Vienna by Artaria
& Comp. The artist was Philipp von Stubenrauch (1784-1848) and the
engraver was Johann-Friedrich
Jiigel (dates unknown.) Datable c.1815(?).
Figure A Baptismal act of Michele [Michel] Giuliani, son of Mauro, from the
baptismal registry of the Church of Santa Maria in Barletta (baptised
20 May 1801). II
Figure B Author standing (in December 1985) at the front door of the Church
of Sant’Adoeno, Bisceglie, where Mauro Giuliani was baptised.
Figure C Baptismal font in the Church of Sant’Adoeno, presumed to date from
the mth century. Mauro Giuliani would probably have been baptised
here.
Figure D Baptismal act of Mauro Giuliani, from the baptismal registry of the
Church of Sant’Adoeno in Bisceglie (baptised 28 July 1781).
Figure E Birds-eye view of Bisceglie, as rendered in an engraving of 1703.
Figure F Late eighteenth-century etching of the town of Bisceglie, as seen
from the land.
Figure G View of Barletta in 1845.
Figure H Early classic guitar, of the type Giuliani would have played. Built by
G.B. Fabricatore, Naples, 1791. This instrument was originally de-
signed and constructed for six single strings and has not been altered.
Stockholm, Musikhistoriska Museet.
FigureJ View of Vienna at the beginning of the 19th century [date?], from an
engraving published by the firm of Giovanni Cappi, Vienna.
Figure K Title page ofthe first edition of Giuliani’s Opus 27, Romance de Marie
Louise au berceau de son fils, published in June 1811 by Artaria & Comp.
Figure L First-edition title page for Hummel’s Grandes Sérénades, published in
Vienna in 1815, and dedicated to Count Franz Palfty. The concertante
guitar parts for these works, soon to be known as Hummel’s Op. 63
and 66, were composed by Mauro Giuliani. 66
Figure M Enlargement of the title-page engraving, intended to recall the
premiere performances of the Grandes Sérénades at Count Palffy’s
musical soirées in the gardens of the Schonbriinn Palace, in the spring
of 1815. 67
Figure N Equestrian statue recalled in the foregoing engraving, still standing in
the Schénbriinn gardens in Vienna (photograph courtesy Astrid Stem-
pnik). 67
Figure O Title page of the Methode de Guittarre par musique et tablature...(Paris,
1773), attributed to B. D. C., but popularly known today as the
“Bailleux” method, after its publisher. 142
Foreword
‘Liss recognition and renown that the name Mauro Giuliani (1781-1829) has enjoyed
in the latter twentieth century, thanks largely to the live and recorded performances
of his music, is certainly very gratifying to those of us who have worked to facilitate
the rediscovery of this pivotal guitarist/composer. Accolades such as “the divine
Giuliani” and “the Orpheus of Apulia” are not wasted on this figure, who was held in
high esteem by Beethoven, Hummel, Moscheles, Weber, Rossini, Paganini, and many
other famous musicians of his day.
Giuliani’s guitar concertos and his chamber music, not to mention the many
guitar solos he composed, now are heard almost daily on classical radio stations the
world over. Lately we have even begun to enjoy performances of Giuliani’s music on
original or replica early-nineteenth-century guitars—the kind he himself might have
used. How do we account for this remarkable surge in interest in a composer whose
name does not even appear once in the basic music history textbooks currently in use
in the United States?!
The proliferation of recordings and performances of music by any “historical”
composer, whether Hildegard of Bingen, Clara Schumann, Mauro Giuliani, or Scott
Joplin, is usually the end-product of a long process of studying, unearthing, identify-
ing, editing and publishing. The fruit (the live performance) doesn’t come without
the tree and its sometimes tangled, often obscure roots. Giuliani’s “roots,” we now
realize, were set in the soil of a particularly fertile musical epoch—Viennese classi-
cism. And they were nourished with Italian lyricism.
Pursuing our horticultural analogy: If we liken the knowledge of this guitar-
ist/composer and his work to the cultivation of a garden, it would be fair to say that
the general contours of “the garden of Giuliani research” were laid out and its ground
was broken by this writer in 1968-70, with an ambitious doctoral dissertation,?
graciously supported in part by a Fulbright grant to Vienna. It is not without reason
' Neither Giuliani nor even the term “guitar” appear in the indexes of either4History of
Western Music, by Donald Jay Grout and Claude V. Palisca, 4th ed. (New York: Norton,
1988) or The Development of Western Music: a History by K. Marie Stolba (Dubuque, IA:
Wm. C. Brown, 1990).
* It had a long, descriptive title, intentionally rich in key-words or descriptors but
decidedly not elegant: “The Birth of the Classic Guitar and its Cultivation in Vienna,
Reflected in the Career and Compositions of Mauro Giuliani (d.1829)” (Yale University,
1970). It is abbreviated HeckDiss throughout the present work.
that German scholars call the product of one’s doctoral research an Inaugural-D1s-
sertation. It inaugurates not only the scholar, but also (with any luck) the topic.
Judging from the quantity of additional research which Giuliani's life and works have
engendered (not to say “necessitated”) over the last quarter-century, it seems likely
that my much-quoted (and often misquoted) dissertation has served a useful inaugu-
ral purpose.
Carrying the analogy forward: It would probably be safe to say, in retrospect, that
the “garden of Giuliani research,” as surveyed and planted in 1970, had a few good
trees and perennials which have stood the test of time. The thematic catalogue of
Giuliani’s works (shall we call it an “orchard?”) was reasonably complete, as a first
attempt; it is still useful today. The documentation provided on the composer's life
(the “vegetable plot?”) remains well-rooted and productive, despite the weeds here
and there (for which, duly chastened, I issued an errata list in January 1976, and which
other scholars have since updated in significant ways). And its “Research Bibliog-
raphy” has been a springboard for a wide range of subsequent studies. But there were
still a fair number of bare spots—ground left uncovered, wittingly or otherwise—in
this thesis, crying out for further cultivation.
Perhaps the most important “visiting gardener” in this plot, during the decade of
the 1980s, was Brian Jeffery. He managed to reissue in facsimile Giuliani’s complete
works in early or first editions, with Tecla Editions of London (here abbreviated
GCW). The prefaces which Dr. Jeffery provided for the thirty-eight volumes of this
set (the thirty-ninth being a splendid introduction and indexes) are models of analytic
bibliography, adding much to our collective knowledge of Giuliani’s compositional
achievement and of the vagaries of early-nineteenth-century music publishing prac-
tices.
The 1990s have witnessed a long-awaited surge in Giuliani research by a new
generation of well-trained Italian scholars, who have pruned and replanted the
“garden” here and there in ways that only co-nationals would be capable of. Marco
Riboni’s two searching articles entitled “Mauro Giuliani: un aggiornamento bi-
ografico” (“a biographical update,” here abbreviated RiboniAgg, I and I),3 while not
without inaccuracies, offer welcome new information and insights into the com-
poser’s life. Riboni’s complete transcriptions of seven of Giuliani’s surviving letters
have certainly influenced my latest thoughts on, and English translations of, these
documents. Even the “orchard” itself (my thematic catalogue of Giuliani’s works) has
grown recently, with the identification by Mario Torta, a noted Carulli scholar, of
some eighteen previously unknown editions of Giuliani’s music, issued by the Nea-
politan firm of Girard & Co. during the composer's final years in that city.4
See i/ ‘Fronimo’ no. 81 (Oct 1992): 41-60 and no. 82 (Jan 1993): 33-51.
4
“Le edizioni napoletane di Mauro Giuliani,” i/ ‘Fronimo’ no. 87 (Apr/Jun 1994): 12-34.
The guitarist Filippo Eduardo Araniti has also brought to light some of the Girard
Xil
Clearly it is now time to revisit the life and works of Giuliani in the hope of
reviewing and acknowledging in one convenient and well-indexed book the old and
the new, the false and the true. It is fortunate that this long-overdue, much revised
and expanded account of the pioneering guitarist/composer did not see light sooner,
or it would have missed the major findings of the new Italian guitar scholarship.
Readers familiar with my quarter-century-old dissertation (HeckDiss) will, on read-
ing the present text, readily appreciate the manifold ways in which the wait was worth
it. It is certain, however, that despite my own best efforts and those of many other
researchers here and abroad to date, there will be new discoveries which will correct
or refine many statements and suggestions made in this book. The “garden of Giuliani
research” still has troublesome bare spots, and the weeds—the tangles of error and
misinformation—we shall surely have with us always. Let these new insights come
then, with good grace if possible, but let them come! Let the garden flourish! The
gate is open and the tools are more at hand now than ever before.
What shall we say today of this allegorical field, where the ghost of Giuliani
roams, playing his dvertimenti notturni by moonlight, but leaving only faint foot-
prints for us by day? Whatever else it might be, most certainly this garden is not
posted as private property!
ThomasF.Heck
Columbus, Ohio
June 1994
publications; his editions of them (with MMB Music of St. Louis) appeared in 1987 (Op.
138, 146; and WoO, G-16, 18, and 26-27-28). To my knowledge they were not complemented
at the time by the bibliographic work necessary to authenticate and to situate them
properly. As this book went to press, Araniti’s book, Nuove acquisizioni sull’opera e sulla
vita di Mauro Giuliani: gli anni del soggiorno napoletano (1824-1829), subsidized by the
Assessorato Pubblica Istruzione of the Regione Puglia, crossed my desk. It reproduces
some of Giuliani’s letters and provides some facsimiles of the Girard editions, along with
an incipit catalog of most of them in plate number order, missing plate numbers 710
(WoO, G & F(V)-6) and 712 (WoO, G-g). My quick review of the text suggests that
the author tends to overemphasize the historical importance of the Girard editions—a
point of view which could have been influenced by the circumstances of the book’s publication.
The more systematic, more complete, and relatively dispassionate research of Mario Torta
on the same editions contrasts with Araniti’s approach in significant ways. Clearly both
Torta and Araniti worked independently; their research became available almost
simultaneously, in the spring of 1994. Incidentally, Araniti’s title does not reflect the fact
that Giuliani was in residence in Naples as of October/ November 1823.
xill
Acknowledgments
Ih ee Giuliani: virtuoso guitarist and composer has been much facilitated by the
generous support of the Ohio State University Libraries, which contributed release
time to me along with a small research grant that permitted the computer-scanning
and editing of portions of my 1970 doctoral thesis. Sean Ferguson provided many
hours of good service under this grant, editing and proofreading hundreds of pages
of text and compiling almost single-handedly the checklist of Giuliani’s works that
adorns the back of this volume.
Many names could be added to those already mentioned (Jeffery, Riboni, Torta)
as deserving thanks for their valuable contributions to the enrichment of this book:
Matanya Ophee, as the publisher (proprietor of Editions Orphée), repeatedly con-
tributed insight, impetus, and a degree of expertise in guitar matters which few can
match. The various footnotes that acknowledge his frequent phone calls and e-mail
messages hardly tell it all. Jun Sugawara, Editor of Gendai Guitar, deserves credit for
the translations of two “unknown” Giuliani letters that appear in English here for the
first time, and for a reliable reference to Giuliani’s last known letter, written from
Naples on 14 October 1828. Maureen Donovan, Japanese bibliographer at the Ohio
State University Libraries, helped me to understand the extant articles on the
“Japanese” letters of Giuliani as well.
Insights and tips from a variety of other sources are acknowledged in footnotes
throughout. I would like to signal especially Diane Pettit, music librarian at the
University of North Carolina, who helped verify a lead from Finnish guitarist Jukka
Savijoki concerning the attribution to Mayseder of the heretofore mysterious Duo
arrangé pour violon et guitare par Mauro Giuliani, WoO, G & F(V)-1. Incidentally,
if anyone finds a manuscript of Giuliani’s fourth guitar concerto, which we now know
the composer designated as his Op. 129, I would like to know about it!
Abbreviations:
Bibliographic abbreviations (like ZwthH) are found in the bibliography (p. 271);
those relating to the works of Giuliani (like WoO,G-2) appear before the checklist
of Giuliani’s works (p. 195).
Chapter One
Introduction
Nh 1781, the year of Mauro Giuliani’s birth, Europe was a mélange of principalities
and states. The Italian peninsula was unified neither linguistically nor politically. It
would have been difficult to characterize the “nationality” of someone born in the
region of Apulia (Puglia), on the Adriatic Coast. Would Giuliani himself have
situated Bisceglie, the village of his birth, in Italy? or would he and his contemporaries
have referred to this fortress town on the sea between Bari and Barletta as “Neapoli-
tan’—within the Kingdom of Naples? or “Pugliese”—in the region of Apulia? Would
an identity beyond that of one’s home-town have mattered?
There were so many dialects and such socio-cultural diversity in southern Italy,
that (according to one resident with whom I spoke on a visit to the region a few years
ago) the people in Bisceglie “had difficulty understanding those who lived in neigh-
boring Trani or Barletta.” In the latter eighteenth century, in other words, even if
people no longer named themselves as in earlier centuries after the town of their birth
(viz. Jacopo da Bologna, Leonardo da Vinct), they evidently still thought of them-
selves as “citizens” (cittadini—tresidents of a citfa, a city or town) sooner than as
“nationals,” or “regionals” of whatever larger political jurisdictions might have as-
serted claim to the region in which their town was situated.
As for the concept of nationality (“Italian,” or “French”), it seems at the time
simply to have been a convenient way of accounting for the dominant language group
and general location. The nation-state had not yet fully evolved in Europe. Small
wonder, then, that a certain vagueness in matters of an individual’s geographic or
regional origin seems to have been the order of the day, especially in the enlightened
salons of Vienna, the capital of an empire embracing numerous ethnic and language
groups in the decades around 1800. This Austrian imperial city—Kazserstadt—was
where Mauro Giuliani first came to musical prominence and where people first
started asking themselves “where is this guitarist from?” And it was here that
conflicting reports of his origins first began to circulate.
I
2 Mauro Giuliani: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
The Neapolitan...
Burney had described his continental musical tours in The Present State ofMusic in France
and Italy... (London, 1771) and The Present State ofMusic in Germany... (London, 1773).
See Dr. Burneys Musical Tours in Europe, ed. Percy A. Scholes, 2 Vols. (Oxford, 1959).
Vertraute Briefe geschrieben auf einer Reise nach Wien und den Oesterreichischen Staaten xu
Ende des Jahres 1808 und zu Anfang 1809, von Johann Friedrich Reichardt, 2 Vols. (Amster-
dam, 1810).
Chapter One — Introduction 3
who played so perfectly that he frequently called to mind the marvelous old era ofgenuine
lute-playing. | have never heard anything so perfect on so imperfect an instrument.
Then two more Italians with pleasant tenor and bass voices sang with him a little
French romance: “La Sentinelle,” standing at his post before the enemy on a bright
night, tells to the winds his desires and protestations for his lover, claiming that he
only watches, lives, fights, and dies for her. The fine Italian, who is also a very
handsome young man—a veritable Antinotis—had very skillfully arranged for
guitar a beloved melody in march time, and enriched it with animated interludes.
This suited both the room and the company, who were enchanted by it, but didn’t
seem to notice that this wholly pleasant impression was again destroyed by
Beethoven's overpowering, gigantic overture to Collins’ Coriolanus...3
There is one reason to believe that this passage does not refer to Giuliani; there
are two reasons, plus internal evidence, to suspect that it does. The basis for question-
ing any rapport between the anonymous Neapolitan described here and Giuliani
would be in Reichardt’s subsequent letter of 1 March 1809, in which he describes an
amateur concert held at the house of Frau von Rittersburg (dedicatee of Giuliani’s
Variations, Op. 49). Reichardt writes on this occasion, “I also heard the very popular
guitarist Giuliani for the first time at this concert, and I longed very much to hear
him again, often.”* Could Reichardt possibly have forgotten the man who made such
an impression at the concert of the previous December? Perhaps he didn’t know
Giuliani’s name on the earlier occasion, or couldn't really see him well because of the
partitioned seating arrangements. Giuliani could also have somewhat changed his
appearance between December and March by growing or shaving a beard. Perhaps,
too, Reichardt was paying too much attention to the audience, particularly the ladies,
as he evidently was inclined to do.
One reason to believe that the “Neapolitan guitarist” was, in fact, Giuliani, and
that Reichardt later realized it, is found in the Table of Contents of the original 1810
edition of Vertraute Briefe... There one encounters the following outline of the events
mentioned in the thirteenth letter (to Dec 1808, pp. 204-224): “Liebhaberkonzert.
Giuliani. Guitarrenspieler. La Sentinelle. Ouverture zu Coriolan von Beethoven...”
Reichardt may very well have composed or edited the Table of Contents himself,
and made this addition upon later recollection.
A second reason to believe that Giuliani is synonymous with Reichardt’s “Nea-
politan” comes from an outside source. There is a passage in the introduction to a
guitar method by Giuliani’s contemporaries, Molitor and Klinger, which refers to our
composer as “Herr Mauro Giuliani, ein Neapolitaner...”> There can be no doubt that
Ibid., Vol. 1, 218-20. German in Appendix I, 1. Emphasis on the Neapolitan guitarist mine.
See Appendix I, 14 for the full German passage. The source is Op. cit., 467.
> Versuch einer vollstdndigen methodischen Anleitung zum Guitarre-Spielen..., Vol. I (Vienna,
1$11-12[?]), 9. The introduction to this method is a central document for any history of
the cultivation of the guitar in Vienna. Excerpts in the original German are reproduced
in Appendix I, 6, and are translated in this chapter, infra.
4 Mauro Giuliani: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
these men knew Giuliani personally, given the details with which they characterized
his contributions to the development of artistic guitar playing in Vienna.
If we add to this the fact that the anonymous guitarist was a “fine,” handsome man
(corroborated by the Viennese correspondent of the A//gemeine mustkalische Zeitung,
v. infra), and that he was an exquisite guitar soloist, then we are led to suspect strongly
that this indeed could have been Giuliani.®
It seems likely, judging from the above, that Giuliani referred to himself as a
“Neapolitan” for simplicity’s sake for several years following his arrival in Vienna
(1806). His reasons for doing so could have been twofold: (a) People would have heard
of Naples sooner than Bisceglie, and Naples was a known center of music making. (b)
As we shall see in the next chapter, Giuliani probably completed his formal musical
training in Naples in the course of the years c.1799-1803.
The relationship between Giuliani and the popular song “La Sentinelle” was the subject
of extensive commentary in my Ph.D. dissertation, “The Birth of the Classic Guitar and
its Cultivation in Vienna, Reflected in the Career and Compositions of Mauro Giuliani
(d.1828)” (Yale University, 1970), hereafter referred to as HeckDiss. See the entry WoO,
vocal-16, in Vol. H, pp. 182-83. Subsequent research by Matanya Ophee (see “Who wrote
‘La Sentinelle’?” Soundboard VIII/2 (1981): 75-79) has led to a reasonably convincing
attribution of the song “La Sentinelle” to Alexandre Etienne Choron. ConsequentlyI
have changed WoO, vocal-16 now to signify the ensemble treatment of “La Sentinelle”
co-composed by Hummel, Giuliani, and Mayseder. It is found in GCW, 38.
’ According to WeinV3
Chapter One — Introduction is
“ [Op. cit.], eine Encyclopadie der gesammten musikalischen Wissenschaften, ed. Hermann
Mendel (Berlin, 1874).
6 Mauro Giuliani: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
F.-J. Fétis, Biographie universelle des mustctens et bibliographie générale de la musique, 2d ed.
(Paris: Firmin-Didot, 1874).
Handlextkon der Musik: eine Encyclopadie der ganzen Tonkunst..., ed. Friedrich Bremer
(Leipzig: Reclam, 1882).
Lexicon der Toonkunst..., ed. Henri Viotta (Amsterdam: VanKampen & Son, 1883).
Mustk-Lextkon, ed. Hugo Riemann, sth ed. (Leipzig: Max Hesse, 1900).
” Ed. Alfred Einstein (Berlin: Hesse, 1919).
‘8 Ed. Alfred Einstein (Berlin: Hesse, 1922).
Ed. Keller & Kruseman (The Hague: Kruseman, 1932).
* (Bologna: Ed. “La Chitarra,” 1934).
Nuovo dizionario musicale Curci... (Milan: Archetipografia di Milano, 1954).
Isnardi, Due gr. Walzer per Chitarra accordata in Mi maggiore (Milan: G. Ricordi, pl.no.
11624, printed c. May 1840).
Chapter One — Introduction 7
Isnardi’s biographical sketch of our guitarist implies that he knew Mauro Giuliani
personally and took a keen interest in him. Incidentally, two of Giuliani’s works
(published posthumously): the Pastorale, Op. 149, and the Gran Sonata Eroica, Op.
150, are dedicated to (evidently the same) Isnardi by Ricordi. On the title page of Op.
150 the dedicatee is referred to as “the distinguished Signor Filippo Isnardi, dilettante.”
The same year (1836) that Schilling promulgated in Germany his erroneous
theory of Giuliani’s Bolognese birthplace, Isnardi published in Naples the first known
biography, in the strict sense of the word, of the famous guitarist: “Cenni Biografici
intorno a Mauro Giuliano [sic], communicati per la parte storica dal pregevole Sig.
Filippo Isnardi, peritissimo della scienza musicale.”? His work appeared seven years
after Giuliani’s death. It contains several typographical errors; yet it is the earliest, and
certainly seems the most credible, of the biographies which have come down to us:
Mauro Giulian[i] was born in Barletta in the province of Bari in 1781. He studied
in the fatherland, and loved the fine arts, especially music. He learned counterpoint,
and at the age of 16 composed a mass which did him much honor.”4 At the age of
18, his ardent eagerness to have better instruction led him to travel.?° In Vienna he
perfected himself in counterpoint, in the art of playing the cello, and above all the
guitar, to which he gave himself completely. He demonstrated the invention of the
6th string, due to Maestro Fabbricatorello in Naples;”° but his greatest innovation
was that of adapting to the guitar any musical piece or chord whatever, and of
creating on [the guitar] an infinity of concertos and compositions, not to mention
his playing the instrument with a mastery, with an elegance, and with a vibrazione
[loudness?] which no one before him had achieved. He earned through his
virtuosity the praises and friendship of illustrious personages. He was named
“chamber virtuoso” by Her Majesty Marie-Louise, who gave him the famous
lyre-guitar which Napoléon had ordered made just for her. She compensated him
with other sumptuous gifts and obtained for him the title of “Cavaliere del
Giglio.”?’
He gave a concert for the assembled sovereigns at the Congress of Vienna, and
this earned him the greatest applause.
23
L’Omnibus, foglio periodico 1V/3 (Saturday, 30 April 1836): 12. The original Italian is in
Appendix I, 3. The existence ofthis biography was brought to my attention by Prof. Jozef
Powrozniak of Poland, who got the citation of the article from Bruno Henze, who in
turn obtained it from Romolo Ferrari of Modena, just before the latter’s death (1959). I
am indebted to Dr. Patrick Higonnet of Harvard for locating the article in the Widener
Library and sending me a copy.
** His youthful musical studies could have been in Barletta, a town large enough to support
an opera theater and small orchestra at the time.
* At this point, in 1799, Giuliani
may well have travelled to Naples to complete his musical
training. See Chapter Two.
6 Isnardi refers here probably to Fabbricatore of Naples, a famous guitar maker, one of
whose early 6-string instruments (dated 1791) is shown in Figure F.
7 Literally, a “Knight of the Lily.” The lily (Fr.: /s) was a royal emblem of the French
nobility, and Marie-Louise was a Bourbon herself.
8 Mauro Giuliani: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
He left Vienna destined for Naples, being most desirous of returning to his
fatherland. Reaching Rome on 3 August 1819, he stopped there, having found the
famous Rossini and Paganini. With them he gave such famous “divertimenti,” that
their union was called “the musical triumvirate.””*
Then he published many of his best works, combining perfect taste, harmony,
and feeling. He was the first to invent and apply to the guitar a new musical
orthography, reforming [rewriting?] the notes of [various] chords, and making them
playable by anyone. This is now all recognized, since his works have been published
in Paris, Vienna, Milan, and other capitals.
He left finally for Naples on the 8th of July 1823. After having received universal
applause in the various academies which he gave there, especially in that held at
Portici in the presence of His Majesty Francis I, he died there [Naples] on the 8th of
May 1828.7?
In these various academies he appeared often jointly with his little daughter
Emilia, then of very tender age, who even then showed her desire to emulate one day her
father’s skill in playing the guitar. In announcing the loss of Mauro Giuliani, the Giornale di
Napoli of the 14th of May 1829 mentions that he was a famous guitarist . . °°
This testimony by Isnardi fathered quite a “tradition” of its own, starting with the
literati of Southern Italy in the nineteenth century, and only finding its way into
musical reference books in the middle of the twentieth century:
The incorrect death date of Giuliani (1828) might well have gone on propagating
itself in this way if Romolo Ferrari had not finally traced the error to its source, and
deduced the correct death date (1829) just before his own death in 1959. Ferrari
published the emended date presumably in the 1950's, in the Italian periodical L’Arte
chitarristica,”’ and Bruno Henze picked up the correction and incorporated it into a
biographical sketch which he included in an edition of a Giuliani concerto which he
had edited. Here are the sources which, prior to my own initial research on Giuliani’s
life (1968-71), relayed the composer's correct death date:
°° Dizionario Ricordi della musica e dei musicisti, ed. Claudio Sartori (Milan: Ricordi, 1959).
*” T have not been able to locate this reference, despite having reviewed a sizable run of
L’Arte chitarristica, which George Warren kindly donated to the Archive of the Guitar
Foundation of America (and which is currently in the Reference Collection at the University
of Akron). Jézef Powrozniak communicated this lead to me by letter early in 1970.
*’ Bruno Henze, “Biographische Notiz,” in Mauro Giuliani: Studienkonzert fir Gitarre
(A-dur) mit Begleitung von Streichinstrumenten, ed. Henze (Leipzig, 1959). My thanks to
Prof. Powrozniak for sending me a copy of this biography. It gave a false citation for the
Isnardi article in L’Omnibus, stating 1838 instead of the correct year, 1836, but was still on
the right track.
* Jézef Powrozniak, Op. cit. (Krakow: PWM, 1966).
“ Boris Vol’man, Op. cit. (Leningrad: Muzyka, 1968).
*' Op. cit., 568. This priceless “information” was taken from Philip J. Bone, “Mauro
Giuliani, a Biographical Sketch,” Guitar Review 18 (1955). Advice to the reader: Do not
believe everything the late Bone wrote.
IO Mauro Giuliani: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
Since my publication of the correct birth and death dates in the early 1970s and
my letter about this to Nicholas Slonimsky, the editor of Baker’..., gradual correc-
tions have been introduced into this persistently befuddled entry. The sixth edition
(1978) carries the correct birth and death dates, but preserves the miraculous post-
mortem appearance of Giuliani in London in 1833. So does the entirely revised
seventh edition (1984). As the present work goes to press, the latest (eighth) edition
of Baker’, produced by Schirmer Books in 1992, corrects the obvious 1833 error of its
predecessor by doing the convenient thing—assuming that there was a typo of a
single digit. It moves the completely fictitious London appearance back ten years: “In
1823 he visited London, where he won extraordinary acclaim.”
Were Mauro Giuliani’s baptismal act never to have been discovered, there would
still have been another bit of circumstantial evidence pointing to his family home as
being in the region of Bari. The remains of St. Nicholas, much-venerated bishop of
Myra in Asia Minor (now southwest Turkey), were seized and brought to Bari by its
mariners in 1087. The relics have been enshrined in the Cathedral of Bari for many
centuries. Surprising as it may seem, the tomb of St. Nicholas has been the object of
pilgrimages by pious Russians—it was a sort of Compostela-East—since the high
middle ages. Mauro Giuliani’s brother was named Nicholas (a common name for
someone from the region of Bari). He ended up living most of his life as a composer
and singing teacher in St. Petersburg.*? The Russia - Nicholas - Bari association only
adds circumstantial weight to the notion that Giuliani’s family was from the province
of Bari.
The date and place of Mauro Giuliani’s birth might have remained a mystery to
this day, were it not for a providential encounter between this writer and an Italian
priest from the town of Barletta, Rev. Donato Lionetti, in August 1970 in Saratoga,
California. I told him of my fruitless search in April of the previous year for Giuliani’s
baptismal notice in the churches of Barletta, and he offered to help with a second look
around.
Early in 1971, I sent Rev. Lionetti a full account of my previous research, including
a reference to Giuliani's son’s birth in Barletta on 16 May 1801, gleaned from Constant
” Lest I be accused of unfairly singling out the venerable Baker’ and its even more
venerable editor, Nicholas Slonimsky (having just now, in 1994, attained one hundred
years of age!) let me add that to my knowledge his eighth edition does not promulgate
the error of the first (1980) edition of The New Grove Dictionary ofMusic and Musicians,
which has authoritative entries for two completely fictitious composers: Guglielmo
Baldini and Dag Henrik Esrum-Hellerup!
43
In a letter dated 20 June 1820 (Vienna, Stadt- und Landesbibliothek, J.N. 69721/1)
Mauro’s father, Michele, asks Domenico Artaria if Mauro’s “son (Michelino) had gone
to Russia to visit his Uncle Nicholas.”
Chapter One — Introduction II
Cag OL se
Michel Giuseppe, natural and legitimate son of Don Mauro Giuliano of Bisceglia
and of Donna Maria Giuseppa del Monaco, daughter of Gaetano of Barletta,
spouses. Baptized here on 20 May 1801 by Rev. Giuseppe Virgilio with permission
of the Rev. Pastors. The godfather: Major-domo Gregorio Spera, Notary. Born
here on the 17th of [May].*
“Michel Giuliani became professeur de chant at the Paris conservatory, receiving the
coveted Légion d’honneur in 1850. Although not the brilliant guitarist his father was,
Michel still attained respectable stature as a composer and voice teacher. Pierre states
that he died in Paris on 8 October 1867.
45
The reference to “legitimate” and natural suggests that some children were merely
“natural,” i.e. born out of wedlock. The allusion to “permission of the Rev. Pastors”
implies that the home parishes of the parents were different from that served by the
Santa Maria Church in Barletta. The Italian may be transcribed as follows: “Michele
Giuseppe, figlio legittimo e naturale di Don Mauro Giuliani di Bisceglia e Donna
Giuseppa del Monaco figlia di Gaetano di Barletta, coniugi. Battezzato li 20 Maggio
18or dal sacerdote Giuseppe Virgilio col permesso dei Reverendi Parroci. Il padrino: il
Maggiordomo Notar Gregorio Spera. Nacque li 17 detto.”
12 Mauro Giuliani: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
barlettana Maria Giuseppa del Monaco. As far as we know, Michel was the couple’s
first child.
The suspicion of a family move, already proposed in my article published in 1972
regarding the discovery of the Giuliani baptismal acts,* was recently confirmed by
the Italian scholar Marco Riboni with his important discovery of a first-person
testimonial by Nicola (Nicholas) Giuliani, Mauro’s older brother, to this effect:
“... mon frére et moi nous sommes nés 4 Bisceg/ia et élevés a Barletta, villes de la
province de Bari, dans le royaume de Naples...”*”
..mon frére ni moi n’avons jamais été aBologne. Si tout le reste de la Biographie de
M. Fétis est aussi exact, je laisse a juger du mérite de l’ouvrage.”
Credit for the discovery of Mauro Giuliani’s baptismal act of course must go to
Rev. Donato Lionetti, who initially located that of Mauro’s son Michel in Barletta,
and subsequently traveled from there to Bisceglie to look for Mauro’s baptismal entry.
He was able to find it, despite its not being indexed, in the church of Sant’Adoeno,
which still stands in Bisceglie, and whose ancient baptismal font was surely used for
the infant Mauro Giuliani’s welcoming rite of baptism (see Figures B and C).
* “Mauro Giuliani (27 July 1781 - 8 May 1829): Birth and Death Dates Confirmed,” Guitar
review no. 37 (1972): 14-15.
“7 « "my brother and I were born in Bisceglia and raised in Barletta, towns in the province
of Bari, in the Kingdom of Naples...,” found in Nicola Giuliani’s Introduction au code
d‘harmonte pratique et théorique ou nouveau systéme de basse fondamentale (Paris: Hector
Bossange & St. Petersburg: J. Hauer, 1847). See Marco Riboni, “Mauro Giuliani: un
aggiornamento biografico,” i/ ‘Fronimo’ no. 81 (Oct 1992): 43. This article (pp. 41-60) and
its sequel (no. 82, pp. 33-51) are henceforth referred to as RiboniAgg, I and II.
Nicholas Giuliani's conservative Introduction au code d’harmonie... was, in turn, the object
48 . . . . . . - . .
of a mixed review by Vladimir Vasilevich Stasov, as seen in his Selected essays On music, tr.
by F. Jonas (New York: Praeger, 1968): 29-30. Thanks to M. Riboni for unearthing this
reference.
* «’., my brother and I have never been to Bologna. If the rest of Fétis’ Biographie is as
accurate [as this], let [the public] judge the work’s merit.” Riboni, Op. cit.
Chapter One — Introduction iG
Figure B
Author standing (in December 1985) at the front door of the Church of Sant’Adoeno,
Bisceglie, where Mauro Giuliani was baptised.
be
Figure C
Baptismal font in the Church of Sant’Adoeno, presumed to date from the rth
century. Mauro Giuliani would probably have been baptised here.
I4 Mauro Giuliani: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
The act of baptism itself is reproduced as Figure D, and says the following:
4? ali 2 19%. :
fe de dye eee
Figure D
Baptismal act of Mauro Giuliani, from the baptismal registry of the Church of
Sant’Adoeno in Bisceglie (baptised 28 July 1781).
Today, 28 July 1781/ Mauro Giuseppe Sergio Pantaleo, legitimate and natural son
of Michele Giuliano and of Antonia Tota, spouses, born here on the 27th of this
month, has been baptised by Don Francesco Saverio Palanusio of Genosa with
permission. The godfather was Signor Don Riccardo Tupputi./ Canon Mauro
Palumbo, Coadjutor.*°
* The permission obtained here was apparently for a lay Christian, perhaps a relative
(Palanusio) to administer the christening. The Italian of the baptismal act may be
transcribed as follows: “Oggi, 28 Luglio 1781/ Mauro Giuseppe Sergio Pantaleo figlio
legittimo e naturale di Michele Giuliano e di Antonia Tota coniugi, nato li 27 detto mese,
€ stato battezzato da Don Francesco Saverio Palanusio di Genosa cum licentia. Il
compare é stato il Signor Don Riccardo Tupputi. /Mauro Cononico Palumbo Coadiutore.”
Libro det battesimi della collegiata e parrocchial chiesa de Sant’Adoeno che principia il primo
del 1776 1n fin at 31 del 1784, p.112.
Chapter One — Introduction 15
local cathedral, just as the name of Nicholas, Mauro’s brother, would have been
inspired by the famous Saint Nicholas whose bones lay in the nearby Bari cathedral.
Several letters by Mauro Giuliani and by his father Michele, now in the Hand-
schriftensammlung of the Stadt- und Landesbibliothek, Vienna,*! combined with
other documents found in the Archives of the City of Vienna (v. Appendix I, 60),
strongly suggest that a family tree for the composer might be sketched this way:
|
; Emilia, b. Vienna 1813, aria Willmuth, illegitimat
ae s ene -_ married Pietro Gugliemi. daughter b. Vienna 1807,
asad ; She died after 1840. supported by Mauro.
51 Letters written to Domenico Artaria, which were preserved in the Artaria Nachlass, loc.
cit., J.N. 69721/1-3; 69722; and 69730-34.
16 Mauro Giuliani: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
Mauro’s son, Michel.*? It is a feature regarding the musical scene in St. Petersburg in
1823, and suggests that Michel was there at that time: “The best guitarist and singer
is Herr Giuliani, son of the well-known virtuoso and composer in Vienna; his uncle
Nicholas G. is among the most eminent teachers ofsinging.” °? The daughters, Emilia
Giuliani and Maria Willmuth, both have their birth dates and places recorded in the
“Passprotokol” Archives of the City of Vienna (v. Appendix I, 60).
* Tam using the French form of the name, Michel, to differentiate him from his grandfather,
for whom I use the italianate Michele (pronounced Mi-ké-lé).
Der beste Guitarrespieler und Sanger ist Hr. Giuliani, ein Sohn des bekannten Virtuosen
53 « . - . - . - .
Chapter Two
' The Winter 1990 sales catalog of Libreria Musicale di Annalisa Gusti Gallini (Milano)
annotates the letter in this way: “Una lettera polemica, astiosa, maleducata e interessante.
L. 1.000.000.” [A letter which is “argumentative, resentful, base, and interesting.” (Price
approx. $700.)] The identity of the present owner of this letter was not divulged by the
Gallini firm to Marco Riboni, who kindly inquired at my request in May 1994.
> See RiboniAgg, I. He evidently was not aware of the aforementioned letter, written to
Ricordi from Naples, 13 October 1827, nor of several in Japan referenced in Chapter Four.
> RiboniAgg, I, 44. He cites Luciana Zingarelli, “Il sistema teatrale in Puglia tra storia e
sviluppo,” in Puglia: lorganizzazione musicale, ed. by Pierfranco Moliterni (Rome:
Cidim, 1986): 218-331.
v7
18 Mauro Giuliani: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
Surely such musical opportunities would have given a talented young com-
poser-to-be some background in notation and counterpoint, and might even
have enabled him to try his youthful hand at composition. This is just what
Giuliani’s earliest biographer, Filippo Isnardi, tells us happened:
He studied in the fatherland and loved the fine arts, especially music. He learned
counterpoint, and at the age of 16 [i.e. in 1797] composed a mass which did him
much honor.*
At the age of18, his ardent eagerness to have better instruction led him to travel.
In Vienna he perfected himself in counterpoint, in the art of playing the ’cello, and
above all the guitar...
* While the mass has not yet been found, Giuliani’s Pastorale, Op. 149, for two voices, flute
and guitar, “Dormi non piangere,” is on a sacred text. And Marco Riboni found a
reference to a “Gratias agimus tibi” for voice and piano attributed to Giuliani, “cantato
da M.me Catalani nel suo terzo concerto a Vienna,” cited in A. Weinmann, Vollsténdiges
Verlagsverzeichnis Senefelder, Steiner, Chemische Druckerey, Haslinger I (Miinchen, 1979):
158. It had plate no. 2838 and was advertised 25 July 1818. See RidoniAgg I, 58, note 68.
Chapter Two — The Early Years in Italy, 1781-1806 19
se 2 =" ae o—
Figure E
Bird's-eye view of Bisceglie from G.B. Pacichelli, I/ Regno di Napoli in prospettiva
(Naples, 1703).
Figure F
Late eighteenth-century etching of the town of Bisceglie, from Richard de Saint-
Non, Voyage pittoresque ou description du royaume de Naples... (Paris 1781-86).
20 Mauro Giuliani: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
Figure G
View of Barletta, from A.Z. Orlandini, Corografia fistca, storica
e statistica dell’'Italia... (Florence, 1845).
between the “lands to the north” and Bari, with its famous shrine of St. Nicholas.
The lads of Giuliani’s generation, growing up the latter eighteenth century, must
have heard many stories from these pilgrims about the large and wealthy cities
to the north. Perhaps such encounters fueled, in Isnardi’s words, an “ardent
eagerness” for travel in Mauro and his sibling(s). And very possibly by the turn
of the century Mauro’s older brother, Nicholas, had already been enticed by one
of the wealthier pilgrims from Russia to return with his party to St. Petersburg
as (I conjecture) a resident music teacher.
It was not, however, merely because he came from a relatively impoverished
region of Italy known to be a net population-exporter that Mauro Giuliani
emigrated, despite his family ties to Barletta and (according to his son’s baptismal
act) his youthful (pre-1801) marriage to Maria Giuseppa del Monaco of that
town. It was also because he was a guitarist in search of a career.
More than any other type of musicians, it seems, guitarists left Italy in
documentably significant numbers in the latter eighteenth and early nineteenth
centuries. Witness a short list of familiar names, beginning at mid-century with
Gracomo Mercni and his brother, from Brescia, who went to France, circa 1751,
initially as performers on the colascione (calissonciny), lute, mandolin and bass-
theorbo.° Soon they were publishing music for Baroque guitar in Paris (Quattro
> Paolo Paolini, Giacomo Merchi [booklet accompanying Giacomo Merchi, opere scelte, op. 3,
Chapter Two — The Early Years tn Italy, 781-1806 21
duetti a due chitarre..., Op. 3, 1755-60), using note-stem direction from time to
time to differentiate parts on a single musical staff even at this early date.’
Historically one of the most important guitarists to leave Italy, and certainly
among the earliest (pre-1800) in the exodus under discussion, was a certain
Feperico Moretti. Like many early classic guitarists, he was a professional
soldier. He served in the Royal Walloon Guards of the Queen of Spain, accord-
ing to the title page of his Principios para tocar la guitarra de seis ordenes...
(Madrid, 1799).” Fétis says that F Moretti died in Madrid with the rank of
general in 1838. He is known principally for his guitar methods published both
in Naples in Italian and in Madrid in Spanish during the years 1787 forward into
the nineteenth century.
His importance stems partly from the fact that both Sor and Aguado claim
that his music made them aware of the possibility of sustaining two parts on the
guitar, and (in the case of Aguado, at least) of accurately reflecting this fact in the
notation. Sor’s memoirs of his youth were reworked into French (in the third
person) to form a biography for the unusual volume entitled Encyclopédie Pit-
toresque de la Musique, Vol. I (Paris, 1835).° It appeared during the lifetimes of both
Sor and Aguado, and carried articles on both of them. Its compilers were
Adolphe Ledhuy and Henri Bertini. This is what Sor says, vicariously in the
person of the editor:
At that time [c.1800] he [Sor] heard the brother of General Solano play on this
instrument a piece in which one could distinguish a melody and an accompani-
ment. The composer of the piece was Moretti, an officer in the Walloon Guards,
who was the first to understand the true character of the guitar. Moretti’s music
gave a new direction to Sor, and with a bit of work and the application of his
knowledge of harmony, he promptly became able to write and to perform music
in several real parts.’
D. Federico Moretti was the first who began to write music for guitar in which one
can distinguish two parts, the one being the melody, the other the accompaniment.
Then came Fernando Sor..."!
Ons inevitably must ask himself why so many guitarists, like Giuliani, left Italy
in the years between 1750 and 1850. Was the guitar too little appreciated? Or was
it too popular? Was there a population explosion of guitar teachers, or otherwise
too much competition among good guitarists? Or was the problem fundamen-
tally the lack of appreciation of instrumental music in Italy in general, at a time
when that country only had ears for opera?
With respect to the popularity of the guitar south of the Alps, Burney
indicates that as early as 1770 it was holding its own as an accompaniment
instrument, and even in instrumental ensembles, against the strong tide of opera
which then existed:
7 Bevilacqua’s publishers included Weigl, Artaria, and Mollo. The Weinmann catalogues
of the respective firms list his works.
'8 Among the “souscripteurs” is one “M. Carcassi,” a guitar professeur, the same as Matteo
we presume. Molino’s Nouvelle Méthode... is cited in the Whistling/Hofmeister Hand-
buch der musikalischen Litteratur... of 1817. Thanks to Matanya Ophee for drawing this
and the following updated information on Zani de Ferranti to my attention.
% ZuthH, 59.
0 For the remainder of this fascinating life story, with glimpses into Zani de Ferranti’s
Italian literature, see Simon Wynberg, Marco Aurelio Zant
contributions as a professor of
de Ferranti: a Biography (Heidelberg: Chanterelle Verlag, 1989).
24 Mauro Giuliani: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
... upon the Piazza di S. Marco, I heard a great number of vagrant musicians, some
in bands, accompanying one or two voices, sometimes a single voice and guitar,
and sometimes two or three guitars together.”!
Burney pointedly adds, “During the last carnival season there were seven
opera-houses open at once in Venice, three serious and four comic, besides four
play-houses, and these were all crowded every night.” Thus it seems, paradoxi-
cally, that the same vocal music which overshadowed instrumental music (to the
detriment of the latter) also assured the popularity of the guitar in Italy as an
accompaniment instrument.
The emigrant guitarists mentioned earlier certainly did their part to foster
the popularity of songs with guitar accompaniment, even though most of them
considered themselves primarily guitar soloists. Mauro Giuliani wrote many
works for voice and guitar or pianoforte throughout his life; both his son Michel
and his brother Nicholas were voice teachers. If we accept the proposition that
Mauro was featured at the concert in Vienna of 10 Dec 1808 described by
Reichardt (v. Appendix I, 1), then there is reason to believe that he himself sang
on occasion, as well as played, in public.
Although Italy provided a climate favorable to the guitar as an accompani-
ment instrument, she seems not to have rewarded the particularly talented men
who chose to play it as a solo chamber instrument. The sheer sound level of the
classic guitar of c.1800 was diminutive compared to that of other contemporary
musical entertainment. It must have been impossible for a solo guitarist to make
his instrument heard in the typical Italian theatre, festooned, draped, and
upholstered. Such an edifice was suited only to relatively large productions
(operas, orchestral music). Acoustical problems coupled with financial consid-
erations help to explain why the best Italian guitarists sought their livelihood
elsewhere. The salons of the nobility in Vienna and Paris provided a chance for
audition, appreciation, and patronage unequalled in Italy.
The evident scarcity of available employment, or patronage, in Italy certainly
must have fostered a great deal of competition among good guitarists—another
reason to emigrate. Professional rivalry would appear to have been especially
keen in Naples, then an important center of both “classic” guitar making and the
manufacture of fine gut strings.
One reads of the emergence of guitar soloists of considerable ability in that
city, in this report by the Naples correspondent of the Leipzig AmZ of 1805:
The cultivation of instrumental music is, as a rule, subsidiary [to vocal music] here.
And no instrument is so cultivated as—the guitar. Furthermore, it is a fact that
21 An Eghteenth-Century Musical Tour in France and Italy, being Dr. Charles Burney’s Account
ofFis Musical Experiences..., ed. Percy A. Scholes (London, 1959): I, 114.
” Tbid., 115.
Chapter Two — The Early Years tn Italy, 781-1806 25
there are good composers here for this little creature, and excellent virtuosi, in a more
elevated sense than one would expect for the guitar. In order to meet the demands of
the amateurs, there are countless teachers, and two workshops which construct
guitars of all types. It is already well known that there are several concerns here
which manufacture the best strings in the world and export them to every nation.”
.. in the past ten years a frightful revolution has upset everything; when you
consider that devastating wars and their usual sad consequences have forcibly torn
apart this nation, which in times of peace dreams serenely, and which requires that
calm, that serene reverie, not only for its existence, but much more for its cultural
and artistic activities, then you can hardly blame the Neapolitans.
I will only cite one instance of the sad result of the war, namely the most relevant
for the situation I have to describe: The monetary means, the funds of both
conservatories, were in part withdrawn, in part plundered. The institutions barely
manage to survive on the sweat of their pupils, instead of [vice versa]. This was the
bitterest and most incapacitating blow. Everything has been going downhill ever
since. When the mother languishes, the offspring die. Where shall the young
[students] obtain instruction and example?’
While not all Italian guitarists were affected by such social and political
upheavals, there is mounting evidence that Giuliani might well have been, as we
shall see. A final and decisive reason for the exodus of Italian guitarists in the
beginning of the nineteenth century was the general lack of competent publish-
ing houses on their native soil. The Ricordi firm was only founded in 1808, by
3 “Gegenwartiger Zustand der Musik in Neapel,” AmZ V1/35 (29 May 1805): 569-70.
German in Appendix I, 4. Emphasis mine.
** Giuliano Procacci, History ofthe Italian People, translated by A. Paul (London: Penguin
Books, 1970), p.26of.
* “Gegenwartiger Zustand..., Zweyter Bericht,” AmZ VII/48 (28 Aug 1805): 760-6r.
German in Appendix I, 9.
26 Mauro Giuliani: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
which time Moretti, Giuliani and Carulli had already left Italy. It was common
knowledge that the best publishers were north of the Alps. Most of the pre-1830
classic guitar music which has come down to us is in editions from Vienna, Paris,
London, and Leipzig.’6
There were thus at least five good reasons for Giuliani and his guitarist-col-
leagues to leave Italy and seek their livelihood elsewhere in the earliest years of
the nineteenth century: (1) to escape local conditions of extreme economic
hardship, (2) to gain audition, appreciation, and patronage; (3) to avoid the
competition posed by resident Italian guitarists and teachers; (4) to make a
livelihood in more affluent lands, less divided by the ravages of war, and having
a larger and wealthier middle-class than Italy; and (5) to have their works
published.
*° Even recent research by Bianca Maria Antolini & Annalisa Bini on the music publishing
activities in Rome in the earlier nineteenth century has failed to turn up any significant
publishing of guitar music in that city. See their Editori e librai musicali a Roma nella
prima meta dell’ottocento (Roma: Torre d’Orfeo, 1988).
27
“Essendo arrivato in questa Rispettabilissima Citta e Porto-franco di Trieste il loro servo
Mauro Giuliano napolitano Professore di Chitarra francese, Violoncello, e Chitarra
francese con Arpa a 30 corde; per cui desidera di dare un’Accademia divisa in due Atti.
Nel primo, dopo la Sinfonia, rappresentera un Concerto di Chitarra francese con Arpa, ed
un altro di Violoncello. Nel secondo, dopo la Sinfonia, rappresentera un Concerto di
Chitarra francese con molte variazioni, sperando nell’animo di questo rispettabile pubblico
acciO il detto possa con pit spirito rappresentare le sue debole fatiche.
La detta Accademia si dara la sera de mercoledi 7 corrente nella Sala pubblica ad ore 6
Chapter Two — The Early Years in Italy, 1781-1806 |
There is every reason to believe that Giuliani himself, using the baptismal
spelling of his name (Giuliano) in this case, worded and inserted this an-
nouncement of what was probably his début concert in Trieste. He plainly states
a number of things here which must be taken seriously:
1. This notice announces that the guitarist had “arrived” in Trieste, not merely
that he was passing through (as his concert announcements in Rome would say
twenty years hence). This may well mean that he and (why not?) his family
relocated there between 1801, when his son Michel was born in Barletta, and
1803. This scenario would also explain why, on his departure from Vienna in 1819,
he first went to Trieste to visit his parents.
2. Giuliani characterizes himself as the Neapolitan Mauro Giulian[i], which
could just as easily mean that he had lately come from the city of Naples as from
some other town or village in the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies! At the very least,
it could mean that he had studied in Naples; Isnardi specifically stated, we recall,
“At the age of 18 [in 1799], his ardent eagerness to have better instruction led him
to travel.” Where else if not Naples, the musical capital of Southern Italy? In fact,
he would have had great difficulty acquiring his considerable musical training,
let alone his remarkable array of instruments, anywhere else in the Kingdom of
the Two Sicilies but Naples. The difficult conditions in that city around 1799,
described earlier, would have made his years of formal music study challenging,
indeed, had he been an eye-witness to the turmoil. It probably would also have
influenced him to move north as soon as possible.
3. He characterizes himself, consistent with Isnardi’s biography, as a violon-
cellist as well as a guitarist. Here, too, new corroborating evidence has come to
light strongly implying that he was a trained ’cellist. Giuliani called for a
left-hand technique unique to the violoncello to be employed in the upper
reaches of the guitar’s fingerboard in at least two instances: (a) He uses the
directive “7™° tasto col pollice” (the thumb on the 7th fret) in his Variations, Op.
6, var. viii, m. 12. (b) He specified the same ’cello-technique (“col ditto pollice”)
in Op. 48, no. 24. The technique involves moving the left-hand thumb from its
customary place behind the neck, under and around to the front of the guitar
(fingerboard side), where it is used to stop one or more strings in an upper
position.?8 It is something that we can only imagine a ’cellist attempting on the
1/2, affinché possa terminare pria del cominciamento dello Spettacolo teatrale.
Alla porta si pagheranno Kni. 30, non ponendo limiti alla generosita de’ signori
Concorrenti.
Trieste, il di 5 settembre 1803.” ”
Reported by Bruno Tonazzi in i/ ‘Fronimo’, no. 37 (Oct 1981): 33-34.
8 Thanks to Matanya Ophee for drawing these fascinating details to my attention.
Ruggero Chiesa reportedly found the latter instance, Ophee the former.
28 Mauro Giuliani: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
guitar, since it is so foreign to what the guitar tutors of the time usually taught
by way of technique, or to how we handle the guitar today. This new information,
incidentally, should settle the question of what instrument Giuliani played in the
premiere of Beethoven’s Seventh Symphony, in which we know he joined the
orchestra.??
4. He played a 30-string harp-guitar as well as a normal classic guitar of the
period. The currently popular name for the latter was “French guitar,” or chitarra
francese. This instrument’s defining characteristic was its single strings, but by
1791, at least in Southern Italy, it was regularly being built with six—not five—
single strings (see Figure H). For whatever reason, whether its fragility and
impracticality or the almost-certain difficulty of keeping it in tune, Giuliani
abandoned the harp-guitar soon after 1803. We see not a mention of it after his
arrival in Vienna.
5. Giuliani already had a repertoire of two guitar concertos in 1803, one for
classic, the other for harp-guitar. No further identification of these works has yet
been possible. But this information facilitates our comprehension of how the
guitarist took Vienna by storm some three or four years hence. At age 22 he was
evidently already an accomplished ’cellist- and guitarist-composer.
In retrospect it is probably safe to conclude that Trieste was not a city in
which Giuliani, as a professional musician, could have supported himself and his
dependents very well. Giuliani's star, however, was rising north of the Alps, and
it would be this star that he would follow toward fame and fortune within the
next three years.
” See infra, Chapter Three, events in the year 1813, where the hypothesis is offered that he
played the timpani.
Chapter Two — The Early Years in Italy, 1781-1806 29
Figure H
Early classic guitar, of the type Giuliani would have played.
Built by G.B. Fabricatore, Naples, 1791. This instrument was originally
designed and constructed for six single strings and has not been altered.
Stockholm, Musikhistoriska Museet.
Chapter Three
30
Chapter Three — Vienna Welcomes the Virtuoso, 1806-1819 31
The first improvement in the guitar was the addition of a fifth string. Whether it
was first introduced in Italy or France is uncertain, for the name “French Guitar,”
by which this five-stringed instrument was known some time ago in places in
Germany, does not seem to us sufficient proof of its origin. But even in this form
it must have lagged far behind the much more perfect lute and mandora. It
gradually began to be accepted and known in the musical world only when the lute
and mandora had almost completely disappeared, and when the need was again
felt for a light and easily handled instrument, principally to accompany the voice.
Our ordinary guitar notation was being introduced then; the awkward double-
courses were done away with; guitar methods appeared, as did compositions for
the guitar. But we were not yet free from old and limited forms [styles?] which
went against the most elementary rules of harmony, often more than once in a
single measure. People were satisfied if [the guitar] was only vaguely consonant
with the song. In such circumstances, some 18 or 20 years ago, guitar playing
sneaked its way into Austria and Germany, where earlier it had been very rarely
seen. Public taste made the instrument fashionable, to be sure, but the way in which
it was generally handled could not remove the prejudice which connoisseurs had
formed against it when it first appeared.
A second substantial improvement of the guitar was made then, by adding the
sixth string, namely the low E, which was soon in general use here...
In this state the guitar could at least reach the rank which the mandora once had
honorably occupied in the musical world. Indeed, guitarists came forth who attained
great skill in the performance of difficult works. But ignorance of harmony, precisely
that field in which the guitar should excel, misguided taste, prejudice, and on the
other side, the unimaginativeness and the frivolity of most of the amateurs of this
fashionable instrument, appeared to raise such insurmountable obstacles to its
further improvement that its imminent decline seemed near at hand.
At this time, however, there was a new development, which was by itself enough
to change the direction of [public] taste and to make this instrument respectable in
the musical world: we mean the new type of guitar notation. This consists in
separating appropriately the different voices which make up the melody and har-
mony, and notating them in such a way as to distinguish clearly the bass from the
other voices, and the latter from each other and from the top voice, so that they
become obvious to the reader on looking at the score.
* ZuthS, 76.
2p) Mauro Giuliani: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
No matter how much prejudice and laziness strove to defeat this new idea, it
nevertheless soon found as its defenders the best teachers of the instrument in our
Imperial City, and was adopted by them in their compositions. Thus the most
important step towards a genuine improvement was taken. Now the composer could
no longer hide musical rubbish amid illegible hieroglyphs. He was no longer judged
by completely uneducated or by miseducated guitar amateurs. His works could now
be appreciated by anyone knowledgeable in music, and they were subject to criticism.
Consequently the pursuit of correctness arose by necessity, and a new and better way
of handling the instrument was bound to spread. The credit must go to our two
deserving guitar teachers and composers, Messrs. Matiegka and Diabelli, for being
the first to take up this new method of notation and for both popularizing it and
introducing a more correct and versatile playing technique through their example and
their teaching.° There was also no dearth of guitarists to show the effect of this new
technique on performance. We still remember here with pleasure one amateur
[Footnote: The doctor Franz Tandler, to whom Opus 7 mentioned above was
dedicated. He died in 1806.]—himself a good pianist, knowledgeable in the rules of
harmony—who seemed destined to raise the guitar to a height of perfection perhaps not
dreamed of even now, were he not torn too soon from music [Kunst] and from his friends.
Then (late in 1806) Herr Mauro Giuliani, a Neapolitan, came to us—a man who
had been led early in the right direction through a correct sense of harmony, and who,
as an accomplished virtuoso, combined with the most correct performance the
greatest perfection of technique and of taste. He began writing in the new manner
here,° and during his extended stay he has already presented us with a series of
charming compositions which may all be regarded as models of good style. Through
his teaching and the competition he has aroused among teachers and lovers of the
instrument, he has formed for us so many outstanding amateurs, that there could
scarcely be another place where authentic guitar-playing is so widely practiced as here
in our Vienna.
Only those who do not know what progress the guitar has made in the past eight
to ten years, and those who judge only by the wasteland (not yet completely reduced
to scratch paper, alas!) of miserable guitar compositions and by the performance of
the still-active exponents [Coryphde] of the old method can be counted as opponents
of this instrument. We request that they take a look at the better works that have
recently appeared and listen to a Giuliani so as to correct their judgment of this
too-little-known instrument.’
> Most other sources would disagree with this statement. For current thinking on the
subject see Chapter Five.
° It may well be that Giuliani had mastered the new manner of writing in Italy, years
before coming to Vienna. See Appendix I, 3, where Isnardi states that Giuliani “was the
first to invent and apply to the guitar a new musical orthography.” French printed sources
also appear to have played an early (c.1780) role in the development of the “new” guitar
notation, as does (if Sor’s and Aguado’s testimonies count for anything) the teaching of
Federico Moretti. Apparently the desire for progress in both guitar design and notation
was in the wind in several European capitals—notably Paris, Vienna, and Naples—in
the latter eighteenth century.
Chapter Three — Vienna Welcomes the Virtuoso, 1806-1819 Bg
3-2 Remarks on Vienna's musical life at the dawn of the rgth century
Byte aarinne? situated on the Danube, with the nearby, rustic suburbs of
Heiligenstadt and Leopoldstadt overlooking the city from the north-west, the
imperial capital of Vienna (see Figure J) must have exuded an aura of both
uncommon wealth and reassuring serenity to those travelers fortunate enough to
have arrived in 1806. When Giuliani reached Vienna, he found himself part of a
thriving musical milieu that included people of all walks of life, from the
Empress all the way down to the sons and daughters of the lower middle-class.
It was certainly a remarkable city in this regard, for cultural entertainment,
especially music, transcended class barriers in Vienna in a way that no other
institution or social function allowed. In 1808, we recall, Reichardt remarked, in
describing a concert he had attended where Giuliani probably performed, “Into
three quite small rooms... were crammed a large crowd of listeners of a// ranks,
and almost as large a crowd of musicians...”? In his letter of 1 March 1809,
Reichardt again commented favorably on “the pleasantly mixed audience com-
prising all social ranks...” at the amateur concert given by Frau von Rittersburg.’°
View of Vienna at the beginning of the rgth century, from an engraving published
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34
Chapter Three — Vienna Welcomes the Virtuoso, 1806-1819 35
Vienna’s public enthusiasm for the performing arts went beyond concerts and
embraced poetry reading, living tableaux, pantomime, theatre, ballet and opera.
The last was markedly on the upswing in the first decade of the nineteenth
century, as these figures for “Opern oder Singspiele” in the two court theatres
reveal:
Year Number of Operas or Singspiels performed
1797 9
1798 9
1799 8
1800 9
1801 8
1802 6
1803 9
1804 21
1805 20°
1806 13
1807 (incomplete)!
The rather abrupt surge in the production rate of operas in 1804-06 may well
reflect the arrival in Vienna of Italian singers and musicians fleeing Italy for
roughly the same reasons the guitarists did. It is a foregone conclusion that a city
whose population amounted to only 60,484 residents in 1807, including the
walled city and the suburbs,” could not supply but a fraction of the trained
instrumentalists and singers required to keep musical activities going at the brisk
pace indicated by the statistics.
Thus musicians flocked to Vienna from Italy, Germany (viz. Beethoven), and
the Czech, Polish and Slovak regions of the Austrian empire. Names like
Sedlatscheck and Matiegka, Wranitzky and Mrasek appear frequently in the
musical rosters at this epoch, to complement Italian names like Bridi, Borgondio,
Sessi, Marconi, Radichi, Gerardi, Liverati, Bevilacqua, Cerini, and so forth.’
Vienna compensated for what she did not provide in the way of native
musicians with enthusiastic audiences, amateurs desiring private music lessons,
wealthy patrons willing to sponsor concerts in their homes and gardens, printers
10
See Appendix I, 14, the last paragraph.
" “Uebersicht der Anzahl der in einem Zeitraum von 13 Jahren in beyden k.k. Hoftheatern
gegebenen Vorstellungen,” Chronologisches Verzeichnis aller Schauspiele, deutschen und
italienischen Opern, Pantomimen und Ballette... (Vienna, 1807): 156. Similarly increasing
figures are provided for the Theater an der Wien, and the Theater in der Leopoldstadt.
2 Vaterlindische Blatter (Vienna, 15 July 1808): 171. Prague, in 1808, had only 20,717 souls.
3 Taken from “Uebersicht des gegenwartigen Zustandes der Tonkunst in Wien,” Vater-
lindische Blatter (Vienna, 31 May 1808): 49-53 and 163-64.
36 Mauro Giuliani: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
for practically any music that would sell, and a guaranteed livelihood for the
virtuoso who could bring down the house.
Tempting as it may be to regard this state of affairs as the first and only
musical utopia, we know now that things were not as idyllic as the correspon-
dents’ reports from the Leipzig Al/gemeine mustkalische Zeitung (the AmZ), and
later the “Vienna” AmZ,'* would suggest. For example, there were numerous
musicians who got offered next to nothing for their compositions.' People were
constantly falling into debt, and Viennese prisons were never underpopulated. In
fact, the support for the municipal jails was largely derived from a tax on musical
and dance entertainment, to be paid by the artist or performers before the event
took place, in principle. The Viennese authorities kept books on who paid (or
was exonerated from paying) the “Zuchthausfonds,” i.e, the penitentiary-fund
tax. All the great musicians, as well as the lesser ones, had to queue up in front
of their local police district headquarters, get their names entered in the appro-
priate register, and settle with the tax authorities.
The exact regulations covering this Viennese institution from its earliest
beginnings are not easily found today, but one version from 1823 is preserved in
the Archiv der Gesellschaft der Musikfreunde. The system at that time, and the
penalty for not complying with it, are described in this passage:
... In order to establish practical control of these taxes, the present agency has
decreed that anyone who wishes to give a musical entertainment subject to the
provisions of the dance and music tax will be required beforehand to report it to
the local police district headquarters. [The police], if there is no objection to
fulfilling this plan, will refer the party, through a gra#ts printed bill, to the Municipal
Authority of the City of Vienna, for the payment of the music tax. Only after the
party has shown proof of payment, will the permit to hold the entertainment be
issued. Finally, the High Court Authority has decreed as punishment for the
evasion of the tax the payment of five times the amount of the unpaid fee."
The imperial bureaucracy was backed up by a police force which kept a watch
on everyone and everything that entered or left Vienna. All incoming and
outgoing post-coaches were apparently checked through the city walls at specific
is Allgemeine mustkalische Zeitung mit besonderer Riicksicht auf der Oesterreichischen Katser-
stadt, also called the Wiener AmZ, published 1813 and again 1817-24.
Schubert really suffered from the low prices paid him for his works, especially by his first
publisher, Diabelli. Giuliani, on the other hand, was very well paid. For example, he
received the incredible sum of 600 florins for his “method,” the Studio, Op. 1, when the
guitar method of a lesser figure, such as Friedrich Spina, was bought by Artaria for only
80 fl. (plate no. 2239). These figures are derived from A. Weinmann, Vollstandiges
Verlagsverzeichnis Artaria &F Comp. (Vienna, 1952).
16
From the Addressenbuch von Tonkiinstler, Dilettanten... (etc.) in Wien (Vienna, 1823):
271-72. Schubert was not listed in this book, so low was his profile as a concert artist
during his mid-twenties in Vienna. German text in Appendix I, 7.
Chapter Three — Vienna Welcomes the Virtuoso, 1806-1819 37
points and travelers’ identities were recorded. Anyone of note had his name,
occupation, and destination (if departing) or address (if arriving) printed in the
Vaterlindische Blatter.’ People of note consisted, as far as this official record
reflected it, of businessmen, military men, and the nobility. Musicians were only
rarely included.
Thus, from the point of view of archival entries, the only sources which
yielded positive results for Giuliani during my research in that city in 1968-69
were the music-tax records,'* the passport entries, and the police records. They
bring to light facets of Giuliani’s personality which a devil’s advocate would find
useful in undermining any effort to canonize the man whom some might like to
call “the divine Giuliani.” In a nutshell, (a) they document that he fathered an
illegitimate daughter, born in Vienna in 1807; (b) they accuse him in 1815 of living
a life “without rules”—a serious matter in a bourgeois town like Vienna in those
days; and (c) they make clear that he fell into debt at the height of his career, in
1819, concurrent with his departure for Italy.
To conclude, we may reasonably surmise, based on the available evidence, that
Giuliani led a somewhat “Bohemian” existence in the imperial capital. Were our
guitarist a more established kind of person during his years of residency in
Vienna, it might have been possible to trace him through his known municipal
address(es). So far not a single such address has been found. There is reason to
believe that Giuliani lived in many different locations in Vienna between 1806
and 1819, and in so doing caused no small amount of scandal then, as well as
difficulty for anyone trying to find out about him now.
MO errinie the greatest insight into the artist’s remarkable career in Vienna
comes from the many glowing concert reviews he received. ‘These make interest-
ing reading, and are given in consecutive order below, year by year, with occa-
sional addenda from other sources for the sake of clarification or context. It is
1” Vaterlindische Blatter fiir den Gsterreichischen Katserstaat, herausgegeben von mehreren Geschaft-
smanner und Gelehrten (Vienna, 1808 f.)
8 The first “Zuchthausfonds” entry mentioning Giuliani, according to indexes done by the
late Gustav Gugitz, was from April 1814 (v. Appendix I, 8), where Giuliani is exonerated
from paying the tax. The next is from late April 1818, and deals with a lump sum to be
paid jointly by Mayseder, Moscheles, and Giuliani (Appendix I, 9) in connection with
their April concerts that year.
His goods were impounded in Vienna as a result of charges pressed by a certain Jakob
Scholze. See Appendix I, ro. It says, “Jakob Scholze contra Mauro Giuliani,” in the
amount of 660 Gulden. Giuliani’s household goods inventory was presented in court, 27
Nov 1819. Unfortunately that inventory has been lost.
38 Mauro Giuliani: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
well to remember that all the biographies of Giuliani written since his death,
excluding only those by Isnardi and his followers, rely on these reviews for their
substance. As most of the citations are in German, the original texts are repro-
duced in Appendix I, with references to the same following each translation in
the text.
1807 He truly handles the guitar with unusual grace, skill, and power.
Warnour exception the successful musicians of the “classical” era were those
who had mastered the two essential skills of the day: virtuosic performance and
quality musical composition. It is noteworthy that the first written report we have of
Giuliani in Vienna, dated 21 October 1807, praises him flatteringly in both spheres:
Among the very numerous guitarists here”? one Giuliani is having great success,
even creating quite a sensation, as much by his compositions for the instrument as
by his playing. He truly handles the guitar with unusual grace, skill, and power.
—AmZ IX (4 Nov 1807): 89. German in Appendix I, 12.
By early November 1807, when the “Report from Vienna” which contains this
testimonial appeared, Giuliani the composer was already in print and being well
received. His Variations, Op. 2, and Three Rondos, Op. 3, along with the Italian
arias catalogued as WoO, vocal-1 and vocal-2,?! had already been published and
announced in the Wiener Zeitung—the official newspaper whose music adver-
tisements, Anzezgen, have come to form the backbone of any attempt at dating
the thousands of pieces of otherwise undated printed music that the Imperial
City produced.
Before the end of the year, Op. 5, 6, and 7 would be printed and available. Of
these, Op. 6, Otto Variazioni, exploits quite extensively the guitar’s idiomatic
resources, including harmonics and variations of timbre, in a spirited, brilliant,
and pure “classical” musical style, typical of the way the composer would con-
tinue to write throughout his life. Thus 1807 was a year of reasonably strong
beginnings for the young artist, and one in which the Viennese truly began to
notice him.
20
These included Simon Molitor, Franz Tandler (d. 1 Feb 1807), Wilhelm Klingenbrunner
(better known as a flutist), Leonhard von Call, Wenzel Matiegka, Anton Diabelli, and
Matteo Bevilacqua, all discussed in Zuth, Simon Molitor... (Vienna, 1920), as well as in
Koczirz, “Zur Geschichte der Gitarre in Wien,” Musikbuch aus Oesterreich, IV (Vienna,
1907): 11-18, and in Koczirz, “Die Wiener Gitarristik vor Giuliani,” Die Gitarre II/7-9
(Berlin, 1920/21): 71-73, 81-82, and 93-95.
1 See the checklist of Giuliani’s works at the rear of this book.
Chapter Three — Vienna Welcomes the Virtuoso, 1806-1819 39
1808 — One absolutely has to have heard the musician himself in order to
get an idea of his unusual skill and his precise, tasteful execution.
ING the end of winter, on March 27, 1808, Giuliani was reported to be in the
company of Vienna’s most famous musicians, assembled at a concert to honor
Haydn on his approaching 76th birthday:
In the account of the concert in Prometheus... we read: ‘The enthusiastic friend of
Art, Prince Lobkowitz, like Salieri and like Beethoven, weeping, kissed the hand
of their master.’ Musicians present included Salieri, Beethoven, Hummel, Gy-
rowetz, Giuliani, Conradin Kreutzer, and Franz Clement.”
Within days of this stellar occasion, with its gala performance of The Creation
in an Italian translation, it would be Giuliani’s turn to capture the musical
imagination of Vienna and, in turn, the whole of German-speaking Europe. He
would do this by giving the premiere performance of something quite extraordi-
nary: a full-fledged, three-movement concerto for classic guitar and full orches-
tra, along with a set of variations with orchestral accompaniment—both his own
compositions, as the AmZ reviewer indicated:
Vienna, April [1808]. On the third, in the Redoutensaal, Giuliani, perhaps the
greatest guitarist who has ever lived, gave an Akademie which was received with
deserved applause. One absolutely has to have heard the musician himselfin order
to get an idea of his unusual skill and his precise, tasteful execution. He played a
concerto and variations with full orchestral accompaniment (both of his own
composition),”° which are as delightful in themselves as Giuliani’s performance of
them. No one could refuse him his admiration and applause, and the audience
showed such enthusiasm as is seldom evoked even by the best masters. Inasmuch
as one should acclaim the most outstanding [composition] that has yet been
written for and performed on this instrument in Germany—for it is certain that
Giuliani has done both—inasmuch, I say, as one should acclaim this, such enthu-
siasm is to be praised. But if one considers the music itself ... Well, just try to
imagine a guitar next to an orchestra with trumpets and kettle-drums: isn’t it almost
unbelievably amateurish to devote such great talent, as Giuliani has done, to this
perennially weak-volumed instrument? Or [for the audience] to take so lively an
interest in the virtuoso and his art as to regard his work so highly? I, for one, could
not avoid thinking, while listening, what Music would have gained if this talent,
this incredible diligence and perseverance in conquering the greatest difficulties,
had been applied to an instrument more rewarding even to the musician himself.
22 Thanks to Marco Riboni for bringing this reference to light. Published in H.C. Robbins
Landon, Haydn: Chronicle and Works V (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1977),
p-364 n.t.
3 These were probably Op. 30, and possibly the theme and variations on “Nel cor piu.”
The concerto did not appear in print until 1810; a version for guitar and string quartet
of the variations on “Nel cor pit” was published in 1814-15 as Op. 65 by Ricordi of Milan.
40 Mauro Giuliani: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
Has not every instrument its own limits decreed by nature? And if these are
violated, must not the result be something strangely artificial, or even deformed?
We must put the guitar back in its place—let it stick to accompaniment—and we
will always be happy to hear it. But as a solo instrument, it can be justified and
appreciated only by “fashion.” It should be obvious that I in no way mean to degrade
Giuliani’s true worth as a composer and virtuoso.
—AmZ X (May 1808): 538-39. German in Appendix I, 13.
Enthusiastic as the reviewer and the audience were for the performance, the
former seemed unable to comprehend or accept the evolution in the guitar's
musical role that he had just witnessed—from song-accompaniment vehicle to
solo instrument in a full-blown concerto. The reporter continued to reflect the
common attitude of the day that the guitar was by nature an accompaniment
instrument not suited to solo performance. He even chided the audience for
what he regarded as its inappropriate enthusiasm.
Besides giving concerts, which may have included the one described by
Reichardt in his letter of ro December 1808 (v. Appendix I, 1) as well as the April
concerto-performance reported above, Giuliani had many compositions publish-
ed in Vienna that year, including the dazzling Sonata, Op. 15, and the lovely
Serenade for G, V & Vc, Op. 19.74 Other works which came out in 1808: Op. 8,
g, 10, 16b, 18, and 22 along with WoO, G acc.-2. The young composer’s social
progress is reflected in dedications of his works to his pupil Princess Caroline de
Kinsky (Op. 10), Mlle. Josephine Edlen von Maillard (Op. 15), and Countess
Josephine Morzkowska (Op. 22).
One further indication of Giuliani's rise to prominence is found in the article,
“Survey of the Present State of Music in Vienna,” printed in the Vaterlandische
Blatter of 1808. It is a kind of “Who’s Who” in music in Vienna, and lists
performers according to their status as either Kzinstler (professional artists) or
Dilettanten (amateurs). Under the category of pianists (K/avierspieler-—Kiinstler)
we find, of course, Beethoven listed first, followed by Hummel, Streicher, Stein,
Czerny the younger, and so forth. Di/ettanten for the piano make up a large list,
starting with Her Majesty the Empress and descending in order of social rank.
Here is the complete entry for guitarists:
KUNSTLER
Herr Mauro Giuliani has brought this instrument to a height which never would
have been thought possible before him. Only with him does one forget that [the
guitar], according to its nature, is intended for the accompaniment of a voice, or
of some instrument, and that it loses its essential character when it attempts solos,
sonatas, or concertos. Messrs. Alois Wolf, and Bevilacqua, are regarded as eminent
masters of this instrument, but especially noteworthy “Dilettanten” are not known to us.?5
* Surprisingly, the latter was not reviewed in the AmZ until January 1813 (col. 55-56). See
Appendix I, 23. s
Chapter Three — Vienna Welcomes the Virtuoso, 1806-1819 AI
A supplement to this first list of artists was soon published. It stated that
Leonhard von Call played the instrument “with unusual skill.”26 But nowhere is
there mention of such lesser guitarists as Simon Molitor, Wilhelm Klingenbrun-
ner, Wenzel Matiegka, or even Anton Diabelli in 1808.
Le the year 1809 only one report (dated March) has yet come to light attesting
to Giuliani’s presence in Vienna. His disappearance from concert notices and
reviews thereafter may be due partly to the fact that Vienna was threatened by
the dreaded French army of Napoléon, besieged on 11 May of that year, and
subsequently occupied. This circumstance is reputed to have hastened Haydn’s
death, on the 21st of May.
Before such political and military disturbances seized the capital, however,
Giuliani could be found in a setting such as this, described by Reichardt in a
letter dated 1 March 1809:
Therefore, it is also very gratifying to me that the amateur concerts of Frau von
Rittersburg,”’ which are held from seven to ten in the evening, are beginning again,
and will continue through Lent. The seating arrangements will also be more
advantageous for the listeners in the future; the music will be played only in the
middle room, and the listeners will be seated in the two open adjoining rooms.
Especially nice Italian vocal pieces are performed at this concert [series], Frau von
Rittersburg herself sings very pleasantly, and Fraulein von Zois and young Frau
von Frank, all very pretty, enchanting creatures, sing, together with a few Italian
and German tenors and basses, ensembles from Italian operas and operettas with
much spirit and taste. One often feels pleasantly transported to the Italian stage,
to which [impression] the delightful and lively outward appearance [”dusserliche...
Reprasentation”] surely contributes not a little. An Italian banker, Bridi,”* whose
* “Herr Mauro Giuliani hat dieses Instrument auf eine Hohe gebracht, deren man es, vor
ihm, nie fahig gehalten hatte; nur bey ihm vergisst man, dass es seiner Natur nach, zur
Begleitung einer Singstimme oder irgend eines anderen Instrument geeignet ist, und es
seinen eigenthtimlichen Character verliert, wenn es sich an Solos, Sonaten, oder Conz-
erte wagt. Die Herren Aloys Wolf und Bevilacqua werden fiir vorziigliche Meister dieses
Instrumentes gehalten; besonders ausgezeichnete Dilettanten aber sind uns nicht be-
kannt.” Vaterlindische Blatter VII (31 May 1808): 53.
26
Op.cit., 164.
77 Mme. de Rittersburg (Ritterspurg) was the dedicatee of Giuliani’s Op. 49, published
some five years later, 1.e. in 1814.
#8 ‘This is probably Josef Antoine Bridi, who, according to the title page of Giuliani’s Op.
79, Cavatine variée, was a friend of the guitarist.
42 Mauro Giuliani: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
tenor voice still shows its earlier beauty and fullness in individual notes, sings there
often with much elocution [“Vortrag”] and expression. For beautiful bass voices, a
Herr von Kiesewetter,? and Herr von Hennigstein, and an Italian Abbé [Bevilac-
qua?] stand out. Even Prince Lobkowitz often takes a lively part in the ensembles
with his strong, full bass voice, with which he enters wholly into the Italian style.
His orchestra provides the largest part of the instrumental music there, and it often
performs certain symphonies and overtures very creditably. Several well-trained
dilettantes, however, also often reinforce the orchestra. I also heard the very popular
guitarist Giuliani at this concert for the first time, and I very much longed to hear
him again often.
This concert [series] also provides a good opportunity for conversation because
of its pleasantly mixed audience from all ranks. One can find here the eminent men
of the nation and of the court together with the families of the petty aristocracy and
the bourgeoisie, united in a very good and free way, and one often has a pleasant hour
of conversation even after the concert.
—J.F Reichardt, Vertraute Briefe (Amsterdam, 1810): 465-67. German in Appendix I, 14.
The only works bearing Giuliani’s name and published in Vienna in 1809 (if
press advertisements are any indication) are Op. 20 (dedicated to Count George
Waldstein) and Op. 21, both advertised in February. This may mean that Giuliani
left Vienna in March or April of 1809. He could have gone touring, or he could
also have returned to Italy. Nothing more is heard of him until the following year.
1810 ... perhaps one of the greatest living guitar virtuosi ...
L is safe to assume that Giuliani spent the latter part of 1809 composing, to
meet the demands of his publishers, to supply his students with appropriate
Spielmusik (“entertainment music,” of which he wrote a great deal throughout his
life) for a relatively new instrument, and to establish himself in the public’s eye
as a composer.
At about this time his relationship with the Viennese publisher Domenico
Artaria II (1775-1842) must have been excellent. The renowned “Editore di
Musica” undoubtedly advised Mauro Giuliani on such matters as the reserving
of his Opus number 1 for an eventual guitar method (which would be published
by Artaria in 1812), in addition to commissioning him to begin the periodic series
of vocal pieces with guitar or piano accompaniment, Le Troubadour du Nord
? Marco Riboni uncovered evidence that this singer was Raphael Georg Kiesewetter, uncle
of the well-known music historian August Wilhelm Ambros (See RiboniAgg, I, 47).
Kiesewetter described himself as an able and sought-after bass and a capable guitarist
in his autobiography, “Meine musikalisch-literarische Selbstbiographie}” A/manach der
katserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften 3 (1853): 74.
Chapter Three — Vienna Welcomes the Virtuoso, 1806-1819 43
(WoO, vocal-3), destined to run into twelve cahiers (of 4 or 5 songs each) between
early 1810 and 1819.
Early that year Op. 11, 12, 13, 14, 23, 24b, and the Concerto, Op. 30 (originally
labeled Op. 29) appeared in print. In May of the same year Giuliani gave a
concert for his own benefit, as this review makes clear:
On the 23rd [of May 1810] Mauro Giuliani, perhaps one ofthe greatest living guitar
virtuosi, gave a concert for his own benefit in the small Redoutensaal and received
much applause.
—AmZ, XII (6 June 1810): 573. German in Appendix I, 16.
Incidentally, the young artist’s reputation was such in 1810 that his name was
included on the title page of a set of ten Lieder set to music by Count Moritz von
Dietrichstein, when all Giuliani did was to provide the guitar accompaniment
(WoO, G acc.-3). A lesser guitarist would have remained anonymous in such a
situation, but it was obviously felt here that there would be prestige value in
attaching Giuliani’s name prominently to the songs.
The year 1810 also witnessed the first published reviews of Giuliani’s compo-
sitions for the guitar—reviews of interest because they are already starting to
distinguish between Giuliani’s best works and his less-than-stellar studies and
arrangements produced chiefly, we would assume, to meet the public demand for
accessible, easy guitar music:
Brier Notices [6 June 1810]. Vari Pezzi de Balletto Il Barbiere di Sevigha, ridotti
per Chitarra da M. Giuliani. Op. 16. Bonn: Simrock... This little opus comprises
three movements: a pleasant, singable piece in the manner of a rondo, which in
Giuliani’s way is full-voiced and well developed; then an extremely simple Ro-
mance, almost completely based on the C-major chord, which if played quite
tenderly and poignantly comes offas the best ofthe lot; finally a Romance of Méhul
with a few varied melodic figures which sound somewhat borrowed and frag-
mented. On the whole the last piece is not well suited to the treatment it receives.
—AmZ XII, 55 (17 Oct 1810): 886-87. German in Appendix I, 17.
It is clear from the foregoing that Giuliani’s way with the guitar (Gzuw/ianis
Weise) was already unique and recognizable in his music, even when the latter was
published in Bonn and reviewed in Leipzig. In the following, his “full-voiced”
and “fluent” manner of writing for the guitar again attracted favorable attention:
Brier Notices [12 December 1810]. ... Rondo per la Chitarra sola di M. Giuliani.
Oeuvre 3, no. 3. Bonn: Simrock...
This small composition is written in the famous virtuoso’s own full-voiced and
still rather fluent manner. It has a pleasant effect—that is, if one can pull it off
correctly; yet it is not so difficult, and the whole is not so overblown from the
perspective of performance, as various other compositions of this master.
—AmZ XII, 63 (12 Dec 1810): 1020. German in Appendix I, 18.
44 Mauro Giuliani: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
But here we also find the first tinges of criticism leveled at Giuliani for
writing music which is dberkiinstlich (“over-artful,” contrived, overblown). Was
this an esthetic objection or a technical one? Or put in more crass terms, was
this a subtle put-down of a Viennese guitarist by a Leipzig publisher who was
competing for the growing amateur guitar market? We may never know. Giuliani
was certainly not the only composer in Vienna being chided (by the Leipzig
press, let us remember) for writing technically demanding music. On the other
hand, it is also quite probable that he and his publishers were influenced by such
criticism to maintain a steady output of studies, variations and rondos aimed at
the beginner and dilettant market. Here is a chronological sampling of works of
this more accessible type published during this and the remaining years of
Giuliani’s residency in Vienna:
In 1810: the Monferrine, Op. 12, and the Six Easy Variations, Op. 32.
In 1811: the Six Progressive Rondos, Op. 14 and the Divertissements, Op. 29.
In 1812: the Studio, Op. 1, the Divertimenti, Op. 37 & 40, and the Niaiserie d’enfant
varié, Op. 4I.
In 1813: Twelve Easy Variations on an Austrian National Air, Op. 47, and Les Vartétés
Amusantes (Imprimerie Chimique), Op. 54.
In 1814: Eighteen Progressive Lessons, Op. 51, Les Variétés Amusantes (Artaria), Op.
43, and Twelve Landler, Op. 44.
In 1816: Three Sonatinas, Op. 71, the Bagatelles, Op. 73, and for flute (violin) and
guitar the Préces Factles et Agréables, Op. 74.
In 1817: Divertissements, Op. 78, Six Variations (della pid grande facilita), Op. 87,
Studi Dilettevolt, Op. 98, and for flute (vl.) and guitar the Duettino Facile, Op. 77;
In 1818: Two sets of Landler for two guitars, Op. 80 and 92, three Sonatas (dri/lantes,
faciles, et agréables), Op. 96.
In 1819: Twelve Landler for two guitars, Op. 94, and the Etudes Instructives, Faciles,
et Agréables, Op. too.
“without opus number” for flute (violin) and guitar in the Giuliani catalogue. Its
title page is worded thus:
DUO
arrange
pour
GUITARRE ET VIOLON
par
MAURO GIULIANI
GRAND DUO
pour le
PIANO-FORTE ET GUITARE
arrangée d’un Quatuor de
MONS. MAYSEDER
par
ANT: DIABELLI
According to Weinmann, this work, with plate no. 1895, was brought out in
1810.31 Thanks to the cooperation of the staff of the Yale University Music
© See HeckDiss II, 166. Its catalogue number is WoO, G & F(V)-1.
1 See WeinVi8.
46 Mauro Giuliani: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
Library, which holds editions of most of the Mayseder string quartets, and to
Diane Pettit of the Music Library at the University of North Carolina, which
holds apparently all six of them (five in Richault reissues of several years later),
it has been possible to identify the first and last movements of this work (WoO,
G & F(V)-1) as arrangements of the corresponding movements of Mayseder’s
first String Quartet, Op. 5. The middle movement, however, is not an arrange-
ment of Mayseder’s own Adagio for that quartet, in E maj. Rather it is a lilting
D-major minuet which does not correspond to anything in the Mayseder
thematic catalogue.3?2 With no other hint of an attribution available besides
Giuliani, one could justify tentatively assigning it to the guitarist’s catalogue of
works without opus number.
There are two rival claims to the honor of first publishing Mayseder’s string
quartet, Op. 5. Hellsberg identified the Artaria edition (plate no. 2090, advertised
26 May 1810) as the first. But it can also be found in the catalog of Pleyel (Paris)
with plate number 254—a suspiciously “early” Pleyel plate number (datable by
context at c. 1799-1803) for a work whose composer was born in 1789! But Pleyel
is known to have played fast and loose with his plate numbers, probably as a way
to counter rival firms’ potential claims of prior ownership.»
The decision of the Viennese publisher Chemische Druckerey in 1810, and
again in 1811, to substitute the arranger’s name (Giuliani) for that of the com-
poser’s (Mayseder) is troubling. It forces us to ask several questions:
a. Why was this done? One doubts that it was from ignorance or misrepresen-
tation, as Giuliani and Mayseder were musical colleagues and friends, often
appearing in the same concerts together as we shall see. One would like to believe
that the owner of Vienna’s lithographic press (Chemische Druckerey, and later
S. A. Steiner) purchased the Mayseder quartet manuscript outright from the
composer, as was commonly done, thereby acquiring the sole rights to publish
and arrange the work when and how he wished. But we know that two other
publishers, Pleyel and Artaria, had already brought it out, perhaps unaware of
the other’s purchase, but also possibly in a cooperative arrangement. And we have
reason to believe that the quartet version was in print by mid-18r0 in Vienna.
So how did Chemische Druckery acquire rights to a Giuliani “arrangement”
of two thirds of Mayseder quartet published by a rival firm? One can only
speculate: Perhaps Artaria offered somethig like “third-party duet-arrangement
rights” for this quartet to the Chemische Druckerey, and the latter commissioned
Giuliani to do the honors. One can just imagine the lithographic printer ap-
~” Eugen Hellsberg, Joseph Mayseder (Wien 1789 bis 1863) (Ph.D. dissertation, Univ. of
Vienna, 1955). The fourth volume of this work is the thematic catalogue.
* To appreciate how unpredictable Pleyel’s plate numbers often were, see Rita Benton,
Pleyel as Mustc Publisher: ADocumentary Sourcebook ofEarly r9th-Century Music (Stuyve-
sant, NY: Pendragon Press, 1990).
Chapter Three — Vienna Welcomes the Virtuoso, 1806-1819 47
WoO, G & F(V)-4, Seconde Polonoise de Mr. Mayseder, arrangée pour Violon ou Flite
et Guitarre par MAURO GIULIANI...
Publishing practices like these seem strange, even devious, to whoever would
judge by today’s standards. But they were quite normative in early nineteenth-
century Vienna, where a nascent publishing industry was trying to gauge,
stimulate, and cater to public demand like never before. A publisher’s survival
depended on making sales. The musical stars of the day, like Giuliani and
Beethoven, Hummel and Spohr, were not shy about arranging each others’
works, and were probably pressed into service by enterprising publishers as
arrangers of the works of others, too. In some cases, such as the one we just saw,
the “others” were either unknown or simply deleted from the title pages at the
publisher’s discretion.
On the subject of unknowns, another footnote to the year 1810 probably
should be added. It was some time between early 1808 and May 1810, probably
the latter, that the Bureau des Arts et d’Industrie brought out two versions of
Giuliani’s famous first Concerto, Op. 30 (plate no. 622): (a) with full orchestral
accompaniment and (b) with string quartet accompaniment. In his excellent
commentary to the Tecla facsimile republication of these works (GCW, 25 & 26),
Brian Jeffery addresses head-on the oft-repeated rumor that Hummel was
responsible for the orchestrations of the Giuliani concertos involving orchestra:
Op. 30 and Op. 70. He traces it perhaps to its source, The Giulianiad (London,
1833/34), where an advertisement for the publication of Giuliani's third concerto
(by Johanning) states: “to those’ who are unacquainted with its merit, it should
be mentioned that the celebrated HUMMEL wrote full Orchestral Accompa-
niments for it; an honor which he has not conferred on any similar production.”
While Jeffery may be correct in asserting that “nothing is known from
Giuliani’s own time and milieu to suggest that Hummel orchestrated either of
48 Mauro Giuliani: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
Giuliani’s concertos op. 30 and op. 70,” the notion that Hummel might have done
so does not strike this writer as implausible, on its face, given the experience of
the older Hummel and the fast and loose publishing and arranging practices that
prevailed in Vienna at the time. The more one studies the Mustkverleger of this era,
the less one is surprised by contradictions, misattributions, and ghost-writing.
lee 1810/11 winter season seems not to have differed much from the previous
one, from what we know of Giuliani’s activities. He gave his (now annual) spring
concert in May 1811, receiving a good review. This excerpt seems to suggest,
depending on one’s reading of zwm letzten Ma/—literally “for the last time’—
that it was a “farewell” concert, at least for the season:*4
On the fifth [of May 1811] in the small Redoutensaal, Herr Mauro Giuliani allowed
himself to be heard zum letzten Mal in a concerto and a potpourri for the guitar
(both his own compositions), and earned, as always, the fullest applause for his
marvelous and expressive handling of the instrument.
—AmZ XIII (19 June 1811): 428. German in Appendix I, 19.
If Giuliani did leave Vienna in 1811, we may safely speculate that he went back
to Italy in the summer, perhaps to rejoin his wife, Maria Giuseppa, and young
son Michel, now (as of May 17, 1811) a ten-year-old; as we have seen, they were
very possibly living in Trieste by now. Whatever the case, no reviews or notices
of Giuliani’s presence have yet been found in the German or Viennese press for
the summer and fall of 1811.
If he did return home to Italy to rejoin his spouse at that time, one can
imagine that his tales of fame and fortune would have inspired Signora Giuliani
to make the long voyage to Vienna herself, either with her husband in the fall of
1811 or some time in 1812. The basis for this supposition is purely biological: the
Viennese passport archives record that Giuliani was the father of a legitimate
daughter (one that took his name rather than that of the mother), namely Emilia,
born in Vienna in 1813 (v. Appendix I, 60). The only other way to explain this
would be through the untimely death of Maria Giuseppa and the composer’s
remarriage (conceivably to a Viennese woman) some time prior to 1813—an
unlikely but not impossible scenario, given the fragility of life in general and the
state of medical science in the early nineteenth century in particular.35
34 : : : ‘g
If the expression is translated “at the latest time,” understood as “most recently,” then
the sense of a farewell concert is lost.
© If the Viennese police report of 9 Sept 1815 has any credibility, his “wife” of the time
would have returned to “Trieste or Venice” by 1815, perhaps even in 1814, where she and
her daughter, Emilia, would have been living “in great poverty.” It is not likely that a new
Chapter Three — Vienna Welcomes the Virtuoso, 1806-1819 49
Mauro Giuliani’s parents may also have entered the picture at about this time.
Judging from the letters which his father, Michele, wrote to Domenico Artaria
in 1820 and 1822 (mailed from Trieste),36 he and his wife must have moved to
Trieste some time between 1801 (the supposed date of Mauro’s son Michel’s birth
in Barletta), when the whole family was presumably still in Barletta, and 1820.
At the very least it might have been convenient for the Giulianis to move up the
coast in 1811, in terms of the possibility of having Mauro there to help the family relocate.
Whatever the case, Giuliani certainly continued to meet the demands in
Vienna for his compositions. Opus numbers reaching as far as Op. 33 appeared
in 1811. Notable among them, from a historical point ofview, is Op. 27, which has
an elaborately engraved title page picturing Empress Marie-Louise next to her
newborn son (Napoléon II, King of Rome) in an imperial, canopied cradle. The
work is entitled Marie-Louise au Berceau de son Fils, Romance Pour le Clavecin, ou
Guitarre, par Mauro Giuliani, and it was published by Artaria no later than 22
June 1811.57 (See Figure K.) Napoléon II had been born in Paris in March ofthat
year. The bilingual song (French and German text by “Mr. Gentil”) must have
roused Marie-Louise’s interest in Giuliani, for she eventually would bestow on
him the rank of “Honorary Chamber Virtuoso.”*8 If Isnardi is to be believed, she
would also give to Giuliani her own lyre-guitar, especially ordered for her by
Napoléon, and obtain a title for our guitarist-composer.3?
1812 The variations for guitar and violin by Herr Mauro Giuliani, played
by himself and Herr Seidler, were gratifying to all.
Austrian wife would have done this; so Signora Giuliani must still have been alive. See
Appendix I, 11.
%6 Vienna, Stadt- und Landesbibliothek, Handschriftensammlung, call no. J.N. 69721/ 1, 11
and iii.
7 T am grateful to Peter Paffgen for the reproduction of the title page of op. 27, from his
private collection.
8 The title pages of Op. 95, 100, 126, and WoO(posth), G-14, qualify Giuliani’s name with
this honor.
39
See Appendix I, 3, first paragraph.
50 Mauro Giuliani: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
LOTR
ROLE ENN LR CN REE NEEL ES OES TT SEC
AE A EE ARON
A EY AN A ER IRATE TINIE LION RAR BDDL Nt NAT I 8 EEA,
Pes i
¥ yg
ny ae
( Zi
ha LeVLA
A ON oN
ET
Jere rea vsson ls Ua
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5 ey
BEAT a, CHUA ASS
= = (p91) i
Figure K
Title page of the first edition of Giuliani’s Opus 27, Romance de Marie Louise au ber-
ceau de son fils, published in June 1811 by Artaria & Comp.
Chapter Three — Vienna Welcomes the Virtuoso, 1806-1819 5I
seems to have written more chamber music than any other virtuoso composer-
guitarist of his day.‘°
Marco Riboni recently found a review of a concert given by a Viennese
violinist named Seidler in early January 1812,"! in which Giuliani performed:
Vienna, 7 JANUARY [1812]... Concerts... On the ist [of January] Herr Seidler
employed his talents once again in a concert organized by him in the small
Redoutensaal. He played a Violin Concerto which he composed, with a tenderness
all his own. The variations for guitar and violin by Herr Mauro Giuliani, played
by himself and Herr Seidler, were gratifying to all.4? Likewise Herr Seidler played
at the end of the concert Variations for violin with orchestral accompaniment and
Janissary-music by Bernhard Romberg, with rare skill and insight. An aria by
Cimarosa, sung by Demoiselle Anna Maria Sessi, and a duet by Paer sung by her and
Dem. Antoinette Laucher, very worthily performed, gratified the large audience.
—AmZ XIV/s (29 Jan 1812): 75. German in Appendix I, 20.
A good number of Giuliani’s works came off the Viennese presses in 1812.
Besides the duets for flute or violin and guitar (Op. 24a and 25), there were also
duets for two guitars (Op. 35 and WoO, 2G-2). These pieces all appeared in
March-April 1812. The last one—the overture to Mozart’s Clemenza di Tito,
arranged by Giuliani for two guitars—marks the first appearance in the com-
poser’s published music of a kind of transposing guitar (in this case explicitly by
the use of a capotasto on the third fret), which became known as a chitarra
terzina, chitarra terza, or terz-guitar.** Ophee has pointed out that this kind of
transposing guitar was called for as early as 1807 in a published work of Leonhard
von Call, the Quartet, Op. 121, for “Guitare avec Capo d’astro, Violon, Alto e
Violoncello.”** I would add, for what it’s worth, that Giuliani arrived from Italy
the year before, in 1806. Who learned what from whom? While leaving the
question open, we should at least note that Giuliani published a number of works
for the terz-guitar during the period 1812 until his death, notably: Op. 66, 67, 69,
70, 75, 80, 92, 94, 104, and 126.
“ The Viennese guitarist Leonhard von Call (1767-1815), while not in Giuliani’s league as
a performer, wrote preponderantly easy chamber music involving the guitar. See Alois
Mauerhofer, Leonhard von Call: Musik des Mittelstandes zur Zeit der Wiener Klasstk
(Bozen, 1975).
" RiboniAgg, I, 47.
© This set of variations might well have been Op. 24a, published in April 1812.
*S This 1812 work was evidently overlooked by M. Ophee when he wrote, “e soltanto a
partire dal 1814 Giuliani scrisse qualcosa del genere [’Guitare avec Capo d’Astro’]”—and
only as of 1814 did Giuliani write something of the kind,” i/ ‘Fronimo’ no. 25 (1978): 18.
“ Tbid., 14-15.
52 Mauro Giuliani: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
Vienna wasn't the only place the guitar was fashionable in 1812, and Giuliani
was certainly not the only guitarist-composer being published. A curious trend
was developing, however. Reviewers were beginning to compare the music of
other guitarist-composers to Giuliani’s, which represented to them a kind of
criterion or standard for both virtuosic and difficult writing for the guitar:
Brier Notices. 1) Zehn Variationenf.die Guitarre tiber das tyroler Volkshed: Wann
iin der Friih etc... and 2) XI Variat. plour] 1Guit[are] sur Pair de Harder: Ich sass und
spann etc., both by A. Harder. Berlin: Kunst u. Industrie-Comptoirs.
When the guitar is treated as a solo instrument, and yet virtuosi are not (as in
Giuliani’s compositions) the presupposed performers, then pleasant variations are the
best one can expect for the instrument and its devotees. Both these little suites are
just such pleasing sets of variations...
—AmZ XIV/27 (1 July 1812): 450. German in Appendix I, 21.
Even some of Ferdinando Carulli’s easy didactic works were being compared,
in 1812, to Giuliani’s better-known and more difficult works:
In the latter part of the year Giuliani saw published four of his works in the
form of the theme with variations (Op. 32, 34, 38, and 41), and two sets of twelve
Divertimenti (Op. 37 and 40), all for solo guitar. At about the same time the
second Concerto, Op. 36, was brought out. The circumstances surrounding its
appearance remain a mystery. It may have been played at the composer’s concert
of 5May 1811, where we know a concerto was played, and then simply not printed
before latter 1812. Or it could have been requested by Artaria the very same year
it appeared. Nothing is known of its dedicatee, a certain Mr. de Monte, but his
name conspicuously lacks a title. He could easily have been one of the wealthy
Viennese middle-class, a certain je ne sais qui, who probably helped defray the
publication costs and perhaps recompensed the composer in some way, as was
the custom.
Chapter Three — Vienna Welcomes the Virtuoso, 1806-1819 53
Brier Notices. Serenade pour la Guitarre, Violon, et Violoncelle, comp. par Mauro
Giuliani. Oeuvre 19. Vienna: Artaria & Comp.
The full-voiced and, what’s more, fully-“gripped” way in which this justly
beloved composer handles the guitar is well known; he does it again here. But since
he has added the two bowed [string] instruments as obbligato parts, he has not
needed to press upon [the guitar] melodies for which it is not suited, nor to require
artificial work from the player, who surely would only be able to pull it off with
difficulty, barring the most persistent practice; and at the end the result would be
quite forced and thankless. But since all three instruments here are handled, and their
players kept busy, in their natural spheres (the guitar mostly arpeggiating and filling
in, the violin and not rarely the ’cello being melodious), everything seems for the best
and quite engaging. The amateurs for whom such works are intended will not hold
a few incorrect voice leadings against the composer, especially since they are not
frequent, and, with the exception of a scant two, slip by fairly unnoticed. —The
movements, no less than the instruments, are appropriate to the character of a
serenade. A gentle Adagio, not merely introductory, but substantial, starts us off, a
very lively Scherzando with pleasant Trio follows, and a lively Polacca, rather pikant,
winds the piece up. The composer should certainly expect a positive reception for this
work wherever this kind of music is especially valued. The engraving and everything
relating to appearance, while not superior, is still better than one has come to expect
from Vienna for some time.
—AmZ XV/3 (20 Jan 1813): 55-56. German in Appendix I, 23.
Even while praising Giuliani’s handling of the guitar, the anonymous re-
viewer takes pains to advise the reader of the guitar’s true (if somewhat limited)
nature and its suitability, in particular, to “arpeggiating and filling-in.” He
implies that the guitar really is not suited for playing melodies—that they must
be “forced” upon it! (Has anyone ever suggested such a limitation for the harp or
the harpsichord, whose strings are also plucked? Was this fair, even by early
nineteenth-century standards?) When, if ever, would this Leipzig-based con-
spiracy of disbelief end?
Early in May 1813, Giuliani performed in an Akademie given by the famous
pianist Ignaz Moscheles, at which it appears very likely that they premiered some
version—a preliminary one, perhaps—of their Grand Duo Concertant for piano
and guitar, known as Op. 20 in the Hummel catalog and WoO, G & P-1 in
Giuliani’s. We are fortunate in having two reviews of it, both of which are in
54 Mauro Giuliani: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
general agreement that the event was less than a brilliant success both composi-
tionally and in terms of performance. First the Leipzig AmZ version:
On the 9th Herr Ignaz Moscheles, Adjunct Director of the Imperial Court Theater,
gave a concert in the small Redoutensaal. His performance on the piano is precise,
adroit, and expressive; his compositions, however, still can make only a small claim
at artistic worth. Herr Giuliani played with him a Sonata for piano and guitar
sketched by both and completed by the latter. The guitar-playing of the former
seemed to us on this occasion not to be as significant as we are accustomed to
hearing from this accomplished master. We would gladly have foregone Herr M’s
fantasizing on the piano at the end, with the added potpourri, had he offered us in
their place a solid composition by Beethoven or some other famous composer. Herr
Wild sang Matthisson’s Ade/aide, set by Beethoven and accompanied by Herr Kapell-
meister Gyrowetz on the pianoforte, very beautifully and with much expression.
—AmZ XV (June 1813): 418. German in Appendix I, 26a.”
The work in question, known as the Grand Duo Concertant, was published
about nine months later in a form worthy to have Archduke Rudolph as the
dedicatee—the same archduke whose name graces the title page of Beethoven’s
famous Trio in B), Op: 97.
More will be said about the tenor, Franz Wild, in connection with Giuliani’s activities
45 . . . . - . . . .
in 1816.
Chapter Three — Vienna Welcomes the Virtuoso, 1806-1819 55
only suggests to us today, but clearly implied to a reviewer in 1810 that it was
Giuliani who was playing and Beethoven who was present:
Amateur concert, in which notably the ‘handsome guitar-player’ (by which is
meant, we presume, our Giuliani) performed and Beethoven was in the audience.“
Being quite deaf, Beethoven would not have been able to perceive the subtle
nuances of the guitarist’s artistry, yet he could have gauged the audience response
visually as well as through published reviews. There are, fortunately, other
reasons to believe that the two composers had high regard for one another. If the
following passage is any indication, they dined together upon occasion in the
company of other Viennese musicians of repute. The excerpt is taken from a
book on Hummel by Karl Benyovsky,’’ and gives us quite an insight (fanciful or
otherwise) into Beethoven's personality, while at the same time trying to dispel the
notion that he and Hummel were enemies. Giuliani’s presence is quite incidental:
Hummel’s marriage in 1813 with Elisabeth Réckel, a singer at the Burgtheater, and
sister of Beethoven's friend, Josef August Réckel the Opera singer, gave music
historians a further opportunity to deal with the alleged enmity ofthe two masters.
They declared, in fact, that the marriage contributed to the deepening of the
already existing gulf between Hummel and Beethoven, for Beethoven had also
sought the favor of his friend’s sister, but Hummel had won her preference.
On the other hand, Frau Hummel told the music historian Ludwig Nohl that
Beethoven favored her with all manner of compliments, as is usual in the presence of
young ladies, when, as a popular, young, pretty singer, she and her brother dined with
the master. He had never expressed a serious preference for her, however, let alone
made her a marriage proposal. It would therefore be quite false to say that the
relationship of the two men had changed after her marriage. Moreover, she expressly
recalled an incident from her married life when all three were dining together wth the
famous guitarist Giuliani. Beethoven, with the exuberance of his Rhenish disposition,
had not ceased nudging and teasing her so that she couldn’t shake him off; in fact, he
had always been in the habit of pinching her on the arm out of pure affection.®
4 See the AmZ XII (1809-10): 273 f., a review of Reichardt’s Vertraute Briefe....Amsterdam,
1810), which includes little excerpts from the book itself, followed by commentary from
the reviewer. The quotation is from col. 278, and is reproduced in Appendix I, 15.
“” 7. N. Hummel, der Mensch und Kistler (Bratislava, 1934). Benyovsky’s source was Ludwig
Nohl.
‘8 Emphasis mine. Op. cit., 145-46. German in Appendix I, 24.
56 Mauro Giuliant: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
musical program to be held on December 8 and 12, in the “grosse Saal des neuen
Universitaits-Gebiudes,” which consisted of (1) Beethoven’s new [Seventh] Sym-
phony in A major [first performance], (2) two marches for trumpet with orches-
tral accompaniment, performed by Maelzel’s “mechanischer Feldtrompeter,” and
(3) Wellingtons Sieg bei Vittoria, by Beethoven. Since this was to be a prestige
affair, Vienna’s foremost artists were enlisted to play in the orchestra.*? Undoubt-
edly Maelzel, the impresario, made quite a profit from these performances,
although the bulk of the receipts went to the Austrian war chest, the so-called
high “Kriegs-Prasidio.”°°
Beethoven quickly decided that he, too, ought rightly to make some profit
from these compositions. He devised an all-Beethoven program for his own
benefit, consisting of the Seventh Symphony, Wellingtons Sieg, and several num-
bers composed by him for chorus, orchestra, and vocal soloists. He announced
his plans in the A//gemeines Intelligenzblatt der... Wiener Zeitung, 31 Dec 1813. That
performance took place, with essentially the same orchestra as previously assem-
bled, on Sunday, 2 Jan 1814,°! and ended up being repeated twice more.
Beethoven’s first note of public thanks for the December concerts was never
printed, probably because of bad blood between himself and Maelzel. The
former had, of course, “edited” Maelzel out of his program of January 2nd.
Beethoven's acknowledgement of the earlier concerts, which listed the names of
the Viennese musical celebrities participating in the orchestra, has nevertheless
been preserved. It reads as follows:
I esteem it my duty to thank all the honored participants in the Akademie given on
December 8 and 12 for the benefit of the sick and wounded Austrian and Bavarian
soldiers...
It was an unusual congregation of admirable artists, wherein every individual was
inspired by the single thought of contributing something by his art for the benefit of
the fatherland, and who, without consideration of their ranks, cooperated in subor-
dinate places in the excellent execution of the whole.
While Herr Schuppanzigh at the head of the violins carried the orchestra by his
fiery and expressive playing, an Ober-Kapellmeister named Herr Salieri did not
disdain to beat time for the drummers and salvos. Herr Spohr and Herr Mayseder,
each worthy of leadership because of his art, collaborated in the second and third
places, and Herr Siboni and Giuliani also occupied subordinate positions.
To me the direction of the whole was assigned only because the music was of my
composition; had it been by another, I should have been as willing as Herr Hummel
” AmZ XVI (Jan 1814): 70 f. The review here describes the orchestra as ein zahlreiches
Orchester, durchaus mit den ersten und vorziiglichsten hiesigen Tonkunstler besetzt...—“a
large orchestra, comprised throughout of the first and most eminent musicians of the day.”
°° Elliot Forbes, Thayer's Life ofBeethoven... (Princeton, 1964): I, 566.
*! Op. cit., 569-70.
Chapter Three — Vienna Welcomes the Virtuoso, 1806-1819 57
to take my place at the big drum, as we were all filled with nothing but the pure love of
country and of joyous sacrifice of our powers for those who sacrificed so much for us.
But our greatest thanks are due to Herr Mae/ze/, since it was he who first
conceived the idea of this concert...[italics mine]}>?
52
Op. cit., 567. This letter, translated here by Forbes, was saved for posterity by Schindler.
Another translation appears in The Letters ofBeethoven, tr. Anderson (New York, 1961):
1437-38.
53
RiboniAgg I, 49.
4 “Hat einst bey der Sch/acht im.| Universitatssaal Giuliani die | Pauke geschlagen?.”
Ludwig van Beethovens Konversationshefte, ed. Karl-Heinz Kohler e¢ a/. VII (Leipzig:
VEB, 1981), p.60.
© Op. cit. (5 Sep 1803), quoted in i/ ‘Fronimo’ no. 37 (Oct 1981): 33-34.
°6 As of 1993 in contract to the Univ. of Nebraska Press.
58 Mauro Giuliani: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
Herr Manker, whose single name, separated on this list with demarcation lines
above and below it, and occurring just below the names of the trumpeters, almost
certainly meant that he played timpani.°’
Several more reviews of guitar music, chiefly works published in Leipzig,
appeared in the AmZ of 1813. As was by now customary, they alluded to Giuliani's
compositions as benchmarks or criteria by which to judge the “easier” and “more
accessible” works under review:
Brier Notices. Sammlung progressiver Variationen fiir die Guitarre von A. Harder.
istes Heft. Leipzig: Breitkopf& Hartel.
Herr Harder’s talent for inventing pleasing melodies and variations and for
presenting them in a gratifying way, well suited to the instrument, is reconfirmed
here. And since precisely this is above all else what friends of solo guitar playing want,
the present little work will surely be welcome. And rightly so. With respect to the
progression which the title page promises, Herr H. starts where the player has
mastered only the rudiments, and /eads him, both with respect to figurations and to
polyphonic episodes, up to the level of the well-known compositions of Giuliani and the
like. Diversity is well-provided for: the themes are of various kinds, while in the
figurations hardly a single variation resembles another...
—AmZ XV, 17 (28 Apr 1813): 290-91. German in Appendix I, 25. Italics mine.
Brier Notices. Trois grandes sonates pour la Guitarre av. accomp. de Violon
par Frang.
Molino. Oeuvre 7. Leipzig: Breitkopf& Hartel.
Grand is not what these sonatas can be called in their conception—how would
that be possible when the guitar dominates everywhere? Nor in their length, but
rather chiefly in the fully adapted [vol/griffen=“full-gripped”], often also full-voiced,
handling of the instrument. They would best be compared to the well-known pieces of
Giuliani tn this respect, but without being so affected and so thoroughly difficult to perform,
as the latter so often are. \n their conception, but still more in their formal layout and
the ordering of the parts, one could very loosely compare them... to the accompanied
sonatas for flute and pianoforte of Pleyel...
—AmZ XV, 47 (24 Nov 1813): 775-76. German in Appendix I, 27. Italics mine.
*” Thanks to Professor Albrecht, currently on the music faculty at Kent State University,
for relaying this unpublished research to me.
Chapter Three — Vienna Welcomes the Virtuoso, 1806-1819 59
In his discussion of these reviews, Riboni correctly points out how Giuliani’s
works were being noted at the time for their polyphonic (mehrstimmige) charac-
ter and their “great technical difficulty,”°* but does not comment on the clear
conflict of interest which Breitkopf & Hartel must have had in commissioning
and publishing such reviews of its own editions, nor on the negative implications
that such calculated “praise” of Giuliani's solo guitar music always seemed to
carry with it. With this kind of praise, who needed criticism?
At the end of the year there was a concert in Kassel marking the first docu-
mented occasion that a Giuliani concerto (Op. 30 or 36?) was performed outside
Vienna and/or by another guitarist. In retrospect it appears to have been the
occasion for yet another sermon (cf. the comments on Giuliani’s premiere of Op. 30
in April, 1808) on the “nature” of the guitar by a hopelessly opinionated reviewer:
The pot-pourri (Op. 18, 26, 28 or 31°) is nothing if not an idiomatic genre. By
rights it should have more than met the reviewer’s requirement as to “suitability
8 RiboniAgg I, sr.
60 Mauro Giuliant: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
... Both are great in their respective spheres, both are incomparable, but in their
playing so very different, like Rode and Kreutzer with the violin, or Giuliani and
Wolf with the guitar.°?
Incidentally, Alois Wolf (Vienna, 7 Jan 1775 - Jassy 1819) was a self-taught
guitarist active in Vienna primarily before Giuliani’s arrival. He reportedly
played a “Konzert auf der Guitarre” (probably not what we would properly call
a guitar concerto today, but rather a piece with orchestral accompaniment) in
Vienna’s Jahn’schen Saal on 16 Dec 1804, in which his playing was characterized
as having “unusual facility,” and his performance as “quite pleasant.” His last
public concert, according to Zuth, was in 1810, when he was seen playing
something called a “Doppelguitarre,” evidently a guitar with two necks and two
sets of strings, one probably tuned higher than the other. This concert was not
well received, causing Wolf apparently to slip into the musical background.®? We
infer from this information that, yes, Wolf must have been a very different player
from Giuliani in many respects. But wasn’t it a shame that the reviewer could not
compare Giuliani to anyone more his equal in 1813?
As a footnote to this extraordinary year, a review has been discovered in the
Vienna AmZ of a collective setting of thirty-four “Canzonette 0 Romanzi”
dedicated, once again, to Archduke Rudolph, and involving Giuliani in the
company of Vienna’s most fashionable, if not finest (lacking Beethoven), com-
59
RiboniAgg I, 52.
Riboni misunderstood these women as being singers: “due cantanti Simonin-Pollet e
60 . . . . . . . .
Miller.”
61
“Beyde sind gross in ihrer Sphire, beyde sind untibertrefHlich, aber sie sind in ihrem
Spiele auch eben so verschiedenartig, wie Rode und Kreutzer auf der Violin und wie
Giuliani und Wolf auf der Guitarre,” Wiener AmZ (9 Jan 1813): 25-26; also cited in
RiboniAgg I, 51-52. Riboni mistranslated “in ihre Spiele” here as “nel modo di cantare.”
62
LUDS 72-73.
Chapter Three — Vienna Welcomes the Virtuoso, 1806-1819 61
posers.®3 Although the edition (WoO, vocal-1s) is not provided with any imprint
or plate number,*4 the Viennese reviewer does say that it is available from the
firm of Tranquillo Mollo. The composers, both “Maestri” and “Dilettanti,”
included:
Alossi Bevilacqua
Brambilla Bridi
Dragonetti Gelinek
Giuliani Gyrowetz
Hummel Kozeluch
Krufft Leidesdorf
Liverati Moscheles
Salieri Sechter
Siboni Terziani
Vogel k Weigl
Caorcanis career was in full bloom in 1814. The press reports and other sources
portray our guitarist/composer as a thoroughly accepted member of the Imperial
City’s musical and artistic élite, which included such figures as Moscheles the
pianist, Mayseder the violinist, Merck the ’cellist, Ignaz Castelli the poet, and
their somewhat mad circle of arty friends—the same cast of characters that
would come to be known, three years hence, as the Ludlamshéhle. It is rare even
today to find guitarists who seem as welcome within their respective musical
communities as Giuliani was in old Vienna.
It is fairly certain that Giuliani gave his annual spring recital in 1814, although
no review for it exists in the contemporary press. Why else would he be recorded
in the tax registries of the City of Vienna for April 1814, in connection with the
Zuchthausfonds?®
The late Josef Zuth found a pre-World War II reference to an autograph of
a Romance by Giuliani from 1814, with this inscription on the title page:
“Romance (Besoin d’aimer) fiir Gesang mit Guitarre oder Pfte fiir das Musikal-
8 AmZ (3 Nov 1813): 677-81. Riboni, who found this reference (RisoniAgg, I, 51), errone-
ously cites it as being on p. 355.
For which reason I simply wrote “DATE: None available” in HeckDiss, II, 181.
° The archival entry in question is found in Haupt-Registr. B 1, 142, folio 183v, opposite
entry R4-31.224/ 1814. It states that Mauro Giuliani was exempted from paying this tax
for his concert. Any number of factors could have occasioned this exemption. German
in Appendix I, 8.
62 Mauro Giuliani: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
bum der Frau von Nass geschrieben.” At the end are the words, “Mauro Giuliani
Baaden [bei Wien] le 15 Oct 1814.”° Although the manuscript has not surfaced
since 1927, the bibliographic verification by Kinsky (see footnote) effectively
confirms the composer’s presence in the spa of Baden in October 1814. Inciden-
tally, a printed version of the song “Besoin d’aimer,” dating from 1810, is found
in Op. 13, no. 3. There is no doubt, furthermore, that Giuliani frequented the spa
of Baden bei Wien seasonally with other Viennese musicians to provide enter-
tainment for the wealthy and aristocratic bathers. The composer returned to the
city, surely, in time for the 1814/15 season.
On the subject of Giuliani’s friendship with his musical contemporaries, we
find a colorful reference from the year 1814 (the month is impossible to deter-
mine) in the published version of Moscheles’ Tagebuch. Moscheles confides in it
that “...many wild pranks were played, many merry jokes staged with the musical
associates Merck and Giuliani, the poets Castelli and Carpani, and other jovial
companions.”°7
Several artistic works by Giuliani (in addition to his steady output of student
repertoire) appeared in 1814: The fourth Potpourri, Op. 42; his perennially
popular Variations on the “Folies d’Espagne,” Op. 45, and on the folk song “I bin
a Kohlbauern Bub,” Op. 49; two Variation sets on Russian tunes, Op. 60 and 64;
and the stirring Grand Overture, Op. 61, whose textures (when capably per-
formed by someone like Julian Bream) evoke the sound of a miniature Rossini
orchestra. Not surprisingly, some of his best chamber music came out this year,
as well, like the Gran Duetto, Op. 52 and the Grand Potpourri, Op. 53, which are
both for flute (violin) and guitar.
As the year 1814 draws to a close we begin to see evidence of Giuliani’s
influence on the guitar’s popularity and repertoire in Vienna, notably in the
°° This note appears on a card in the Nachlaf of Zuth, which in 1969 was in the Musikwissen-
schaftliches Institut of the University of Vienna. Marc Van de Cruys of Belgium, in a
letter to me of August 1993, confirmed this reference and provided its source, the Katalog
des Musikhistorischen Museums von Wilhelm Heyer in Céln (Cologne, 1916), where it is
referenced as item No. 1068 and further described as “4 BIl. im (kl.qu.8-) Format 11,9:17,7
cm mit 6 Seiten Notentext. Auf Seite 7: Niederschrift der 2. und 3. Strophe des Textes.”
The museum’s autograph manuscripts were sold at auction in Berlin in 1927, according
to this auction-catalog, scrupulously prepared for the event by G. Kinsky: Versteigerung
von Mustker-Autographen aus dem Nachlaf des Herrn Kommerzienrates Wilhelm Heyer in
K6ln, Dritter Teil... 29 September 1927...(Berlin, 1927). The Giuliani ms. was described
as being part of lot 7: “Album der Baronin v. Nass” (see pp. 1-2) in these words: “M.
Giuliani, Gitarrenvirtuos: ‘Romanze’ fiir Gesang mit Gitarre,” 7 pages (Nr. 1068).
°” Aus Moscheles’ Leben, nach Briefen und Tagebiichern, ed. “von seiner Frau” (Leipzig, 1872),
p-19. “Auch mancher tolle Streich wurde veriibt, manch heiterer Schwank in Scene
gesetzt mit den Kunstbriidern Merck und Giuliani, den Dichtern Castelli und Carpani
und anderen lustigen Gesellen.”
Chapter Three — Vienna Welcomes the Virtuoso, 1806-1819 63
Riboni opined that Ms. Bolzmann played Giuliani’s Variations and Polo-
naise, Op. 65, for guitar and string quartet on this occasion. ‘[wo reasons for
disputing this suggestion are: (a) Op. 65 was probably not available in Vienna
prior to December 1814. Its plate number implies that it was printed some time
in late 1814/early 1815 by Ricordi, in Milan. (b) Issues of availability aside (which
could have been overcome by playing from a manuscript copy), the work played
by Bolzmann is identified as a “Rondo-Polonaise,” not a set of variations with
polonaise. Given these facts, the only work that seems plausible for her to have
played was the Alla Polacca (third) movement of Giuliani’s concerto, Op. 30,
which is nothing if not a Rondo-polonaise. It was in print by 18z0 in a guitar and
string quartet version, so was readily available for the young Bolzmann to
practice and, we trust, to perfect.”
While the reviewer says nothing about the size of the performer or her guitar,
it would be well to point out that scaled-down “ladies’ guitars,” conventionally
known as Damengitarren, were readily available in Vienna and elsewhere in
Europe in the nineteenth century, as were quarter- and half-size violins. The uniform-
ity in size of classic guitars today would have struck the Viennese as odd indeed.
This surely would not have been a solo guitar recital of the type we so often
witness today. It would have been a pleasant mélange of chamber music, songs,
and a few solo numbers designed and paced so as to entertain and divert the
audience rather than to transfix them with the genius of a solitary instrumental
virtuoso.
Erarty in 1815 a report from the Viennese correspondent of the AmZ states:
“The guitarist Giuliani and the violinist Mayseder desire to set out on a concert
tour of Italy.””! That they never made this tour is confirmed by the fact that
Mayseder is still in Vienna in March, participating in a concert on the ast.”
Furthermore, Hanslick reports that a series of “Dukaten Concerte” took place in
the spring of 1815, in which Giuliani and Mayseder were soloists:
Hummel was quite @ /a mode in Vienna, more than any other of the virtuosi and
composers of his instrument. He understood how to get the most from this
popularity. Since the violinist Mayseder and the guitarist Giuliani similarly de-
lighted the Viennese at that time, Hummel got together with these two in the
spring of1815 for a cycle of six subscription concerts, which were given in a “tasteful
private locale in the Haarmarkt.” The subscription price amounted to a ducat for
the cycle..., whence these concerts went by the name of “Dukaten Concerte.” Each
of the three artists executed one or two solo pieces, and for the finale the virtuosity
of all three was combined. The conclusion and major triumph was “La Sentinelle,”
a French romance, arranged by Hummel in such a way that each of the three
instruments would be allotted its brilliant variation.”* This “Sentinelle” was suc-
” “Ter Guitarrespieler Giuliani, und der Violinist Mayseder, sind willens, eine Kunstreise
nach Italien anzutreten.” From the “Uebersicht des Monats Januar,” 4mZ XVII (Feb
1815): 123.
2 AmZ XVII (1815): 274.
® Although co-composed by Giuliani and Mayseder, Hummel is generally credited as the
author of this arrangement, known as his Op. 71. On the strength of Giuliani’s clear
involvement in the creation of the guitar part, Brian Jeffery included the work in the
Chapter Three — Vienna Welcomes the Virtuoso, 1806-1819 65
ceeded by “Der Troubadour,” also a French romance arranged in the same way.
Later the attraction of these fashionable numbers was increased still further by
having some popular vocalist, male or female (Hr. Barth, or Frl. Wranitzky) sing
the romance. Merck’s ‘cello joined the other instruments...”4
Giuliani and his associates were already celebrities when an influential mem-
ber of the Viennese nobility, Count Franz Palffy (since 1812/13 a student of
Giuliani’s, and dedicatee of Op. 39, Sei Cavatine), invited them to perform at
some evening serenades (“Nachtmusiken”) in the botanical gardens, presumably
contiguous to Schénbrunn Palace. There is a charming description of this affair
in Moscheles’ Tagebuch from 1815, edited by his wife. We read in her words (based
on his diary) the following:
The very Count Palfty who is mentioned here turns up as the dedicatee of
Hummel’s two Grandes Sérénades en Potpourri, for piano, violin, guitar, clarinet
Tecla facsimile reprint of the Giuliani Complete Works, in Vol. 38. And I have left it in
my revised catalogue of Giuliani’s works as WoO, vocal-16, where I correct the corre-
sponding and highly speculative entry for that work found in HeckDiss II, 182-83.
™ Eduard Hanslick, Geschichte des Concertwesens in Wien, | (Vienna, 1869), p.215-16. German
in Appendix I, 31.
® It is hard to imagine outdoor concerts before April!
”’ The young dedicatee of Giuliani’s Op. 12, Mlle. Vicenzina di Rainer, may have been
related to this archduke.
” Archduke Rudolf was the dedicatee of Giuliani and Moscheles’ jointly composed Grand
Duo Concertant, WoO, G & P-1, printed the previous year.
8 Giuliani arranged Mayseder’s 1st and 2nd Polonaises (originally for violin with string
quartet acc’t.) for violin & guitar. See WoO, G & F(V)-3 & 4. Giuliani may well have
accompanied Mayseder in this number.
”™ Aus Moscheles’ Leben... (Leipzig, 1872): 23. German in Appendix I, 32.
@ .
66 Mauro Giuliani: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
and bassoon (or flute and ’cello), published in Vienna in 1815, at first privately,
but soon thereafter by Artaria.8° The first editions of these works, which even-
tually came to be known as Hummel’s Op. 63 and 66, bear a remarkable
engraving on the elaborate title page which they share (See Figure L), the aim
of which, judging from context and the obviously commemorative nature of
these editions, was to represent the musicians involved.
Gok
roe haeeee amy DE Pe <
a =) ~ #4)0 ieee
ve aia soe oy Doolpemoe s { ?
i he
ae ran a eee finrue Pore . YS snite ve,
ce
CH, Ae é
ws ete? ae =
Baa:
es Cleiindle of Mfr 77
Tle Wiles:ccte
compoxce et dkdice
AR =
First-edition title page for Hummel’s Grandes Sérénades, published in
Vienna in 1815, and dedicated to Count Franz Palfty.
The concertante guitar parts for these works, soon to be known as
Hummel’s Op. 63 and 66, were composed by Mauro Giuliani.
Figure M
Enlargement of the title-page engraving, intended to recall the premiere
performances of the Grandes Sérénades at Count Palffy’s musical soirées in
the gardens of the Schénbriinn Palace, in the spring of 1815.
Figure N
Equestrian statue recalled in the foregoing engraving, still standing in the
Schénbriinn gardens in Vienna (photograph courtesy Astrid Stempnik).
68 Mauro Giuliani: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
earlier, are the following: (a) Hummel is identified on the title page of the music;
Giuliani’s and Mayseder’s names are printed at the head of the guitar and violin
parts, respectively, of Op. 63. (b) The ’cellist Merck is named in Moscheles diary
as being involved in Palffy’s musicales (see Appendix I, 32). (c) It is plausible to
offer the name Johann Sedlatscheck as the flutist because he was a noted flute
virtuoso at the time, and he was a known associate of Giuliani, being a member
(along with Moscheles) of the same secret society, the Lud/amshéhle (see below).
Sedlatscheck would join Giuliani for a concert in Rome in 1823, as well.*!
At this time, when Giuliani is enjoying the most brilliant successes in the
company of the foremost Viennese musical personalities—an enviable position,
indeed—the Viennese police record a rather damaging report concerning the man:
The known Zither-player Giuliani is reported to be living in intimate relations
here with a certain Wieselberger, while he leaves his wife and child to starve in
Trieste or Venice. Based on this report, I issued a decree [finding] at the police
precinct already on 23 February. Now Giuliani is reportedly pandering [procuring]
for persons of high social standing; hence his libertine life-style can no longer be
tolerated.
The police will bring the suspect in for rough handling [some abusive form of
interrogation?] and the results will be clearly presented to me. —Vienna, g Sept 1815.
[Note on the verso:] The guitarist Giuliani is reportedly living here with a certain
Wieselberger and acting as a procurer [panderer] for persons of high standing.*?
The perennial problem with police reports, especially ones using the in-
definite verb form “soll” instead of the declarative “ist,” is that, being allegations,
they remain unproven and problematical. If nothing else, this entry leads us to
believe that Giuliani was “roughed up” by the police on at least one occasion.
The whole affair must be put in context. There were a great many foreign
military officers and heads of state in Vienna when Giuliani’s “troubles” allegedly
began, in February 1815; they were attending the Congress of Vienna (Sept.
1814-June 1815). The city was full of foreign and Austrian spies, diplomats and
dukes, philanderers and pimps, prostitutes and profiteers. Anyone who knew his
way around the city and had an entrée to high society, like Giuliani, would
doubtless have been approached for tips on where to go for hot times on cold
winter nights.
Being one of the arty crowd in Vienna at the time, Giuliani may well have
made certain “introductions” at the request of his wealthy patrons, both native
and foreign. I suspect that it was behavior something like this which was noted
*' T published a hasty and somewhat populist version of the foregoing interpretation of the
Hummel Grande Sérénade illustration as “Giuliani Used a Shoulder Strap!—A New
Portrait and Bicentennial Remembrance,” Soundboard VIII/4 (Nov. 1981): 247-251. It
comments at some length on the wording of the Hummel title page.
* German text in Appendix I, 1.
Chapter Three — Vienna Welcomes the Virtuoso, 1806-1819 69
...I also want a friendly favor from you [Artaria, in Vienna], and it is to let me
know what happened to all the papers and the other necessary things which were
in my house, specifically in my desk, which was given to I don’t know whom to pay
offa debt. In the same desk was the ring I received from Her Majesty the Dutchess
of Parma [Marie-Louise], without the stones, which I was obliged to sell on
account of the illness of poor Nina Wiesenberger; in the same place was the
document I received with the honorary title of Virtuoso di Camera, and other
papers very necessary to me...*9
As was the case with Giuliani’s illegitimate daughter, Maria Willmuth, the
guitarist also took care of the mysterious figure of Nina Wiesenberger in her time
of need, even if this involved selling precious stones from a ring awarded him by
no less than Her Majesty Marie-Louise herself. It is quite impossible now to
determine or to judge the relationships which Giuliani might have had with his
legal wife, as with Wiesenberger. But it would be ill-advised to conclude hastily
that this most successful composer and guitarist had no concern for his depend-
ents, legitmate or otherwise, as the police report implies. On the contrary, the
evidence points to his bending over backwards to meet his debts and to care for
those who depended on him, even if it would cost him dearly. His letters written
to Artaria between 1819 and 1828 amply testify to his concern for Willmuth,
Wiesenberger, his daughter Emilia and his ailing father Michele. Of the com-
poser’s wife, whether dead or alive, so far no mention has been found.
Besides several contributions to the student repertoire, and in addition to the
jointly-composed ensembles mentioned above, Giuliani must have seen the
published version of his quintet, Op. 65, at around that time. Its plate number
implies that it was brought out by Ricordi of Milan in latter 1814 or early 1815.
His arrangement of Mayseder’s Polonaise, WoO, G & F(V)-3, came out as well
(this time with young Mayseder receiving credit on the title page, even though
Giuliani’s name was more prominent!). An intriguing footnote to this eventful
year was the publication in Vienna, by Mollo, of a collection of six Lieder (texts
by Louis von Reifig), each of which was set by a different celebrity composer
(see WoO, vocal-6). They were Beethoven, Salieri, Hummel, Grossheim, Gi-
uliani, and Moscheles. Here is proof again that Giuliani was reckoned among the
creme de la creme of the Viennese musical élite.
Despite the repeated crabbing of the 4mZ reviewer(s) that Giuliani’s compo-
sitions were either too difficult or not suitable to the guitar’s nature, evidence has
come to light that they were—mirabile dictu—actually being performed by other
guitarists, even those living outside Vienna! Here is an item from the “Survey of
the month of May” (Uebersicht des Monats May) in Berlin:
On the 7th [of May 1815], Justice Griindler organized a concert for the benefit of
the Berlin regional defense force. Herr Griindler himself entertained us chiefly
with his skillful guitar playing, performing a Polonaise concertante by Giuliani, a
Russian Potpourri, and a Capriccio, both the latter his own compositions. During
his stay of several years in Vienna, he obtained instruction from the famous guitar
virtuoso Giuliani, from Naples, [who] brought the handling of this instrument to
an unusually high level, and through his full-voiced way of playing has shown how
the heretofore subordinate guitar might be raised to a level of self-sufficiency.
—AmZ XVII, 25 (21 June 1815): 420. German in Appendix I, 33.
Marco Riboni, who found this review, believed it to be “the first testimony
confirming the hypothesis of an energetic teaching activity by Mauro Giuliani
in Vienna.”*4 While the review clearly states that Giuliani gave guitar instruction
to Herr Griindler in Vienna prior to May 1815, there is earlier (1811-12) testimony
concerning his teaching of not just one, but many students. One need only recall
the introduction to the Molitor & Klinger guitar method. Giuliani was also
clearly identified as the maitre—the guitar teacher—of several dedicatees of his
works. One need only look at the title pages of Op. 10 (1808), Op. 20 (1809) and
Op. 16a (1811), among others.
Herr Griindler, as we shall see in this next review, carried his musical/chari-
table activities forward into June with an even more ambitious program on behalf
of the victims of the Napoleonic wars:
Berwin. On the sth [of June 1815] Justice Griindler organized a concert for the
benefit of those soldiers currently here who were blinded in the latest battle. He
himself played a guitar concerto by Giuliani and Variations on a Russian theme
84 5 c 5 . z a AA ssl 3 3 5
“\..€ la prima testimonianza che conferma lipotesi di una fervente attivita didattica di
Mauro Giuliani a Vienna..” (RiboniAgg, I, 53).
Chapter Three — Vienna Welcomes the Virtuoso, 1806-1819 71
for violin and guitar (with Herr Concert-master Méser) by the same composer,
with the brilliant style already described in my earlier letter, to much applause.
Madame Schulz sang an aria by Giirrlich... The concert raised, after expenses, 250
Thaler to Grosschen. In the hope ofincreasing this sum and arranging support for
the wounded soldiers from another source, Griindler will publish, with the music
firm of Grdébenschutz & Seiler, the following: 6 Russian Melodies for 2 guitars; a
Potpourri... etc.
—AmZ XVII, 29 (19 July 1815): 490. German in Appendix I, 34.
® RiboniAgg, I, 53: “...presentava ancora un’esecuzione del Concerto op. 30, indubbiamente
di grande popolarita.”
%6 Riboni, misreading a proper name (Kaiser) for a title (Kazser=Emperor), believed this
young pianist to be “the young emperor” (Ridonidgg, I, 53: “il giovane imperatore”). The
Emperor Franz Joseph of Austria was born in 1768, and would not have been “young” by
any stretch of the imagination in 1815, even if he were by some incredible turn of events
playing the piano at this particular concert!
We Mauro Giuliani: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
one of the polonaises in Giuliani’s progressive works for students, like Op. 48,
no. 21, or perhaps Op. 50, no. 19.
1816 ... his playing was marked by such an agility, a control, and a deli-
cacy that he often achieved a real cantabile, much to our delight and
admiration.
dis fashionable soirées, concerts, and other social affairs in Vienna could not
help but lead to the publication of a Viennese fashion newspaper. The year 1816
saw the successful inauguration of the Wiener Moden Zeitung und Zeitschrift fir
Kunst, schéne Literatur und Theater (henceforth the WMZ). With its appearance,
many of the musical and theatrical events in Vienna begin to be chronicled zm
situ, with the result that the cultural history of the city as of 1816 is much more
amply documented than was the case earlier.
Thanks to the WMZ, the popularity of the guitar (usually at the hands of
anonymous guitarists) in Vienna begins to be revealed. For example, on 28
January 1816 the horn virtuoso, Herr Rauch, gave a recital at the home of Prof.
Zizius, and an item on the program was a “Trio for Waldhorn, Flute and
Guitar.”8” Then, on 11 July 1816, a Singspie/, “Dichter und Tonsetzer,” is premiered
at the Karntnerthor Theater. Among its numbers is an “Arie mit Guitarre.”**
Other occurrences of guitar playing in public and private are frequent enough,
and hardly require transcribing here. They bear out the statement (printed
already in 1811-12) by Molitor and Klinger about the many amateurs who benefit-
ted from what must have been a dynamic schedule of teaching and performing
on Giuliani’s part (Appendix I, 6): “Through his teaching and the competition
he has aroused among teachers and lovers of the instrument, he [Giuliani] has
formed for us so many outstanding amateurs, that there could scarcely be another
place where authentic guitar playing is so widely practised as here in our Vienna.”
So much for the amateurs, but where might Giuliani himself have been in
1816? The main-line musical press has so far been silent on this subject. But
recently (1993), in connection with research on Carl Maria von Weber’s relation-
ship with the guitar, Oliver Huck brought to light some little-known writings by
Weber, both published and as yet unpublished, that mention Giuliani on a
concert tour to Prague in the late summer of 1816.°? The published writings were
® There is a Gesamtausgabe of Weber’s letters in the works, under the direction of Gerhard
Allroggen, Eveline Bartlitz and Joachim Veit. The diaries are being edited for the same
project by Dagmar Beck. Huck had access to their materials in preparing the aforemen-
tioned article (see Huck’s footnote 8).
*! “Unter den erfreulichen musikalischen Abenden, welche uns der heurige Sommer
gewahrte, verdient auch das Konzert erwahnt zu werden, welches uns der beliebte
Klavierspieler aus Wien, Herr Moscheles, im sachsischen Saale gab. Ein vorziiglich
guter Ruf war dem jungen Kiinstler vorangegangen, und man kann mit Recht be-
haupten, daf der demselben entsprach... Der allgemein anerkannte grofe Guitarrektin-
stler, Herr Giuliani, erhohte den Reiz des Abends durch ein glanzendes Potpourri von
seiner Komposition und verschaffte uns, indem er seinen Ruhm aufs neue bawihrte,
einen hohen Genuf.” Samttliche Schriften von Carl Maria von Weber, kritische Ausgabe
von Georg Kaiser (Berlin: Schuster & Loeffler, 1908), p.94. English translation appears
in Carl Maria von Weber: Writings on Music, ed. by John Warrack, tr. by Martin Coooper
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981), p. 191.
4 Ops cit. 19
3 “Giuliani kam an und brachte [einen] Brief von Hummel,” Huck, p.48.
74, Mauro Giuliani: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
—% “am yo Uhr Pr:[obe] von ... Giulianis Concert, das am folgenden Tag stattfand,” Ibid.
* Samttliche Schriften von Carl Maria von Weber, kritische Ausgabe von Georg Kaiser
(Berlin: Schuster & Loeffler, 1908), p.96-97. English translation appears in Car/ Maria
von Weber: Writings on Music, tr. by Martin Coooper (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 1981), p.195.
%° Thid.
Chapter Three — Vienna Welcomes the Virtuoso, 1806-1819 75
included Giuliani, Moscheles, and a very good amateur, the young ‘cellist Ritter
von Eskeles. Her concert of mid-September (very favorably reviewed in the KPZ
of 17 September 1816) concluded with the famous variations on “La Sentinelle”
(WoO, vocal-16), involving all the aforementioned artists.”
Aside from the foregoing reviews of Giuliani's concerts in Prague in the early
autumn, nothing has been found by way of newspaper reports that would
confirm the guitarist’s presence in Vienna in 1816. But where else would he have
been if not in the Imperial City? He was probably there through the first two
thirds of the year, at least, teaching and composing at a great rate. Among the
many works and arrangements of Giuliani’s published in Vienna in 1816 were the
Six Variations for violin and guitar, Op. 63, dedicated to his friend Mayseder, and
his arrangement of the same colleague’s Second Polonaise, as WoO, G & F(V)-4.
Our guitarist/composer also wrote three sets of duets for terz- and regular guitar,
Op. 66, 67, and 69. -
There are grounds for believing that Giuliani’s third Concerto, Op. 70, dates
from 1816. First, chronologically it situates itself here, as an opus number between
Op. 69 and 71, both of which were published in 1816. Second, it was clearly
entered in Artaria’s own thematic catalogue of Giuliani’s works, dating from
latter 1819, with Mechetti as the acknowledged publisher.” Brian Jeffery’s discus-
sion of the circumstances surrounding the failure of Mechetti to bring out the
expected edition and the later (1822) appearance of Op. 70 in a Cappi & Diabelli
engraving, which we now reckon as its first edition, is certainly reasonable as far
as it goes.”7 My only addendum to the discussion would be to suggest that there
was (and had been, ever since Breitkopf’s thematic catalogues of the 1770s, if not
earlier) a difference between publishing and printing. Mechetti may well have
“published” Op. 70 by buying it from Giuliani and selling manuscript copies of
it on demand, without necessarily printing the work.
In the vocal sphere, it seems that Giuliani was on a roll in 1816. On the one
hand we see one of his songs appearing as a fold-out in the fashionable WMZ:
the modest WoO, vocal-7, “Sang aus Norden,” a “song from the North” with text
by Alois Jeitteles (a fellow member of the Ludlamshéhle)™ On the other hand,
we find the first three Cahiers of the “periodic publication” known as Le Chan-
sonnier du Jour coming off the presses of Tranquillo Mollo in Vienna, July 1816,
would not be unreasonable to assume that Giuliani carried a sizable supply of his
published works with him if and when he traveled to Italy. Had he gone to Rome
in the fall of 1816, he could easily have furnished Martorelli with a nice little
inventory of handsomely engraved “diverse sonate per chitarra” from the very
best Viennese publishers.
(2) A reference to a hitherto unknown letter of Giuliani’s, evidently written
from Naples in October of 1817, has come to our attention (it is discussed below).
It leads us to speculate that he might have been preparing the ground in Italy for
his eventual return, in ways that are not entirely clear at present, as early as the
autumn of 1816.
That Giuliani may have opted for the latter—a concert tour in the fall of 1816,
conceivably in the company of Franz Wild, a tenor from Vienna—is suggested
(although not proven) by this notice in the WMZ, with a dateline Leipzig, 19 Dec 1816:
The Opera singer Herr Wild came here from Berlin, and gave a most successful
concert. He sang a scene and aria from Paér’s Agnese, “Adelaide” by Matthisson,
excellently composed by Beethoven; a duet by Farinelli, with Mme. Neumann-
Sessi; and “Der treue Tod,” by Kérner, music by Giuliani, this last piece so beautiful
and touching, that it had to be repeated. It seems now that he [Wild] is returning
to Vienna, from which he has been absent for a long while.!%
Wild must have had great success with “Der treue Tod” on earlier occasions
that year in Berlin. It was, after all, one of the most popular tunes of the day—*“La
Sentinelle”—but with a text to suit the German-speaking audiences. An edition
of this work, printed in Berlin in late 1816, has come down to us: DER TREUE
TOD, von Theodor Kérner, in Musik gesetzt, mit Begleitung des Pianoforte oder
Guitarre, von Giuliani, gesungen in den grossen Concerten zu Berlin, von F WILD,
Tenorstnger aus Wien...° If we consider the circumstantial evidence—the WMZ
report and Giuliani’s name on the title page of the music—and add to it the fact
that Giuliani was not reported in Vienna in latter-1816, then we may indeed be
allowed to wonder whether he accompanied (in every sense of the word) Wild
ona concert tour at that time. This is, however, only informed speculation, since
“Therefore the guitarist from Apulia was already well known in Rome three years before
moving to that city’—to which I add, “Maybe he was better known than previously believed!”
™ “Tyer Opernsanger Herr Wild ist von Berlin hier eingetroffen und hat am 19. Dec. mit
dem entschiedensten Beyfall ein Konzert gegeben. Er sang eine Scene und Arie aus
Paers Agnese; “Adelaide” von Matthison nach Beethovens vortreflichen Komposition;
ein Duett von Farinelli mit Mme. Neumann-Sessi, und “der treue Tod” von Kérner,
Musik von Giuliani, letzteres so sch6n und schmelzend, dass die Wiederholung verlangt
wurde. Es heisst, dass er sich auf der Riickreise nach Wien befinde, von wo er seit
langerer Zeit abwesend ist.” WMZ N3o. 4 (11 Jan 1817): 31.
105 ‘WoO, vocal-ro.
78 Mauro Giuliani: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
Wild might well have accompanied himself on guitar, or had his pianist accom-
pany him in the songs in question.
Finally, the high standard set by Giuliani’s music still seems to haunt the
mind of an anonymous AmZ reviewer as two more Breitkopf & Hartel publica-
tions of decidedly lesser but still “rival” guitar music come off the presses in 1816.
In the first instance, alas, the correspondent’s faint praise (“half-original”) tends
to dampen any curiosity one might have had about the music:
Brier Notices... 24 Exercices pour la Guitarre, comp. par H. Prager. Oeuv. 11.
Leipzig: Breitkopf& Hartel.
Herr Prager understands the instrument and especially the full-voiced handling
of it, as first introduced into Germany by Giuliani; this work clearly shows as much.
It brings together a considerable number of concepts, melodic figures, turns of
harmony, and so forth, which are half- if not fully-original; whoever wishes to learn
to play the guitar in this manner will practice them to great advantage, and if he
remain diligent, will thank Herr Prager in the end.
—AmZ XVIUI/18 (1 May 1816): 308. German in Appendix I, 36.
In the second review, Giuliani’s “difficult” music gets its due once again, as a
foil for some easier and more accessible guitar music:
BrieF Notices... Exercices pour la Guitarre, comp. - - par C. Blum. Cahiers 2 & 3.
Leipzig: Breitkopf & Hartel.
Whoever would like to play the guitar, or learn to play it, in a full-voiced soloistic
manner, can derive benefit and pleasure from performing these pieces. They are
entertaining and are written with a good understanding of the instrument; and they
are not easy, yet not so difficult as those of the well-known Giuliani...
—AmZ XVIII/37 (11 Sept 1816): 644. German in Appendix I, 37.
1817 ...in all his performances [he] earned the well-deserved distinction
as one of the foremost virtuosi on his instrument.
ieee ae: surprising to find newspaper reports offering further evidence of the
flourishing of guitar activity in Vienna in 1817. The Imperial City’s guitar climate
had been steadily improving, after all, under Giuliani’s leadership. Marco Riboni
unearthed two such references from earlier 1817 which deserve comment:
Vienna. March [1817]. The eleven-year-old Franziska Bolzmann—a highly prom-
ising girl—gave a concert in the small Redoutensaal. After Beethoven’s Egmont
overture, she played a Quintet with variations and a polonaise on the beloved theme
of La Molinara, by Mauro Giuliani.” Then came an aria by Cimarosa, which the
Imperial Chamber-singer Demoiselle Klieber sang in a very excellent manner.
* RiboniAgg, I, 54.
Chapter Three — Vienna Welcomes the Virtuoso, 1806-1819 79
Next there was a Fantasy for guitar composed and performed by the young virtuoso
herself. The concert ended with Hummel’s setting of La Sentinelle for voice, piano,
guitar and violin, in which the featured performer was joined by Demoiselle
Klieber, Herr von Preisinger, and Herr Stadler. She received generally strong, if
unfortunately not ringing evidence of the audience’s favor and approval.
—AmZ XIX/17 (23 Apr 1817): 295. German in Appendix I, 39.
The virtuosic solo variations which Giuliani composed for himself, within
the otherwise subsidiary guitar part of Hummel’s arrangement of La Sentinelle,
Op. 71,1°8 may have been simply more than the young Franziska could handle on
top of performing the quite demanding Op. 65. The audience apparently still
gave her an “E for effort.”
The next report of guitar-playing in Vienna, by Herr Firtsch, is actually a
transcription of the program rather than a review, as “the reviewer was prevented
from feasting at this well-spread table.”!”
Vienna. On the 30th [of March 1817] there was a “musikalisch-declamatorisch-
mimisch-plastische Abendunterhaltung” in the Josephstadt Theater, in which the
following rarities were presented: 1. Overture from Gyrowetz’ Augenarzt. 2. Reci-
tation. 3. Violin Concerto by Rode, played by Herr Petler. 4. Tableau. 5. Recitation.
6. Guitar variations by Giuliani, played by Herr Firtsch. 7. Duet from Tancredi,
sung by Dem. Ant. Miillner and Therese Wittmann. Polonaise for orchestra by
Herr Roser...[etc., etc. ]1
'"” See RiboniAgg, I, 55. He correctly identifies this as Giuliani’s Op. 65.
108 See Checklist at the rear of this volume, WoO, vocal-16.
109 “Ref... verhindert war, an dieser wohlbesetzten Tafel sich zu erlustigen,” AdmZ XLX/18
(30 Apr 1817): 307.
"© Tbid. German in Appendix, 40.
May we be permitted to wonder whether the final number, an unidentified Sch/uss-Sym-
phonie (closing symphony), somehow reunited the whole gang in some glorious, Mael-
zel-inspired “musical-declamatory-mimic-plastic” paean to patriotism?
80 Mauro Giuliani: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
paniment and a concert polonaise by Giuliani; Variations on the folk-song Hei/ Dir
im Siegerkranz, which he composed; and with Carl Blum a Concertante for two
guitars by Ritter de l’Hoyer.! Both gave much evidence of their skill on this
thankless instrument through their calm security and their tasteful execution.
Much applause also greeted the four-voice songs by C. Blum (which have been
published by Breitkopf& Hartel)...
—AmZ XIX/7 (12 Feb 1817): 129-30. German in Appendix I, 38.
While on the subject of musical life in Berlin in the winter of 1817, let us note
that on 25 February Wild was still there, according to a report in the WMZ."°
There is a remote possibility that Giuliani was with him. He (or they) would
return to Vienna in March or, more likely, April.
In Giuliani’s apparent absence from the Imperial City at least one lesser
guitarist “bubbled to the surface.” Karl Tépfer appeared on 6 April, in a “musi-
cal-declamatory-evening-entertainment” (mustkalisch-deklamatorische Abendun-
terhaltung), the musical portion of which consisted of overtures by Paér, Dalayrac,
and Cherubini, an aria by Gyrowetz, and a Polonaise on the violin played by Herr
Bohm. Herr Topfer, in the reviewer’s measured words, “pleased the audience
with a nice potpourri for the guitar,” Moscheles was sick and couldn't make it,
and the brothers Khayll played variations for flute, oboe and trumpet.'!4 He
appeared again between the acts of the play Der Taubstumme at the Burgtheater, 1
on 13 May 1817, to sing the all-too-familiar cavatina, “Di tanti palpiti,” from Rossini’s
Tancredi, with his own guitar accompaniment, and to play a fantasy as a guitar solo."
These appearances were ‘[opfer’s moments of greatest glory, as far as we know.
'? Might they have performed from a manuscript copy of l’Hoyer’s Op. 33, Fantaisie
Concertante pour deux guitares, or a movement from Op. 34, Trois duos concertants pour
deux guitares? Both were published in Paris by 1825 and 1820 respectively, according to
Matanya Ophee, “Antoine de l’Hoyer (1768-1836?): A Detective Story & Check List of
his Works,” Soundboard XV1I/3 (1990): 33-37. But they could have been composed much
earlier. The same (Justice) Griindler, we recall, had performed in Berlin in 1815 to raise
money for the German soldiers who were the victims of Napoleon’s army (v. Appendix
I, 33 & 34). He and l’Hoyer conceivably could have become friends on the latter’s return
to France from Russia in 1814 (Ophee reckoned l’Hoyer to be in Russia from 1804 to
1814), assuming he passed through Berlin, since they had in common a love of the guitar
and a hatred of Napoléon. And this could have led to their sharing of their published
and unpublished guitar music.
" Op. Cit., No. 20 (8 March 1817): 163.
4 WMZ, No. 29 (9 Apr 1817): 236.
"® Topfer was a self-styled “wandering virtuoso” (ZuthS, 79). He played the guitar in a
fiasco of a concert in 1816 (AmZ XVIII, 444). He was a self-proclaimed poet, and
presumably an actor, as well as a guitarist of sorts.
"° WMZ, No. 23 (19 March 1817): 187. The reviewer stated that Tépfer had some success
with these numbers, but criticized Topfer’s interpolation of the Rossini aria into the play.
Chapter Three — Vienna Welcomes the Virtuoso, 1806-1819 8I
Shortly after this appearance, Giuliani gave a concert of his own in what was
surely his preferred location: the small Redoutensaal. He was supported and
assisted by his musical colleagues and by a small orchestra, as well, as he used the
occasion to premiere the first movement of “a new guitar concerto,” probably his Op. 70:
In the concert by the same Giuliani in the small Redoutensaal on the 26th [of May
1817] we heard: 1. An overture by Cherubini. 2. The Maestoso of a new guitar
concerto in F major composed and played by M. Giuliani. 3. A new cavatina by M.
Giuliani sung by Dem. Bondra. 4. New variations for two guitars on the theme “Di
tanti palpiti,” composed by Giuliani’s son [Michel Giuliani’s Op. 1] and performed
by M. Giuliani and “Herr N.” 5. A scene and rondo, “Perché turbar la pace,” from
Tancredi, sung by Madame Borgondio (many hands must still be sore from clapping
so hard). 6. A new “Grosses National-Potpourri” by Hummel for piano and
guitar,''® played by Herr Moscheles and the recitalist, who in all his performances
earned well-deserved distinction as one of the foremost virtuosi on his instrument.
—AmZ XIX/25 (18 June 1817): 431. German in Appendix I, 41b."”
A mention of the same concert appears in the WMZ, but the reviewer felt
obliged to reiterate the thesis that the guitar, by its nature, was unsuited to
concerts or large productions. He did not relate the numbers on the program, but
reported that the audience was numerous and “choice.”!”°
"7 This could well have been Op. 84, published by Artaria in 1817.
"8 Correction: Giuliani and Hummel co-authored this piece. It is catalogued among the
works of Giuliani as Op. 93.
Concerning this review, Riboni sought to make the point that it was here that Giuliant’s
son, Michel, first appeared in the Viennese press in the guise of acomposer (“per la prima
volta comparve sulla stampa viennese il figlio di Giuliani, Michele, in veste di autore...,”
RiboniAgg, 1, 55). This is erroneous for two reasons: (a) the review appeared in the
Leipzig press, not the Viennese, and (b) as Riboni himself points out (1d7d., note 51), the
work in question, Op. I, Grandes Variations sur le Motifde Pair fav.: D1 tant palpiti, pour
deux guitares, revue et corrigée par le Pere Mauro, was advertised in the Wiener Zeitung four
days earlier, on 14 June 1817.
2° WMZ, No. 45 (4 June 1817): 383.
82 Mauro Giuliani: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
The same Viennese reviewer of the WMZ who earlier had so adamantly
maintained that the guitar (even in Giuliani’s hands) was not suited to concerts
and large productions, totally ignored Giuliani’s participation in a “grosse musi-
kalische Akademie” which took place in the Festsaal im Augarten, Vienna, on 21
Sept 1817 (review in WMZ, No. 77, 216). Thanks to the more objective reporting
of the Leipzig AmZ on this occasion, we have access to the following review of
the same concert, in which applause is specifically mentioned only in two
instances: the third number, an aria sung by Borgondio, and the eighth piece, the
only one in which Giuliani participated.
On the arst [of September 1817] a musical Akademie was given in the Augarten-
Festsaal for the benefit of the needy. The program included: 1. Mozart’s overture
from La Clemenza di Tito. 2. A Polonaise for violin by Mayseder, performed very
well by his pupil, Herr Vinzenz Neuling. 3. An aria from the opera I/ Filosofo by
Mosca, sung by Madame Borgondio, who received general applause. 4. A Concert-
Polonaise for piano, composed and performed masterfully by Herr Moscheles. s.
An aria from Cimarosa’s Artemisia, sung by Herr Tarquinio, a soprano with a
pleasant voice and an unusually high range. 6. Variations for trumpet composed
and performed with amazing skill by Herr Werner, a member of the orchestra of
the k.k. Theater an der Wien. 7. A trio from Virginia by Federici, sung by
Mesdames Borgondio and Campi and Herr Barth. 8. “Der Dank der Armen,” based
on the melody of “La Sentinelle,” with solos, chorus and variations, performed by
Messrs. Barth, Moscheles, Mayseder, and Giuliani. Well-earned applause from all
quarters. 9. A chorus from Handel’s Timotheus.
—AmZ XIX (December 1817): 841. German in Appendix I, 43.
1 Schulz (the younger, we assume) went to London in the 1820's, and brought out within
the next decade his own editions of Giuliani’s music, in the series Giuliana. They are
mentioned in my thematic catalogue (HeckDiss, II) on an individual basis, wherever
known. They attained at least 21 fascicles. Like Giuliani, Schulz too fell into debt in the
middle of his career.
ZuthS, 80, cites the Viennese AmZ I, 327, as his source.
Chapter Three — Vienna Welcomes the Virtuoso, 1806-1819 83
Armen’—“The Thanks of the Poor”) than was the battle-weary version of 1815
(“Der Treue Tod,” i.e. “The Honorable Death,” which began with “The Knight
must sally forth to the bloody battle”). The music must have been none other
than Hummel’s famous Op. 71, which has in fact vocal solos for the three verses
followed by choral refrains (4 3), with intervening instrumental variations for
guitar, piano, and violin respectively. It obviously had a stunning effect at the
hands of these virtuoso performers.
This tantalizing entry, assuming that no typographical error was made with
respect to the date and place of the first letter’s composition (Naples, 13 October
1817), places Mauro Giuliani in Naples a mere 22 days after his 21 September 1817
concert in Vienna—not an impossible feat even in those days, if post-coach or
maritime connections were good and travel were done in haste.!*4
It causes us to wonder why he might have gone there so quickly. One possible
explanation could have had to do with Giuliani’s status as honorary chamber
virtuoso of Archdutchess Marie-Louise (1791-1847), second wife of Napoléon.
Her claim to lands in Italy (Parma, Piacenza, Modena, etc.) was affirmed at the
Congress of Vienna. She was also a Bourbon with a network of royal relatives in
Naples and Palermo at the time. Perhaps Giuliani’s services were required by his
patroness or her relatives in Naples, and so off he went.
The last three of the four letters cataloged by Kinsky, dated 16 Jan 1824, 31 July
1827, and 14 Oct 1828, were acquired by Baron Morishige Takei of Japan, by
telegraph during the years 1929-31.!25 They are described infra, in Chapter Four
(4.3). Their transcripts confirm the accuracy of three quarters, at least, of what
Kinsky so carefully described, and make us suspect that the letter of 13 October
1817 is still just waiting to be rediscovered.!26 The letter of 31 July 1827, further-
more, identifies several works of Giuliani’s which have totally disappeared with-
out a trace, namely Op. 15, 117, and 129. Given that no evidence has yet been
found that would confirm Giuliani’s presence again in Vienna until 5 April 1818
(Appendix I, 49), it seems reasonable to visualize our guitarist/composer calmly
residing in the capital of the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies for the period October
1817 - March 1818. Other things being equal, there would have been worse places
to spend the winter than Naples!
While Giuliani was away, composing, performing, and we presume laying the
groundwork for his eventual return to Naples, it seems that his student Franz
Mend (or Mandel) and friend Leonhard Schulz were keeping his guitar music
alive in Vienna:
Schulz, we recall, had performed with Giuliani at the spa of Baden bei Wien
in August 1817. Franz Mend1 would be identified as one of Giuliani’s students in
reviews published in November and December 1818 (Appendix I, 45 and 46).
The year 1817 was also an extraordinary one for Giuliani in terms of publica-
tions issued by the best Viennese music publishers. Just consider the works for
flute (or violin) and guitar alone which bore his name:
‘Twelve Laendler, Op. 75 arr. (Weigl)
Potpourri on Themes from Rossini’s Tancredi, Op. 76 (Mollo)
' According to recent correspondence I have had with Jun Sugawara, editor of Gendai
Guitar.
°° Marco Riboni, in private correspondence prior to the publication of this information,
questioned whether Kinsky misread 1827 as 1817. I doubt it, considering how careful a
scholar he generally was.
7 Riboni mistakenly places this concert in 1818, following Giuliani’s 1818 concerts which
somehow “open the way” for his student Mendl (RiboniAgg, I, 58): “Nel 1818 Giuliani si
esibi in pubblico assai frequentemente, aprendo la strada ad un altro dei suoi numerosi
allievi. In quell’anno infatti fece la comparsa sulle scene il chitarrista Franz Mendl.”
Chapter Three — Vienna Welcomes the Virtuoso, 1806-1819 85
“8 His “student repertoire” pieces continued to appear, as Op. 78, 87, 90 (arguably), 98, and
WoO, G-2.
” Other Weigl plate numbers in the area were advertised in mid-1817.
180A. Weinmann, Verzeichnis der Musikalien des Verlages Thadé Weig/ (Wien: Ludwig Krenn,
1982), pp. 19 and ar.
81M. Ophee, “Will the Real Mauro Giuliani Please Stand Up?,” Soundboard XVII/1
(1990): 80-87. See also “Méchte der richtige Giuliani bitte aufstehen?!,” Gitarre und
Laute 12/3 (1990): 45-49; and “Antoine de l’Hoyer, autore dell’op. 83 di Giuliani,” 7/
Fronimo’ no. 73 (Oct 1990): 27-35.
‘2 Tt may be foreign to l’Hoyer’s as well; I do not know the latter’s music well enough to
comment, but I hardly suspect it of being more advanced harmonically than Giuliani's.
86 Mauro Giuliani: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
'S Tgnaz Franz Castelli, Memoiren meines Lebens, ed. Josef Bindtner, II (Munich, 191s[?]): 8 f.
' One good “separate and lengthy treatment” of this society would be the article by Lucia
Porhansl, “Auf Schubert’s Spuren in der ‘Ludlamshohle’,” Schubert durch die Brille,
Mitteilung 7 (1991): 53-78.
'° His name appears as no. 46 in the roster, where he is also clearly identified as “Giuliani
/ Neapel.” This further associates Giuliani with Naples.
'° For more on this issue, see Porhansl, Op. cit.
Chapter Three — Vienna Welcomes the Virtuoso, 1806-1819 87
ship which neither of these great composers must have evidenced at the time was
a certain carefree, devil-may-care attitude. Be that as it may, their names do not
figure in the membership as reported by Castelli.
Unfortunately Castelli does not offer his readers an explanation of exactly
what “Vilac Umo” has to do with the guitarist, although there is no doubt that
“Capo d’astro” meant the little clamp for shortening the string-length of a guitar.
The nickname alone suggests strongly that Giuliani used one.
But what about the “Vilac Umo” part? These words seem to be a corrupt or
dialectal form of the modern Italian, “vigliacch’uomo,” which is a pejorative
meaning “cowardly” or “dastardly man.” This was probably not meant to apply
in any direct and insulting way to Giuliani, since, as we have seen, the norm
among “Ludlamites” was not to abuse a member of their fraternity with their
nicknames, but rather to evoke something humorous about the fellow. Taken in
this light, it more likely refers to a pet phrase of Giuliani’s—something which he
had a habit of muttering under his breath whenever he was annoyed at some-
one—a phrase which was possibly seized upon by his “Ludlamite” brethren and
incorporated into his composite nickname.'%” Incidentally, even Mozart eventu-
“7 Another (literally far-fetched) derivation for this nickname was proposed in 1980 by a
German couple, who suggested that Vilac Umo was the Quechua (Inca) term for “great
speaking wizard” (the highest priest of the Incas, mediating between the people and the
Sun-god): “Das Wort Vilac Umo entstammt der Quetchua-Sprache, der Sprache des
Inka-Volkes in Peru, und bedeutet “grosser sprechender Zauberer” (das war der oberste
Priester der Inkas, der zwischen dem Volk und dem Sonnegott vermittelte).” They
speculate that the German explorer Alexander Humboldt may have published some
articles regarding his travels to Peru of 1799-1804 in the WMZ, from which Castelli and
his companions would have drawn the name (no references are given). See Johannes
Klier and Ingrid Hacker-Klier, Die Gitarre, ein Instrument und seine Geschichte (Bad
Schiissenried: Biblioteca de la Guitarra, 1980), p. 160. The Kliers’ linguistic authority is
cited as Inca Garcilaso de la Vega, Comentarios reales de los Incas, Tome 1 (Lisbon, 1609),
Chapter 22. I have not checked this reference, but have found variant spellings of the
term for Inca high-priest, such as (a) “WILLAJUMU-—-s. Sumo sacerdote dentro la
religidn inkaica,” from Jesus Lara, Diccionario Qhéshwa—Castellano Castellano—
Qhéshwa, 2d ed. (La Paz: Editorial ‘Los Amigos del Libro’, 1978), or (b) “WILLACQ_
UMU—Sumo sacerdote en la religién Inkayka,” in Uriel Montufar M., Diccionario
quechua—espanol, espanol—quechua (Arequipa, Peru: s.e., 1990). While these homonyms
may be (probably are) purely coincidental, the whole idea (I trust that my sense of humor
can be tolerated by the kind reader here in a footnote) is already causing me to conjure
up visions of the fine-featured Giuliani wearing something like Augustin Barrios
Mangore’s full-dress South-American Indian attire, chanting Incan intonations and
thumping his way down the Graben on a Sunday afternoon, accompanied by the
ever-present Viennese police, of course, disguised as Janissaries and beating their drums
and triangles! Thanks to Matanya Ophee for drawing this fascinating “Vilac Umo”
derivation to my attention.
88 Mauro Giuliani: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
ally made it into this distinguished company, posthumously, with the name
“Cosa rara Cosi non fan tutti.”!8
1818 ...whose tireless study of this instrument has brought it to the high-
est perfection...
Ten years after the initial publication of the “Survey of the present state of
music in Vienna,” in the Vaterldndische Blatter (31 May 1808), a second series of
articles, similar in scope and nature, appears in the same newspaper.’ It supple-
ments the earlier survey by listing composers (Zonsefzer) and performers (7on-
kiinstler) of repute, as of the beginning of the year 1818. It ranks Beethoven, for
example, among the composers of orchestral music, church music, opera, music
for pianoforte, and music for violin. In the category of song (Gesang) the
noteworthy composers are, in alphabetical order, “Messrs. van Beethoven, M.
Graf von Dietrichstein,'#° Fusz [probably Johann Fuss], Giuliani, Henneberg,
Kanne, Freyherr von Krufft, von Mosel, Salieri, von Seyfried, Abbé Stadler,
etc.”!41 No Schubert! The same source later lists composers of guitar music, again
in alphabetical order: “Messrs. Diabelli, Giuliani, Matiegka, Tutzek, etc.”—a
fairly accurate reflection of the most prolific writers for the guitar in Vienna at
that time.
Among performers (Tonkiinstler) on the guitar, however, Giuliani alone is
considered worthy of mention. The entries surrounding the guitar category must
be reproduced here to preserve the sense of the passage:
PaO n the
Harp
Madame Gollenhofer honorably distinguishes herself. Her talent is still not sur-
passed by any other artist on this instrument. A comparable [performer] on the
GUITAR
is Herr M. Giuliani, whose tireless study of this instrument has brought it to the
highest perfection. To my knowledge, still no artist other than he can boast of this.
On the
VIOLIN
Herr Mayseder is pre-eminent... etc.!?
88 Porhansl, Idid., he
'? “Referirende Uebersicht des Musikzustandes in Wien, in dem letzten halben Jahre,”
Intelhgenzblatt zu den Vaterlandischen Blittern, Nos. 25-29 (March/April, 1818): 100, 104,
108, 112, and 116.
“ See Giuliani’s WoO, G acc.-3.
4 “Referirende Uebersicht,” No. 28, 112.
ne Op. cit., No. 29, 116. German in Appendix I, 47.
Chapter Three — Vienna Welcomes the Virtuoso, 1806-1819 89
Giuliani may well have attained an enviable degree of perfection in the eyes
of the public by 1818, but he did not confine his efforts solely to furthering his
own reputation. Evidence of his success as a teacher can be found in the
appearance of one of his students, Franz Mendl, on a program in which Franz
Schubert participated at the piano.
In the same place [Saal zum rémischen Kaiser] on the 15th [of March 1818] the
“Declamator” Herr C.F. Miiller [gave a performance]. Heard by our reviewer: r.
An Overture by Herr Schubert for 8 hands and 2 pianos. 2. Violin variations
performed by Herr Molique. 3. Beethoven’s “Adelaide,” sung by Herr Jager. 4.
Guitar variations by Giuliani. 5. Rondeau @ 4 mains by Moscheles.
—AmZ XX (1818): 295. German in Appendix I, 48.
We can be certain that it was Mendl, and not Giuliani, performing on this
occasion thanks to a full account of the program in a Theaterzeitung to which the
late Otto Erich Deutsch had access.'43 That source leaves no doubt that Schubert
himself performed on the piano. :
The social and musical intercourse which Giuliani and Schubert must have
had during these years has long been a subject of curiosity to music historians.
Marco Riboni discovered some tantalizingly close associations in the Schubert
literature which merit our attention, such as these memoirs of Victor Ritter
Umlauff von Frankwell, son of the better-known Johann Karl Umlauff of Schu-
bert’s circle:
The most approved and able musicians of that time were [|Johann Karl] Umlauffs
friends and fellow artists. With the famous composer, Franz Schubert, he became
acquainted as early as 1818, when the form of composition in which the latter
excelled most, the song, was still almost unknown. They would soon become good
friends. He used often to visit him [Schubert] in the morning, before going to his
office, and generally found him lying in bed, putting musical thoughts on paper, or
composing at his writing table. On these occasions he [Umlauff] often sang freshly
composed songs to the composer, to guitar accompaniment..."
It is not clear from the passage who played the guitar or whose guitar it was.
The memoirs continue:
43 Deutsch, in Schubert, Die Dokumente seines Lebens (Kassel/ Basel, 1964): 59, refers to the
Wiener Allgemeinen Theaterzeitung (24 March 1818), which states that the concert actually
took place on the rath of March, and refers to the Giuliani guitar number as being played
“yon seinem Schiiler namens Mendl.” See ZuthS, 79, for other bits of information on
Franz Mend.
M4 Otto Erich Deutsch, Schubert, Memoirs by his Friends (London: Adam & Charles Black,
1958): 375-
go Mauro Giuliant: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
Close friends of his [Umlauffs] were also the brothers Karl and Friedrich Gross,
of whom the former played the violin and the latter the viola, both excellently; the
brothers Karl and Josef Czerny, both of them composers of merit; Linke, the ablest
’cellist of the time; the older and younger Giuliani; Barth and Binder, both tenors;
and Rauscher, baritone at the Karntnertor Theater. All of these, as well as Schubert,
used to meet regularly every week, on a pre-arranged day, at the house of Frau von
André, where they made music until far into the night.’”
If indeed the musicians named here did meet regularly, as the memoir
suggests, then we must agree with Riboni that “it is difficult to think that in these
friendly gatherings in the André home... Giuliani and Schubert never would
have had the occasion to meet one another.”!“
Another opportunity for likely encounters between Schubert and Giuliani,
the ramifications of which might have been influential on both composers, was
a series of concerts organized by the Sonnenleithner family. As Deutsch reported
in Schubert, Memaorrs by his Friends:
...From October 1816 onwards, the practices (which might already have been called
performances) took place only during the six winter months and only once a
fortnight... In the autumn of 1818 the transformation was completed and from then
on pure chamber music was the rule for the instrumentalists, while in singing, in
addition to arias, songs and duets, special attention was always given to choruses,
opera finales and other ensemble pieces which could not easily be heard else-
where....
The fame of these concerts (which always retained the modest designation
“musical practices”), in the last four years of their existence, was considerable. Many
amateur and professional artists sought to take part in them... [Franz Schubert’s]
works were performed here for the first time before a large circle. Schubert was the
same age as the eldest son of the family, who had got to know his compositions
through school friends...
It still remains to list the people, who, as performers, played the most prominent
part in these musical practices. In the order of their first appearances they were as
follows:
The names of numerous singers were provided in this source, as well, among
whom we find a number of Giuliani’s friends and colleagues: Johann Karl
Umlauff, Ignaz Sonnenleithner, and Rafael Kiesewetter. This account having
Tbid., 376.
“6 Ribonidgg, |, 56-57.
“” Deutsch, Op. cit.: 342-45. Thanks to Marco Riboni for finding this reference, some
portions of which are cited in RiboniAgg, I, 57.
Chapter Three — Vienna Welcomes the Virtuoso, 1806-1819 gI
been written many years after the fact, as a set of memoirs, it is impossible to use
it to pinpoint times when Giuliani and Schubert were known to have been at the
Sonnenleithners’ “musical practices” together. Nevertheless, the mention of these
two in the same source adds weight to the notion that they might have been friends.
Definite confirmation of Giuliani’s concert activities in Vienna during 1818
begins to appear in early April, and continues through that month, as we read in
the following:
The musical Akademie for the benefit of widows and orphans, given on the 5th [of
April 1818] in the k.k. Universitatssaal of the Faculty of Law, included: r. Beet-
hoven’s Overture to Coriolan. 2. Recitative and aria from Joseph sung by Herr Barth.
3. Variations for flute played by Herr Keller. 4. Theodor Kérner’s Legende, Die
heilige Cacilia, set to music by Herr Leidesdorf. This is a wonderful composition
which is much to the young composer’s credit, and in which Fraulein von Mosel
sang the lead voice superbly. 5. “La Sentinelle,” for voice, piano, violin, and guitar, by
Hummel, performed by Messrs. Barth, Moscheles, Mayseder and Giuliani.
The last three musicians also formed a triple alliance and offered a subscription
series in the Landstindischer Saal for three consecutive weekly concerts [in April
1818] in which they in turn displayed their generally recognized and greatly prized
virtuosity. We heard the following new works: Piano variations by Moscheles, Rondo
brillant for violin by Mayseder, Potpourri for piano and guitar, variations for violin
and piano by Mayseder, Rondo brillant for piano with orchestral accompaniment by
Moscheles, a new Guitar Concerto by Giuliani [Op. 70?], etc. One didn’t know
which to admire more: the musical perfection of the performance, or the—for the
most part—outstanding compositions. Dem. Wranitzky, Messrs. Barth and Jager,
and Fr. Linhard made a pleasing ensemble and increased our already considerable
enjoyment still further. A new Overture a /a chasse by Beethoven in C major, 6/8
tempo, had numerous admirers.1*°
—AmZXX (May 1818): 388. German in Appendix I, 49.
The reviewer states, in concluding, “Herr Giuliani’s talent, which was given an
obviously secondary role this time, will hopefully have a better chance for display
in one of the coming concerts to be held on the 23rd and on the 30th.”°°
The latter two concerts were reviewed together in this single, highly interest-
ing account appearing in the WMZ of 9 May 1818:
The last two musical productions of Messrs. Moscheles, Giuliani, and Mayseder
[23 & 30 Apr 1818], no less than their first one [16 Apr], were among the most
enjoyable offered recently in the Imperial City, thanks both to the quality of the
pieces and to their artistic execution. Several of our most outstanding vocal artists
joined with these performers to add greater variety and more pleasure to our
enjoyment. An audience as numerous as they were distinguished, and as educated
as they were versed in the arts, was gathered there and honored the whole affair by
their presence. The only regrettable aspect was that so many other friends and
connoisseurs of music, who would not let the normal price ofaconcert ticket stand
in the way of such rare musical enjoyment, were prevented from attending this one
[by the unusually high cost].
Among the pieces performed in the second concert of the series [23 April] were
notably: an Overture by our incomparable Beethoven,! which suitably opened the
program; variations for violin and piano, composed by Herr Mayseder and Herr
Moscheles and performed by the two of them with their usual artistry, to loud
applause; an aria from Sir Marcantonio, sung by Herr Jager, and a movement from a
guitar concerto [Op. 70, 1st mvmt.?], performed by Herr Giuliani. His excellent
playing and the unusual skill with which he handles the guitar roused the admiration
of all present. Following this was an aria from the opera Cyrus, sung by Dlle. Linhart,
accompanied by Herr Moscheles; and a rondo arranged and played by the latter, to
loud applause, closed the program.
The third and last [concert of the series], given on 30 April, took the prize over
the first two, v1s-a-vis the choice of music and the zeal of the performers. All of them
seem to have exerted themselves in order to leave their listeners with the very liveliest
of impressions. The first movement of a violin concerto, composed and played by
Herr Mayseder, was especially pleasing. [There followed] a cavatina with variations
by Mad. Catalani, sung by our own charming Mlle. Wranitzky; a Polonaise for guitar
with orchestral accompaniment [Op. 70, third mvmt.?], composed and played by
Giuliani; and then Blangini’s “Boleros,” also sung by Mlle. Wranitzky, and repeated
on unanimous request. Herr Moscheles improvised at the piano, developing a given
theme very artistically, and was rewarded by the connoisseurs with loud praise. Herr
Barth gave an excellent performance of an aria in A maj., from the opera Joseph,
which his marvelous voice was able to make even more wonderful. This concert, so
rich in artistic pleasures, ended with a Romanze, “Der Abschied der Troubadours”
8° WMZ, No. 48 (21 April 1818): 387. “Herr Giuliani’s Talent, welches fiir dieses Mahl eine
bloss untergeordnete Rolle spielte, wird hoffentlich bey einem der folgenden Konzerte...
mehr Gelegenheit zur Auszeichnung erhalten.”
151 : ) : :
Once again Beethoven's Op. 15 as arranged by the artists, we surmise.
Chapter Three — Vienna Welcomes the Virtuoso, 1806-1819 93
[WoO, vocal-13, with text] by Castelli. The original melody [by Blangini] was
retained, but was newly arranged by the recitalist for voice, piano, violin, and guitar,
in alternating variations, and performed by them and Mlle. Wranitzky.
A unanimous opinion of these musical events was voiced, one which was as
flattering for the recitalists as that which they expressed, of being counted in the
presence of the most cultured [Viennese] connoisseurs and friends of this wonderful
art of the Muses.
— Op. cit., 450-51. German in Appendix I, 50.!°4
So great was the success of the artists that they ended up giving a fourth
“final” concert, for the benefit of the needy. No doubt the Noblewomen’s Society
(Adeliger Frauen-Verein), which received the proceeds, engaged the musicians to
appear once more and handled the details of arranging the concert, which took
place on ro May 1818. It opened, once again, with a transcription by Mayseder,
Moscheles, and Giuliani of Beethoven’s Overture in C major, Op. 115, mis-
labeled “a la chasse.” The fourth number was an unusual accompanied recitation
of poetry, the poet and reciter being one of Giuliani’s Ludlamshohle brethren,
Ignaz Franz Castelli, the accompanist being Mauro Giuliani himself, who may
have improvised on this occasion.!? The finale was again Der Abschied der
Troubadours, one of the pieces with variations taken in turn by Moscheles,
Mayseder, and Giuliani.'4
One of the most enchanting accounts of a musical event ever to take place
anywhere, to my mind, involves the aforementioned musicians and several of
their colleagues late in the summer of 1818, in Baden bei Wien, the fashionable
spa so frequently attended in that season by the nobility from all over Europe.
Probably the artists were engaged, if not prompted by their own initiative, to
serenade the former Empress, and now Dutchess of Parma, Marie-Louise, for
her name-day (the Feast of St. Louis). This is the account ofthat priceless event,
written in the now usual florid style of the Wiener Moden Zeitung:
BapeN. A serenade on the eve of the Feast of Saint Louis [i.e. on August 24th]
afforded us a friendly musical treat. The distinguished virtuosi from Vienna,
2 These three concerts were the subject of an entry in the Viennese “Zuchthausfonds” tax
registry for April 1818, as was mentioned earlier (v. Appendix I, 9).
53 «1|Castelli’s Ballade, Die Liebes/aute, von ihm selbst declamirt, und von Giuliani mit der
Guitarre begleitet,” 4mZ XX (June 1818): 455. This practice of accompanying poetry
recitations was raised to a high art in Bourbon Naples, where Giuliani is reported to have
accompanied an “extemporaneous” poet. See Appendix I, 62.
54 WoO, vocal-13. A full account of the concert of 10 May 1818 appears in the AmZ XX
(June 1818): 455.
94 Mauro Giuliani: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
Giuliani, Moscheles, and Merck, along with Herr Wranitzky and the well known
Royal Wiirtemberg chamber-virtuoso, Herr Keller, performed here. This delight-
ful musical celebration was given in front of the apartments of Her Majesty the
Archdutchess Marie-Louise, Dutchess of Parma, and attended from the windows
by their Royal Majesties and the resident members of the august Royal Family. An
enormous crowd oflisteners had turned out, and ladies and gentlemen were seated
on chairs before their apartments, as the weather was favorable. First Herr Wranitzky
played variations by Rode on the violin. There followed a Polonaise, composed and
performed by Giuliani on the guitar. This musician displayed here all the grace and
delicacy with which he usually handles the guitar, and charmed the listeners. After
this Herr Keller performed variations of his own composition on the flute, with
that same mastery ofhis which we have always admired, and in which he so excels.
Herr Merck then played a potpourri by Bernhard Romberg on the ’cello, with his
usual excellence, and Herr Moscheles closed the enjoyable and all-too-short
evening with variations on the “Alexander-Marsch” composed by himself, and
played with the well known musical skill that makes him one of the foremost
masters of the piano. The entire group of musicians heightened our enjoyment still
further in that they felt inspired and honored by the presence of the Royal Court
and Royal Family, as well as by the attendance of a large number of the cultured
resort guests assembled in Baden at this time. May we have another such musical
treat soon.
—WMZ, No. 104 (29 Aug 1818): 852. German in Appendix I, 51.
To no one’s surprise, these same musicians remained (by design or by invita-
tion) in Baden for a time in order to repeat their numbers in a more formal
setting—the local theater, on the evening of 5 Sept. Again they enjoyed great
success.!°>
We are lacking evidence of just what happened to Giuliani between his
appearance in Baden in September 1818 and his spring (April) concert in Vienna
in 1819. Perhaps he went back to Italy again, as he almost certainly had done the
previous winter.
The following month, one of Giuliani’s more able students, Franz Mend,
played a concert featuring his teacher’s music (a concerto, no less!) in Berlin:
Bertin... On the 24th [of October 1818] Herr Franz MendI from Vienna, Giuliani’s
student, gave a concert. He played on the guitar a Concerto and a potpourri of
Giuliani, Variations on the Theme “Di tanti Palpiti,” from Tancredi, and he
accompanied the Lied sung by Mme. Milder-Hauptmann, Beethoven's Adelaide.
Nomunasse suffictat!
—AmZ XX/45 (11 Nov 1818): 791. German in Appendix I, 45.
Mend! must have received a warm reception from the North German audi-
ences. He prolonged his stay so as to be able to give another concert, this time in
Leipzig:
° The concert of5Sept. in Baden is described in the WMZ, No. 112 (17 Sept 1818): 915-16.
It concludes with a finale of proven popularity, Der Abschied der Troubadours.
Chapter Three — Vienna Welcomes the Virtuoso, 1806-1819 95
Lerpzic... On the 16th of November [1818], Herr Franz Mendel, from Vienna, a
student of Giuliani’s, gave a concert in the foyer of the theater. The reviewer could
not be present, but learned however that Herr Mendl was able to negotiate
extraordinary guitar-challenges with great skill; also an unnamed, unknown foreign
woman reportedly played a beautiful piano concerto ofHummel’s, presumably with
French Takthudeley (“tempo-muddling”), but still very well.
—AmZ XX/48 (2 Dec 1818): 842. German in Appendix I, 46.
86 Works which appeared in 1817-18 largely included Op. 75 through 98, and many works
without opus number.
457 HeckDiss, I, 126. I used the verb “could,” and intended this as speculation.
58 “Nel 1819 il chitarrista ebbe ben poche occasioni per suonare: i motivi, secondo la mia
opinione, non furono peré il diminuito apprezzamento di Giuliani da parte del pubblico
o un calo delle sue capacita tecnico-artistiche... Cosi fosse, infatti, avremmo visto altre
figure emergere e prendere il suo posto sulle scene: ebbene, tolti i due concerti di Giuliani
96 Mauro Giuliani: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
We know from his earlier appearances that Herr Jager was a highly-regarded
singer. He could well have sung Matiegka’s arrangement for voice and guitar of
Beethoven's “Adelaide” in the concert of 15 March 1818, with Giuliani (who else?)
providing the guitar accompaniment; we also know that Giuliani accompanied
his rendition of “an aria from Sir Marcantonio” on 23 April 1818. In the present
(December) concert we can be sure that he sang a Romance as stated, but we
simply do not know who did the honors as guitar accompanist.!°! The important
thing to note is that it was yet another vocal event in Vienna with guitar
accompaniment. My point is that, regardless of the guitar’s fate as a solo
instrument in post-Giuliani Vienna or Europe, it was the instrument’s popular-
ity as an accompaniment for songs that assured its continuing cultivation by the
middle classes—a factor that was destined to influence no fewer than five
Viennese publishers in the following decade to issue parallel arrangements for
voice and guitar of the first editions (for voice and piano) of some two dozen of
del 25 maggio e 25 giugno, in tutta l’annata del 1819 sulla ‘Allgemeine Musikalische
Zeitung’ non compare neanche una recensione o un annuncio di un concerto tenuto da
un chitarrista.” RiboniAgeg, I, 60.
® See below; they were given on 25 April and 25 May 1819.
'° AmZXXV/s (3 Feb 1819): 73. “Wien. Uebersicht des Monate Dec. 1818... Die Abendunterhaltung
im Theater an der Wien am 23sten zum Besten des Pensions- Institutes enthielt: .. . 8.
Romanze mit Guitarre-Begleitung von Hrn. Jager...” Emphasis mine. Thanks to Sean
Ferguson for drawing this item to my attention.
‘*! Tt probably was not Giuliani, or he would have been mentioned. On the other hand, it
is intriguing to speculate that it could have been the singer’s wife! Might she have been
none other than “Signora de Jager,” née Baroness de Riefel, who was the dedicatee of
Giuliani’s La Lira Notturna, Op. 69, for two guitars?
Chapter Three — Vienna Welcomes the Virtuoso, 1806-1819 97
Schubert’s Lieder.!* I shall defer discussion of the other 1819 reports of guitar
activity in the AmZ to the following section.
181g “Das ist alles eins, Ob wir Geld hab’n oder keins.” (The differences
amount to aught, ‘twixt having gold and having naught.)
ee Austrian folk song to which the above words are set is the theme of
Giuliani’s Op. 99, which appeared in April 1819. Its text was almost prophetic, in
view of Giuliani's unhappy monetary situation in 1819. There are other details
surrounding the publication of the work which bear comment, notably that this
is the first opus of Giuliani’s published by Diabelli, or rather by the firm known
at the time as Cappi & Diabelli, created in 1818. For years Anton Diabelli himself
had been one of Giuliani’s lesser rivals on the guitar in Vienna; we can imagine
how cool their business dealings must have been. It is of Cappi and Diabelli that
Giuliani would write, in a letter to his old friend Artaria: “These two super-brag-
garts who pride themselves on having thé best music store in Vienna...,” and,
“Two false businessmen run it...,” and “... they deserve not only my disdain, but
also celestial revenge.”!° The reason for Giuliani’s scorn, evidenced in his letters,
was that these men had a reputation for trying to purchase the works of excellent
composers for less compensation than any other Viennese publisher would have
dared to offer. They must have taken advantage of the composer’s unusually
difficult financial situation (after 1819) to extract new compositions from him at
woefully unjust prices.
Contrary to previously stated suggestions, the guitar was not dying in 1819. It
was, however, being played in a rather novel whistle-&-guitar duet in Paris by a
guitarist perhaps even more formidable than Carulli, as the next review makes clear:
MusICAL MISCELLANY FROM Paris IN THE MONTH OF FEBRUARY I819...
The guitarist Herr Carl von Gartner, a native of Cassel, who according to his
own testimony was educated in Venice and also had his musical training there, gave
© See the introduction to Franz Schubert: Sixteen Songs with Guitar Accompaniment,
containing a selection of Lieder published in guitar transcription during the composer's
lifetime, newly edited for performance, with historical notes, by Thomas F. Heck
(London: Tecla, 1980).
6 Letter dated Naples, 16 Jan 1824. Vienna, Stadt- und Landesbibliothek, J.N. 69732.
“Questi due Rodomonti che dal niente vantano di avere il primo Negozio Musicale in
Vienna... ictc.
164 This is a familiar story for anyone who has ever read a biography of Schubert, for the
latter seems to have fared even worse than Giuliani at the hands of Anton Diabelli. Thus
when we read Zuth’s undocumented statement that Giuliani “fostered friendly transactions
with Diabelli,” (“Giuliani pflegte mit Diabelli freundschaftlichen Verkehr...” ZuthS, 78), we
must take exception.
98 Mauro Giuliani: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
his announced concert on February 7th in the Salle des Menus-Plaisirs du Roi... Still
a very young man, Herr von Gartner strikes me as the foremost—the most accom-
plished—of all the guitar-artists [professionals] that I have heard play in public. To
have a proper idea ofthe difficulties which he overcomes on his instrument, one must
have heard them, or—even better—seen them written down. Nevertheless his
playing, especially the very well-scored Giardini concerto, accompanied by full
orchestra, left us unsatisfied. The sum ofthe physical tones of a guitar is too small to
be able to fill a large concert hall. After this concerto, Herr von G. blew [whistled]
Variations—with his own mouth, an undertaking which despite its fullness attracted
nothing more than faint praise; one wag opined that he whistled [a German
pun—hissed] himself off the stage. I wondered... how the performer could whistle
too low [too flat?] in relation to his accompanying guitar from start to finish. To make
a comparison between Herr von G. and the popular Carulli would not be possible
for me, as I have never heard the latter in public, and never heard him perform such
difficult music. But I believe that Herr von G. would in no way come off second best...
—AmZ XXI/13 (31 Mar 1819): 210-11. German in Appendix I, 73.
On the 25th [of April 1819] the “Hofsaingerin” Demoiselle Wranitzky gave a concert
in the small Redoutensaal. Two arias by Rossini and Generali, as well as the
Variations on Der Troubadour |WoO, vocal-13], in which the virtuosity of Messrs.
Mayseder, Moscheles and Giuliani shone most brilliantly, achieved yet greater
charm through her enchanting performance...
—AmZ XX] (May 1819): 363. German in Appendix I, 52.
Exactly one month later the same musicians provide the identical finale—by
now unquestionably very popular and successful—to a concert by Moscheles:
*° Matanya Ophee, in pre-publication reviewing of this text, volunteered that there was an
adaptation for guitar and strings of the Viotti Concerto no. 18 published by Doisy around
the turn of the century (copy in the Ophee collection), and mentioned the l’Hoyer
Concerto Op. 16, published by Boehm in Hamburg in 1804. “The reviewer may indeed
have confused names,” Ophee continued, “but the fact remains that there were precedent
guitar concerti in circulation, published before those of Giuliani. They do not compare
well, but they were there.” My addendum to this communication (besides thanks) is a
reflection that the publication of a particular virtuoso/composer’s concerto(s) was not
necessary, since performance from manuscripts was the norm. There could well have
been a dozen or more guitar concertos of varying degrees of originality in existence
c.1800. Since I can’t name them, my rhetorical question remains open.
Chapter Three — Vienna Welcomes the Virtuoso, 1806-1819 99
On the 25th [of May 1819] Herr Moscheles gave a private concert [in which he
played a Hummel sonata in f# minor, inter alia]..., and as a finale was given the
frequently, but always gladly, heard quartet, “Der Abschied der Troubadours”
[WoO, vocal-13], sung by Demoiselle Wranitzky, and accompanied by the recitalist
along with Mayseder and Giuliani.
—AmZ XX] (June 1819): 430. German in Appendix I, 53.
In the summer of 1819 Giuliani left Vienna never to return. His household
goods were seized and inventoried (for auction) by the police in September of
that year, in connection with charges pressed by a certain Jakob Scholze:
Jakob Scholze contra Mauro Giuliani, in the amount of 660 Gulden. The defen-
dant’s forfeit-inventory presented.!”
Despite this unfortunate turn of events, whose outcome we can only surmise,
musical life went on in Vienna. Songs with guitar accompaniment—a perennial
favorite entertainment of the Viennese—continued to be performed as usual, as
we see in this review of a September concert:
VIENNA. OVERVIEW OF THE MONTHS OF SEPT. AND Oct...
On the 8th of September, in the same locale, there was an Evening-entertain-
ment for the benefit of the Theatrical-Needy-Fund... Among the vocal numbers
were: 1. By Herr Jager, a very charming Romance with guitar accompaniment...167
In the balance, Giuliani’s final half-year in Vienna was not without its
customary publishing activity. Besides the Variations on the folk-waltz “Das ist
alles eins,” Op. 99, there were virtuosic variations published as Op. 101, 102, 103
and 104 for solo guitar, each with an eventual string quartet accompaniment, and
most issued by Cappi & Diabelli. The collectively composed “Abschied der
Troubadours,” WoO, vocal-13, to which Giuliani contributed guitar variations,
also found its way into print that year.
‘6 The German Pfindung may mean household goods or personal possessions, or their
inventory in some sense. See German in Appendix I, ro.
167 4AmZ XX1/48 (1 Dec 1819): 829. “Wien. Uebersicht der Monate Sept. und Oct... Am 8ten
September war ebendaselbst eine Abendunterhaltung zum Besten des Theatral-Armen-
Fond’s. . . Gesungen wurde: 1. Von Herrn Jager, eine sehr reizende Romanze mit
Guitarrenbegleitung....
Chapter Four
‘The numeral is not well formed in the letter; Riboni reads it as 90 centesimi.
I1OO
Chapter Four — The Final Years in Italy, 1819-1829 IOI
Research by the late Bruno Tonazzi, a resident of Trieste, has revealed that
Mauro stayed longer than a week with his parents, who (we only learn now) had
become residents of Trieste. In fact, he seems to have stayed for three months,
judging from the appearance of his name in the “arrival” and “departure” logs
published in L’Osservatore triestino of 11 December 1819 and 4 March 1820
respectively.’ The former states that “Mauro Giuliani musico” arrived in Trieste
on 9 December 1819 enroute from Venice, while the latter informs us that “Mauro
Giuliani virtuoso” had just left Trieste for Padua (“Padova”).4 We presume that
he gave his planned public concert in Trieste, as he asserted that he would, and
essentially “wintered” there with his aging parents. Tonazzi was unable to find
specific press coverage of the presumed concert in Trieste during those months,
but did find notice of an “Accademia vocale ed istromentale” in the same
newspaper for 18 January 1820.
We now know, thanks to Giuseppe Radole’s research,’ that Giuliani also was
involved in at least one private musical soirée in Trieste, given in latter November
1819 by a wealthy businessman and banker named Giovanni Guglielmo Cavaliere
de Sartorio. The latter had married Carolina Gobbi on November 4th, and
desired to provide this spirited and musical woman (an excellent keyboard player)
with cultural entertainment that she could appreciate. In the section of his diary for
latter 1819, Sartorio proudly recalls one of these concerts in particular:
Happy were the days that I spent with my beloved spouse, who with her gentle
and cordial ways was able to win the favor of all. To sustain her uncommon musical
talent, I arranged several soirées in which some distinguished professori from our
orchestra were involved, in particular its director Scaramelli... ]remember a terzetto
with voice, guitar, and cembalo, sung by the renowned soprano Velluti, the famous
Mauro Giuliani, and my wife, which aroused enthusiasm, and I was as pleased with
the applause garnered by my Carolina as I would have been had it been directed to
me..."
> Reported in a letter to the Editor of i/ Fronimo’ no. 84 (July 1993): 59.
“Mi scorrevano beati i giorni presso l’adorata mia compagna, che sapeva coi modi suoi
6 . rie . . . . . .
gentili e cordiali guadagnarsi |’animo di tutti;—per tener desto il non comune suo talento
musicale, combinai delle serate nelle quali si prestavano alcuni distinti professori della
nostra orchestra, e specialmente il suo direttore Scaramelli [Giuseppe S., 1761-1844]...
Rammento un terzetto di canto, chitarra e cembalo, eseguito dal rinomato soprano
Velluti [Giambattista V., famous “sopranista,” 1781-1861], dal celebre Mauro Giuliani, e
dalla mia consorte, che destd entusiasmo e mi compiaceva degli applausi raccolti dalla
mia Carolina, quanto se a me stesso fossero stati imparati...” Memorie biografiche. Giovanni
Gughelmo Cav. De Sartorio ai suoi Figh, Parenti ed Amici (Trieste: Tipografia del Lloyd
Austriaco, 1863): 68. Cited and annotated by Radole, Idid.
RiboniAgg, II, 36-37. That a “malattia” was the probable cause of
death is not in question.
But Riboni’s statement “Giuliani mori a 48 anni” may be misleading to those who
compute age by full years attained, as Giuliani was still only 47 years and nearly 10
months old at the time of his death.
Chapter Four — The Final Years in Italy, 1819-1829 103
credentials would have been highly useful in “breaking the ice” in Rome and
Naples, where an old-guard aristocracy was still well entrenched.
SH writers have portrayed the music scene in Italy around 1820, with
reference to instrumental music in particular, in frankly unflattering terms.
Giorgio Pestelli characterized it this way: “Whereas in the rest of Europe
Romantic aspirations were expressed through instrumental music, in Italy this
spirit was entirely manifested in opera... Men of culture were less important,
while the clever impresario (often of humble origins) and the efficient publishers
grew in power...”? Riboni does not consider the prevailing musical tastes in Italy
at this time to be so much a “crisis of Itakian instrumental music,” as a “crisis of
instrumental music in Italy.” He cites the many expatriate Italians of the early
nineteenth century who did so well beyond the Alps as proof that the root of the
problem was not the composers, but rather the conditions in the homeland.1°
If one peruses the Diario di Roma of 1817-20 and beyond—admittedly not a
music journal, but still something with a modicum of music reportage—one is
quickly struck by the imbalance in coverage between vocal and instrumental
music. The disproportionately small number of references to the latter was
probably not a result of editorial bias, but rather a true reflection of the current
state of musical life in Rome.
There is a comparable paucity of reports of instrumental, or even mixed
instrumental-vocal, concerts in other cities of Italy as well. For instance, a perusal
of the years 1817-20 and beyond in the exhaustive anthology of all music refer-
ences in all the newspapers of Genoa in the nineteenth century, compiled by
Leopoldo Gamberini,!! yields an occasional Accademia vocale ed instrumentale,
such as the report of a six-year-old violin prodigy from Milan who played
(notably variations on beloved Rossini arias!) in Genoa on 23 October 1818. Or
we find something like this instrumental solo squeezed between the acts of an opera:
* From Heft XI (April 1-14, 1820). See Georg Schiinemann, Ludwig van Beethovens Konversation-
shefte..., Vol. II (Berlin, 1942), 29; or Ludwig van Beethoven: Konversationshefte, ed. by Kohler
et al., Bd. 2, Hefte 11-22 (Leipzig: VEB, 1976): 43.
” “Ttaly—Nineteenth Century,” New Grove Dictionary ofMusic and Musicians (London:
Macmillan, 1980), vol. 9, 374-75.
” RiboniAgg, Ul, 33.
1! La vita musicale europea del 1800: archivio musicale genovese, vol. 2 (Genova: Istituto di Storia
dell’Arte - Cattedra di Storia della Musica, 1979). This volume covers the years 1801-1827.
104 Mauro Giuliani: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
Returning to Rome, we find here, too, the rare exception to the otherwise
unmitigated reports on opera and vocal activity, such as this article on the
Boccomini family, published under the heading “Varieta” in the Diario di Roma
of 3 July 1817:
The Boccomini family is Roman; and its three brothers stand out through no mean
talents. Giovanni [is a comic actor]... Nicola is a very distinguished Professor of
Viola and Violin; and Giuseppe is a renowned Guitar Professor. We credit the last
of these, just back from Florence where he earned great acclaim, with the very
beautiful Accademia istromentale which took place the evening of the nineteenth of
June in the Teatro Valle... Giuseppe, however imperfect-issimo the reputation of
the chitarra francese might be as the instrument on which he played a concerto and
a few variations, nonetheless revealed himself to be profoundly knowledgeable of
his art and a most felicitous performer, confirming the opinion now current in
discriminating social circles..."
Evidently Giuliani’s father was not the only one confused as to his son’s
intentions and/or actions in 1820. Soon after his March arrival in Rome, our
composer was letting it be known once again that he was on his way to the North.
Was this wishful thinking on his part? Or a ploy (“Catch me while you can—ast
chance!”) to promote ticket sales among a public which was known for its apathy
toward instrumental music? Whatever the motivation, here is the first public
notice of his presence in that city:
Signor Mauro Giuliani, chamber virtuoso of Her Majesty the Imperial Princess
Marie-Louise, Archdutchess of Austria, having come from Vienna, and travelling
to Paris, is now passing through this city. He is famous for having written 117
instrumental works, and because he is second to none in playing the guitar.
—Diario di Roma, Notizie del Giorno, no. 16 (20 Apr 1820). Italian in Appendix I, 54."8
The following month (in May 1820) our visiting artist arranged a concert,
announced in the Diario in its usual florid style:
Mauro Giuliani “Filarmonico, e Virtuoso di Camera” of Her Majesty the Arch-
dutchess of Austria, having returned to Italy his fatherland from foreign countries,
where he has dwelt for 20 years,” will give a concert on the evening of 12 May in
the hall of the palace of Her Excellency the Dutchess of Fiano, having obtained
the superior permission. The enduring approval with which his productions have
been received... in various capitals makes him familiar to every amateur and artist.
Italy, forever a fertile mother and lover of genius, knows how to appreciate and
support those of her sons who are particularly distinguished.
—Duiario di Roma no. 37 (6 May 1820). Italian in Appendix I, 55.
in RiboniAgg, I], 37. Many thanks to Marco Riboni for his clear transcription of this
shaky hand—something |was not entirely comfortable attempting to do when originally
working on this material in 1968-70. The reference to “la Nina” strikes me as proble-
matic. “La ninna” in Italian simply means “the little girl,” and in this context might have
referred to Mauro’s daughter Maria Willmuth, born in 1807 and now perhaps 12 or 13.
Here was surely a grandchild whom Michele would have known about; I thought as
much when I wrote “Giuliani in Italia, parte II,” i] ‘Fronimo’ no. 9 (1974): see my
comments on p.21. Riboni, whose Italian comprehension is obviously better than my
own, has lately countered that this must be a reference to Nina Wieselberger (Wiesen-
berger), the woman with whom Giuliani was reportedly “living in intimacy” in Vienna
in 1815 (Appendix I,11). While it is possible to accept the reading of“la Nina” as a proper
name, I have my doubts that Mauro would have told his parents about this liaison,
especially if his wife Maria Giuseppa were still alive. As far as we know, Nina Wiesel-
berger did not bear Mauro any children.
Vienna—Rome—Paris: an itinerary like this tends to confirm the saying that all roads
lead to Rome!
If this is not an exaggeration for effect, it raises some interesting questions about where
Giuliani might have been from 1800 to 1806.
Chapter Four — The Final Years in Italy, 1819-1829 107
The event was postponed one week and took place on 19 May 1820:
Signor Mauro Giuliani Filarmonico, fulfilling his promises inserted earlier in this
paper, gave a public Accademia, both instrumental and vocal, on the evening of the
nineteenth, in the hall of the apartments of Her Excellency the Dutchess ofFiano.
We expected a felicitous fulfillment of his promises, but this exceeded our expec-
tations. It is impossible to describe with what harmony, precision, agility, and
sweetness he is able to draw forth any sound, loud or delicate, or robust or tender,
from an instrument which, the more commonly it passes through the hands of
everyone, with that much more difficulty it [ends up in the hands] of someone who
is a perfect performer. It is fitting to allow Signor Giuliani to boast of having
seduced us, both with his solo pieces, and with those accompanied by other
instruments. We recognize in his performance [proof of |an excellent professor; in
the composition of the various pieces written by him we admire an accomplished
master who, combining modern caprice with the ancient rules of harmony, travels
the paths of true refinement. We also delighted in the aria gracefully sung by the
young dilettante, Signor Vincenzo Galli..etc.
—Daiario di Roma, no. 21 (25 May 1820). Italian in Appendix I, 56.
This was nothing if not an auspicious Roman début for our newly repatriated
guitarist/composer. Isnardi wrote that Giuliani stayed in Rome for a while,
having found Rossini and Paganini there, and that the three were known as the
“triumvirato musicale” (Appendix I, 3). The only time that Paganini and Rossini
were together in Rome when Giuliani, too, could have been there was the period
December 1820 - March 1821, a maximum of four months.?° It is quite possible
that these eminent musicians did appear together in concerts at that time, more
likely than not private ones, as the Diario di Roma does not, as far as I know, carry
any mention of them. A passing remark in an early biography of Paganini tends
to confirm Isnardi’s statement that the three were musical colleagues in Rome
around 1820-21:
... They were always in the company of the great Pesarese,”’ the one playing the
guitar, the other the violin—the two sublime geniuses of Italian art, namely
Giuliani and Paganini...”
*” Deduced from information in de Courcy, Paganini the Genoese, | (Norman, Okla., 1957),
202 f., and Weinstock, Rossini, a Biography (New York, 1968), 104. Confirmed by Philip
Gossett of the University of Chicago through private correspondence.
71 Rossini, from Pesaro, was sometimes called the great Pesarese, sometimes “the swan of Pesaro.”
# « sempre erano congiunti al gran Pesarese, l’uno suonando la chitarra, l’altro il violino,
i due sublimi ingegni dell’arte italiana, Giuliani cioé e Paganini...” Gian Carlo Cones-
tabile, Vita di Niccolo Paganini. Nuova ed. con aggiunte e note di Federico Mompellio
(Milano, 1936): 145. Original edition (1851) cited in Stefano Castelvecchi, “Le Rossiniane
di Mauro Giuliani,” Bol/lettino del Centro Rossiniano di Studi, no. 1-3 (1986), in turn
transcribed in Brian Jeffery’s preface to GCW vol. 13, Le Rossiniane...
108 Mauro Giuliani: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
“I have been able to write some pieces of music in a style never before
known.”
*3 The letter in question, dated Rome, 6 February 1821, is now in the collection of Bob
Spencer, London. It was reproduced in facsimile in the preface to a Julian Bream edition
of Mauro Giuliani’s Rossiniana No. 1, published in 1979 by Faber Music, Ltd.
* This suggests two things: (a) that Giuliani, rather than his publishers, had control over
2 . - . . . . .
the assigning of his opus numbers, and that (b) he was not above providing “house copy,”
1.€. guitar arrangements for various and sundry needs, perhaps even without attribution.
Chapter Four — The Final Years in Italy, 1819-1829 109
At the moment Ineed 50 Louis, so I will consign to you, according to the prompt
response which you will give me, everything which I have, and with my return
through Milan we will settle all our accounts.
I shall not lay before your eyes the circumstances which require me to have
recourse to you, but as a consequence you will find me the most grateful man on earth.
It will be quite advantageous for you to sell to those Viennese publishers half of the
property of said manuscripts, because since my departure they have not received even
a single musical note; of the remainder, you will settle it among yourselves in
accordance with your wise counsel.
I beg you for a quick reply, indicating the person to whom I will be able to consign
the manuscripts here in Rome... Reassured of your favor, I remain with highest
regards and affection, Your tienda.
Mauro Giuliani
The guitarist’s reference to his return through Milan (“ritorno per Milano”) is
curious. It might be understood as a hint at a still-projected return to Vienna,
followed by a return from Vienna through Milan. \t may have been an attempt to
send a signal to Ricordi that his glory days in the Austrian capital were not over
yet: that he was indeed planning to revisit the scene of earlier successes.”
Of the works mentioned, only two can be identified with confidence. The first
(Op. 119) was published in 1821 by Artaria, and the last (Op. 150) was only
published by Ricordi in 1840, posthumously by some eleven years.?’ It is clear,
therefore, that Giuliani’s letter did not fully produce its desired effect. His
reference to having developed a “style never before known” (“uno stile giammai
conosciuto”) remains somewhat problematical, too, since his musical rhetoric
and his harmonic language seem not to have undergone any significant transfor-
mation over the span of his mature years, 1807-1829. Perhaps Giuliani’s remark
was intended to pique Ricordi’s interest.”®
At this point in his life Giuliani did something exemplary—and at no small
personal expense. He entered his “natural” daughter Maria Willmuth,” born in
1807 and therefore 14 in 1821, in the Roman convent-school for girls, L'Adorazione
di Gest. She would have attended that institution czrca 1821-26, judging from a
statement in one of her father’s letters.%°
We have one definite street address in Rome for Mauro Giuliani (via della
Mercede, no. g), contained in a letter to Artaria, dated 23 July 1822. The letter
reveals, incidentally, that the composer was at that time deeply involved in
arranging selected Rossini works for the guitar, in the series Le Rossiniane (Op.
119-124):
Rome, 23 July 1822
Dear Friend Domenico
Here I am, deprived of an answer to my letter of 13 June, without being able to
imagine the reason. I knew from His Exc. Count d’Apponis that my little promissory
note was settled, and I thank you for this. I would love to know if you would desire
next to have other exemplars from the series Le Rossiniane, since I’m counting on
carrying it forward to 12 or 18 installments.
Signor Ricordi would also like to publish some of them. In case he writes you, I
have written him that the price is eight Louis, which is normal with you...
In my previous letter I asked you to tell Signor Nava to give back to me a copy
of the recipe which I gave him for making Eau de Cologne; I beg you again most
sincerely to send it to me in reply.
I would also request a friendly favor from you, which is to find out what became
of all the papers and other necessities that were in my home, specifically in my
segretario, which was given to I don’t know whom to settle domestic debts. In it there
was the ring which I received from Her Majesty the Dutchess of Parma, minus the
stones, which I was required to dispose of due to the illness of poor Nina Wiesen-
berger; in it was also the certificate which I received with the honorary title of
Chamber Virtuoso, and other papers which I need. I therefore beg you to find out
where, and to whom, my son conveyed them before leaving Vienna, and to send them
to me as soon as possible.
From a letter of yours I learned that you acquired the portrait which Signor Stiller
did of me. Please keep it as a memento; I know that it will be very dear to you, first
for the hand of the artist, and next for the monstrous mug of Mauro which you have
always loved, of which I am proud. But I pray you accordingly to send back to me
the other portrait that Signor Letron did of me as a drawing, which is also now at
your place, as one of your letters mentioned.
°° See the letter from Mauro Giuliani to Artaria, dated Naples, 25 Sept 1827: “in the five
years that I have maintained this little girl with every propriety in the Roman convent
L’Adorazione di Gesu. At a cost of nine Scudi a month, it amounts to 540 Scudi that I
have had the pleasure of paying for her welfare, and my sacred duty” (“... in cinque anni
che ho mantenuta con ogni proprieta questa bambina nel monastero di Roma L’Adoraz-
tone di Gesit. Alla ragione di Scudi nove al mese formano Scudi 540 che mi sono preggiato
di sborzare per il bene suo, e mio sacro dovere.”) Vienna, Stadt- und Landesbibliothek,
Handschriftensammlung, J.N. 69733.
Chapter Four — The Final Years in Italy, 1819-1829 II
Please send news of my daughters; convey my greetings to your wife and to all
in your home, and I am Your Friend
Giuliani
Rome, 23 July 1822, Via della Mercede No. 9.3!
This letter shows that Giuliani was still not entirely without family and
friendship ties to Vienna, despite his absence. It seems quite certain from this
letter that his son Michel rescued his papers and personal effects before they
could be seized by Jakob Scholze, who brought the 1819 complaint against the
guitarist to recover household debts. And our guitarist’s daughters (Emilia and
Maria) were sufficiently well off that they had the means to be in Vienna in July,
a far preferable place to be than, say, Rome in terms of the summer heat and the
potential of epidemics. The 1822 Viennese passport records show that their
address in Vienna was “Inner City no. 1005,” and that they were staying with one
Teresia Tramonto. Later that year they would be heading for Palermo “to stay with
their benefactor,” possibly Marie-Louise 6r one of her Bourbon relatives in Sicily
who had a soft spot for these two young women and their famous guitarist father.
On the professional level, we find Giuliani attempting to protect his negoti-
ating position with Ricordi by letting Artaria know what price had been placed
on each installment of his Rossiniana series: 8 Louis. This might just have been
enough to prompt Artaria to make an offer on the next two Rossiniane (Op. 120
& 121), for he does end up publishing them in 1822 and 1823. Ricordi only gets his
hand into the pot with the final number, Op. 124, published early in 1828.
Giuliani’s letter concludes with his aforementioned address in Rome’s Via della
Mercede—a street which still exists in the heart of the city.*4
He... was able, as always, to transform the lowly guitar at the touch of his
magic fingers into as many instruments as he wished...
In the spring of 1823 one of Giuliani’s brethren from the Ludlamshdhle, the flute
virtuoso Johann Sedlatscheck, arrived in Rome on a concert tour. The two men
joined forces, as might have been expected, and their soirée received the follow-
ing announcement in the Notrz1e del Giorno:
The famous flute professor from Vienna, Giovanni Sedlatzck [sic], arrived in this
city a few days ago. As a provisional member of the “Cappella Imperiale,” he had
the honor of making, through his talents, humble tribute to the august sovereigns
recently gathered in Verona. He reaped fresh “laurels” there, through the approba-
tion of the [sovereigns]. He now notifies the noble and courteous public that, in
the course of the coming week, he will give a concert with Signor Mauro Giuliani,
“Virtuoso di Camera” of Her Majesty the Archdutchess Marie-Louise, equally
famous, and known in this capital. A few vocal numbers will lend still more pleasure
to the affair. It will take place tomorrow evening, 4 April [1823], in a private hall.
Entrance tickets for those who wish to take pleasure in honoring the aforemen-
tioned professors will be purchasable in the ticket agency of the Piazza di Spagna.
— Op. cit., no. 14 (3 April 1823). Italian in Appendix I, 57.
The musical accademia given yesterday by Professors Sedlatzch [sic] and Giuliani
had a happy outcome, and they were applauded to the extent of being invited to
give another one, which will take place—the sooner the better. We will treat the
talents of these professors at greater length in a later number.
—Diario di Roma, no. 27 (5 Apr 1823). Italian in Appendix I, 58.
A complete review of the concert appeared within a few days, written in the
customary florid style of that journal:
Surrounded with a noble corona ofthe most distinguished persons, particularly the
foreign nobility who grace this capital, the famous flute professor Giovanni
Sedlatzcke [sic] of Vienna, and the no less celebrated guitar professor Mauro
Giuliani, fulfilled their promise on the 4th [of April]. Sedlatscheck, master of his
instrument constructed by him a new way, three tones [a third?] lower, and with it
ruler of the hearts of whoever listens, enraptured [us] in the Adagio with variations
composed by him, amazed [us] in the second Variations, and enchanted everyone
with the noble rivalry of the Potpourri on motives of Rossini, in which he competed
with Giuliani, the composer of this worthy piece.** He, in turn, whose great fame
has already been acknowledged for a long time in this city, as elsewhere, was able,
as always, to transform the lowly guitar at the touch of his magic fingers into as
many instruments as he wished, to express the various affections. He was not
second to Sedlatzcke in receiving through frequent applause signs of the most
manifest satisfaction from the admiring audience. Everyone’s expectations thus
remained gratified. Each of the valiant “athletes” revered the noble “laurels” which
he had well merited with his extraordinary mastery of his respective art, and each
left with the audience the liveliest desire to attend the next accademia, which, it is
* Undoubtedly the piece alluded to here is Giuliani’s Op. 126, which calls for a normal
flute and a terz-guitar, the latter a third higher than concert pitch. If Sedlatscheck played
a flute in A (a so-called “Flite d’amour”), then Giuliani would have been able to play
his part on a normal guitar. Possibly this is what happened on that occasion.
Chapter Four — The Final Years in Italy, 1819-1829 113
said, will be given within a few days, to the full satisfaction of the public.
—Duario di Roma, no. 28 (9 Apr 1823). Italian in Appendix I, 59.
A notice of the proposed next concert was carried in the same newspaper on
16 April, stating that it was to take place on the 18th of that month in the Teatro
Valle. It was cancelled because of unforeseen circumstances, and a new date was
announced—2 May 1823.°¢ Whether that concert ever took place is not known,
since a review did not appear in the Diario di Roma following the publicized
event. The Diario, one must remember, was a political newspaper in support of
the regime and the papacy and only rarely carried news of musical events. We
must be thankful for the few items we have.
Among the musical works of Giuliani published during his stay in Rome
were the first three Rossiniane, Op. 119-121, as well as the unique Potpourri
Nazionale Romano, Op. 108—a work which apparently weaves Roman street
songs (“Amai na Donna bella e ct cu,” or “Portaci una bottiglia con due bicchieri
in mano”) into its musical texture. The autograph of Op. 114, Gran Variazioni on
Carafa’s aria, “Oh! Cara memoria,” has been preserved, and it bears the words,
“Mano propria Roma 1. Ottobre 1823.”3” As far as publishers are concerned, the
“Roman” works are divided between Cappi & Diabelli of Vienna, and Giovanni
Ricordi of Milan.
© The new date, 2 May 1823, was carried in the Notizie del Giorno, no. 17 (24 Apr 1823).
7 The autograph of Op. 114 was last reported in the Archiv der Gesellschaft der Musik-
freunde, Vienna.
*8 Paganini’s letter is dated 3 May 1820. See de Courcy, Paganini the Genoese, Vol. |
(Norman, Okla., 1957), 200.
14 Mauro Giuliani: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
Where once there had been artistic rivalry and innumerable guitar teachers,
now there was no one accomplished enough to play in one of the Paganini guitar
quartets. Thus, when Giuliani arrived in Naples in October/November of the
year 1823,3? he probably did not encounter a serious challenge to his artistic
primacy. His reasons for going to Naples probably included: (x) his desire to be
where the wealthiest patrons and the most prestigious nobility south of the Alps
would be gathered, at the court of the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies; and (2)
Giuliani may very well have been ailing, and would have sought the beneficial
climate of Naples for reasons of health. He had alluded to possible health problems,
although he avoided disclosing their nature, already in his letter of 20 Nov 1819.
The city which Giuliani discovered at the foot of Vesuvius was a large, busy
metropolis governed by a thoroughly entrenched aristocracy of the Bourbon line.
The Court of Naples was certainly pompous enough in regard to its ceremonies,
state functions, and entertainment to rival the precedent set by Louis XIV at
Versailles. The official Giornale del Regno delle Due Sicihe catered strictly to the
nobility. It was a kind of royal chronicle which recorded every move of King
Ferdinand I, whether political (presiding at a council of the Ministers of State),
religious (hearing a sermon in some church, or venerating the blood of San
Gennaro), or social (attending a musical performance, usually an opera). There
were, incidentally, seven theatres in Naples at that time, most of which regularly
put on operas in season, as well as plays: 1. Real Teatro di San Carlo, 2. Real
Teatro del Fondo, 3. Teatro dei Fiorentini, 4. Teatro Nuovo, 5. Teatro S. Ferdi-
nando, 6. Teatro San Carlino, and 7. Teatro Fenice. In addition, there were rooms
available in various palaces for more intimate musical gatherings. Understand-
ably, Giuliani preferred the latter surroundings.
An important thing to bear in mind, in regard to the Giornale delle due Sicilte,
is that it tended only to carry mention of those concerts and operas which were
attended by the higher echelons of the nobility. The tone of its “reviews” reflects
the royalist bias of the editors quite clearly. Here is the first mention of Giuliani
in Naples—a case in point. The audience, we notice, is given as much attention
as the artist.
The same evening [report dated 26 Nov 1823], in the Palazzo di Calabritti, a vocal
and instrumental accademia was given by Signor Mauro Giuliani, professor of the
“Lira.”“© The encounter was very flattering for him, both in the size and in the
quality of the audience. There were not a few distinguished foreigners numbered
among the group. The musical concerti were masterfully executed, and the illustri-
39
Isnardi errs in stating that Giuliani “departed for Naples finally on 8 July 1823” (Appendix
I, 3). The autograph of Op. 114 indicates that he was still in Rome on 1 Oct 1823.
Giuliani played the lyre-guitar on this and on many other occasions in Naples. The cult
of antiquity there, abetted by the ongoing excavations at Pompei, was no doubt a factor
in his decision.
Chapter Four — The Final Years in Italy, 1819-1829 115
ous professor reaped the specific and deserved applause of the select audience.
—Guornale del Regno delle Due Sicilie (26 Nov 1823), 1134. Italian in Appendix I, 6r.
This most skillful artist made the guitar undergo a sort of transforma-
tion; he knows how to draw from it sounds of such suavity as to arouse
in the listener the most agreeable emotions.
sees that in musical matters we have gotten the upper hand, and because of envy...
Our firm will always be the first in Vienna and in the whole world, etc...”
Because of all these sweeping offers and the abusive remarks toward the person
who first nurtured them, and to whom they owe their whole fortune, I was very
cautious, and never sent them a thing.*! Furthermore the fanciful price of the
fortepianos not suiting me because it promised nothing much, I did not accept it;
later I got more letters offering still more money, to which I did not stoop to respond.
Nothing could claim my time except a very tragic episode in my life, the loss and
death of my poor father here in Naples, a city foreign to me. I renounced everything
because of the anguish of seeing my father murdered by his own daughter Em-
manuele, a devilish monster, who denied him the food provided just for him by my
brother Nicholas; she kept me from knowing where the unfortunate man was. I found
him, but too late, because the traitor had reduced him to the gates of hell. Doctors,
food, nothing helped. He clung to life for me at enormous expense for a month, and
then died. This was my ruin. For this reason, moved by pity, His Excellency Count
Figuemont, Minister of the Court of Naples, advanced me 100 Colonnati, which
were dedicated to the expenses of the funeral, doctors, and medicine for the poor soul.
I made out a promissory note [for Count Figuemont] payable by those Signori
[Cappi & Diabelli], being very sure that they would have honored it. I never
imagined that they, wishing to profit from my pitiful situation, would make me a
wretched offer in addition to not honoring my most sacred letter [promissory note].
I sent the following to the aforementioned persons, notably:
Op. 113:
Fugue for guitar scudi 10
Op. 114:
Gran Variazioni scudi 25
Op. 118:
Another Variazioni scudi 25
Op. 122:
Rossiniana scudi 30
Op. 123:
Rossiniana scudi 30
Op. 36: Concerto for guitar scudi 50
scudi 170
This last piece, Op. 36, all newly updated by me, besides being in an arrangement
for quartet accompaniment, is newly written so that it can be played with a full
orchestra—not with the old guitar, but arranged for the modern terz-guitar. It is
guaranteed by my declaring to you, knowing that you were to be the legal buyer, that
I wrote to the above mentioned publishers that they should have made the offer of
this very work to you on my behalf (prefering you before anyone else, by my honor
and by law). In the event that the acquiring of this work did not suit you, then the
same was to have gone to them.
I have no idea what the outcome was.*? The conclusion to the whole affair is that
if you wish to acquire this work, without being under any obligation nor permitting
any hardship on your part, then all I ask of you is the restitution of my honor with
the payment of my promissory note of 100 colonnati to Count Figuelmont before his
departure for Naples—something not agreed to by the “Leading Firm in Vienna,”
because two false businessmen are running it. For the rest I seek nothing else from
you but the your right to demand from me two-thirds of my life’s blood, which you
will find me ready to pour out for you for the many proofs of friendship and sympathy
that you have always shown to me when honor needed to triumph.
I have included with this letter one for Messrs. Cappi and Diabelli [see below]
which will enable you to acquire the aforementioned works of mine and make you
their legitimate owner.** At such time please pay off the aforementioned debt, or if
you send a note of your own to the Rothschild firm in Naples, I will be able to pay
Count Figuelmont on his return from Vienna.
I will be in Vienna around the month of April [1824], May at the latest, where I
hope the outlook will change. I feel within me the power to be thankful to all my true
friends, but also the strength to chastise the likes of those who deserve not only my
scorn, but heaven's revenge.
Dear Domenico, in another letter I will tell you of the things that dwell deeply
in my heart, and the betrayals of that treacherous sister of mine. For now I beg you
to give my most sincere greetings to your worthy wife Teresina and to all the other
household friends.
Send me news of Righetti if he’s still alive, and of Tordi and Merli... If you need
something from Naples, especially of a musical sort, write to me and I will do your
bidding with a grateful heart. In the belief that I am the sincerest of your friends, I
remain Your sincere friend,
Mauro Giuliani*®
43
The outcome was that Diabelli had already published the terz-guitar version of Op. 36
in his own arrangement with piano accompaniment c.Jan 1823, probably with the full
realization that Artaria owned the work and had published its first edition for guitar and
string quartet much earlier, in 1812. No printed edition of the terz-guitar and string
quartet version of Op. 36 has yet come to light. But that does not mean that Diabelli was
not selling copies of it with hand-copied parts for the accompanying strings all that year.
Clearly, since one of the works, Op. 36, was already published by Diabelli, the notion of
Artaria presenting that rival firm with a letter from the composer instructing them to
surrender Giuliani’s Op. 36 and certain other manuscripts to him would have struck
Artaria as somewhat odd. It appears that Artaria never acted on this suggestion.
45
Vienna, Stadt- und Landesbibliothek, Handschriftensammlung J.N. 69732. Transcription
by Marco Riboni in RiboniAgg, II, 41-45. The letter ends with the address “nel vicolo
lungo del gelso no. 50,” which Riboni was able to situate “poco distante dal Teatro San
Carlo” (p.46).
118 Mauro Giuliani: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
This letter reveals many things about our guitarist. First, it shows how much
he was part of a culture of “wheeling and dealing,” in which those artists and
entrepreneurs who had international payments to make were severely handi-
capped by the lack of a reliable monetary system (notably foreign exchange that
one could trust). He must have requested, in a previous letter to Cappi and
Diabelli, payment in kind (the pianos) for some of his compositions rather than
cash or a promissory note. The letter clearly quotes a response by Diabelli to an
earlier directive of Giuliani’s in this regard.*° Noteworthy also is the evidence
that Diabelli had sent Giuliani “some favorite themes so that you can write...
variations on them.”
The account of the death of Mauro’s father, Michele, includes a comment in
passing about Naples—“a city foreign to me.” Riboni took this literally to mean
that Giuliani had never been in Naples.‘”7 Given the frequent occurrence of
Napoletano to characterize his name, and acknowledging (to the extent that we
can) the credibility of Kinsky’s description of a letter once written by Giuliani
from Naples in 1817, we may safely take the phrase figuratively rather than
literally.48 Then again, perhaps its meaning is that Giuliani in his bereavement
no longer felt he had any roots left, so to speak, in Naples.
The letter which Artaria was to present to Cappi & Diabelli, referenced in
the foregoing, and two others, dated 31 July 1827 and 14 October 1828, have only
now come to light in the West. They were quite clearly three of the four letters
offered at auction in the previously discussed Kinsky catalog of 1927, which
described the estate of Wilhelm Heyer in considerable detail.‘
These “unknown” Giuliani letters were acquired by Baron Morishige Takei
of Tokyo, a pioneer of the classic guitar in Japan, c.1929-31. The contents of the
first two were published, exclusively in Japanese translation, in Takei’s article
“Giuliani’s letters,” in Mandolin & Guitar - Kenkyu Shiryo no. 11 (Tokyo, 1943).
The third letter, being only a scribal copy (not an autograph), was not translated
on that occasion.
Unfortunately all three letters are now presumed lost, destroyed in the Tokyo
air-raid of 20 May 1945. Thanks to the kindness of Jun Sugawara, who was
assisted by the English expertise of translator Naomi Date, we have now for the
first time English transcripts of the two letters in question. The first, apparently
once enclosed with the foregoing to Artaria, said approximately the following:5°
*° Minor adjustments in the English version provided to me have been made for readability.
Chapter Four — The Final Years in Italy, 1819-1829 119
Not having received his asking price for the manuscripts in question, Giuliani
was nothing if not furious with Cappi & Diabelli. He no doubt hoped that this
letter would force them to deliver to Artaria all the listed manuscripts. In
retrospect it appears that Artaria never played this hand, since in the end Cappi
& Diabelli retained the manuscripts. In fact, they had already published their
(Diabelli’s) arrangement of Op. 36 for guitar and piano in early 1823. And by the
summer of 1824 they would have published all the remaining listed works, no
doubt on their own terms.°>!
Despite his declared intention, there is no evidence to suggest that Giuliani
ever did return to Vienna in 1824. It is puzzling, however, not to find direct
mention of his presence in Naples in the Giornale delle Due Sicilie of that year,
either. His relative invisibility does tend to suggest that the composer was having
his ups and downs with illness. His manner of expressing himself implies that he
had recently recovered some “force” or “power,” which previously might have
been lacking. It could have been merely a momentary plateau in the downward
spiral of his disease.
One event which would have tended to encourage his remaining in Naples in
1824 was the arrival of his patroness, Marie-Louise, for an extended royal visit. It
is fascinating to read accounts, published in the Giornale almost daily, of the way
she was entertained. It all started on 18 May 1824, when she was officially
welcomed by the Duke of Calabria. Her activities over the next several months
included attendance at gala performances of Rossini operas, a boat ride in the
1 As a footnote to Op. 118, note that Giuliani was probably quietly double-dealing with
Ratti & Cencetti, a small Roman music publisher. They seem to have published this
work 2-3 years earlier than Diabelli did, judging from their edition number (No. 2). A
copy is in the Vatican Library.
120 Mauro Giuliani: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
familiar, has already begun with happy auspices to deal with the “lyre” of the
versatile “Polinnia” on the banks of our “Sebeto.”
Indeed, the proofs of quick intelligence shown by him [Matteo Leonesi] a few
evenings ago in the house of His Excellency the Consular Minister of State Marquis
Tommasi won him the applause of the very select persons in attendance, among
whom were various Minister Secretaries of State, and Directors of Royal Secretariats
and Ministries of State.
Signor Leonesi improvised on a number of very brilliant themes, both heroic and
conventional. Using various meters according to the subjects, he displayed above all
singular ability in the oftava, which he did not chant, but rather declaimed with great
rapidity, which requires great suppleness of intellect. “Aetna,” “The Death of Priam,”
and “The Excavations of Pompei” were subjects happily treated in such difficult
meters. In the last of these much precision was noted in the depiction of those
precious remains of antiquity; widespread applause was evoked by the eulogy of the
august Bourbon dynasty, during whose provident reign we are indebted for the
discovery and conservation [of Pompei]. But the rapid stream of Leonesi’s creative
fancy was noted still more in the sonnets on contributed rhymes and words, of which
he composed several rather rapidly on this occasion, and several of which, either read
from the first verse down, or from the bottom verse upwards, always created equally
with respect to the subject a well-connected and complete meaning. Among the
sonnets, two particularly were admired more than the others: one on the punishment
of Simon Magus [Acts 8:9-24], the other on the death of Socrates.
In his Anacreontic odes our poet was accompanied with the guitar of Signor
Giuliani, who is one of the most esteemed “pulsators” of that modern “cetra,” and
who pleasurably diverted the noble audience with his graceful concerti during the
intervals of Leonesi’s repose. We shall have occasion to speak of him [Giuliani] at
greater length when this artist gives a public display of his talents.
—Giornale del Regno delle Due Sicilie (10 May 1825): 436. Italian in Appendix I, 62.
Before leaving the year 1825, we should note that the fame of Mauro Giuliani
had spread to London by this time. His Variations, Op. 84, for flute (violin) and
guitar (Vienna, 1817) appear now in an arrangement just for flute and piano,
published (with or without authorization) by Wessel and Stodart:
Introductions and Variations on a Theme by Cimarosa,
for the Flute and Piano-Forte,
composedbyMauro Giuliani, ofVienna. Op. 84. London: Wessel and Stodart, 1, Soho
Square...°°
The same work, apparently, was brought out by the same publisher in an arrangement
for ’cello and piano three years later; it was given the title Giuw/iant5 Introduction and
variations to an air by Cimarosa, arranged by W. H.. Haggart. The reviewer commented
unenthusiastically, but with no small insight into the change in musical style then
sweeping Europe: “This air [from the Matrimonio Segreto], once so great a favourite,
6 The Harmonicon 3/33 (1825): 161. See infra (p. 136) a transcript of the review ofthis work .
122 Mauro Giuliani: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
has now lost all its attraction, from the triteness of its cadences. It may be assumed, as
an incontrovertible fact, that any style of music which becomes suddenly fashionable,
as the present melody did, is destined at no very remote period to be thought vulgar.
If Mr. Haggart had given us a few more long notes, notes so peculiarly beautiful on
the violoncello, we should have liked his adaptation... much better...”°7
On 9 January, and again on 25 April 1826, public “academies of extemporane-
ous poetry” were announced in the Giornale. Giuliani could well have partici-
pated in them, despite the absence of a confirming review. On 19 May 1826 the
contrabasso Antonio dall’Occa gives the vocal part of an accademia vocale e
strumentale. The review (from 20 May) states that the pieces by Signor dall’Occa
“were preceded and followed by several musical works executed by a number of
the most distinguished artists now residing in the capital.”°* Unfortunately no
names are given; again Giuliani may have been a participant in the sozrée.
In the autumn of 1826 our guitarist receives the honor of being heard by King
Francis I at the royal retreat of Portici, as this review indicates. His chosen
instrument was the fashionable lyre-guitar:
We have mentioned at other times the eminent performer on the guitar, Mauro
Giuliani. His style of playing truly sweetens and changes the character of such an
instrument, so that with it he succeeds not only in pleasing, but also in moving.
We should congratulate him for having obtained the warm applause of their Royal
Highnesses at the royal sojourn of Portici yesterday evening, when he executed in
the presence of Their Majesties various dazzling concerti on his so-called Lira di
Apollo.
—Guornale..., No. 248 (26 Oct 1826). Italian in Appendix I, 63.
The following month the same newspaper carries yet another announcement
of Giuliani’s impending departure—a story which he had also circulated, we
recall, in Rome. Was it to stimulate the indifferent public to catch his next
concert for fear that it would be their last chance? Or was it perhaps Giuliani’s
way of acknowledging an unavoidable retirement in the not-very-distant future
due to a worsening illness? Whatever the case, the second paragraph, with its
verbs in the past tense, has something of the tone of a premature obituary:
We understand that Signor Mauro Giuliani, professor of music, and chamber
virtuoso of Her Majesty the Archdutchess Marie-Louise Dutchess of Parma, is
preparing to leave our capital. We extend our wishes that he may encounter always
a fortune corresponding to his merit.
*” The Harmonicon 6/2 (1828): 43-44. My own comparison of the theme of Giuliani’s Op.
84 with all the airs cited in an indexed piano-vocal score of the Matrimonio Segreto,
incidentally, has failed to confirm a correspondence. The allusion remains a mystery to
me at this point.
* “T concerti del Sig. dall’Occa furono preceduti e seguiti da alcuni pezzi di musica esequiti da
vari de’piti distinti artisti che oggi si trovano in questa capitale.” Giornale... (20 May 1826).
Chapter Four — The Final Years in Italy, 1819-1829 123
This most skillful artist made the guitar undergo a sort of transformation; he
knows how to draw from it sounds of such suavity as to arouse in the listener the
most agreeable emotions. The Neapolitan public has done him justice during his stay
among us, and he has had, at the end, the singular fortune of giving a display of his
very great expertise in the presence of Their Majesties, who applauded him in a
rather flattering way, as was previously mentioned in No. 248 of our journal. He has
enjoyed also the honor of Her Majesty the Queen’s attendance at the academy lately
given by him in the Teatro de’ Fiorentini.°?
—Guornale..., No. 277 (30 Nov 1826). Italian in Appendix I, 64.
Nothing has come to light so far which would confirm that Giuliani ever did
leave Naples in the winter of 1826/27. There were certainly worse climates to be
encountered to the north, and Giuliani must still have been suffering from his
illness. One could speculate that he might have gone south to Palermo, rather
than north, as he perhaps had done already in 1824.
The guitar pieces executed by him and by one of his daughters named
Emilia, aged 12, pleased so much, that he and this young lady, for whom
we have great hopes, were repeatedly applauded...
Ree Giornale delle Due Sicilie unfortunately contributes nothing to our knowl-
edge of the composer’s whereabouts in 1827. If he did leave Naples in the early
part of the year, he was unquestionably back by mid-summer, since another letter of his
to Domenico Artaria, dated Naples, 31 July 1827, has recently come to light.
Viennese Music Publisher Naples, 31 July 1827
Domenico Artaria
Dear Friend,
Thank you for your letter of 16 December 1826. I received it although it was not
addressed to Naples. You may think it strange that I have not written to you now for
six months. Thank you for your kind advice, saying that if Iwould publish my new
works, the status of my instrument would rise. I am more than happy to follow your
advice.
So that I might express my respect to you, I would like to offer the following list
of music, composed for my many friends in Vienna, at good prices. In this way Ihope to
*° Only one such “accademia” was announced in the Giornale in the weeks prior to this
notice. It was in No. 256 (6 Nov 1826), under “Spectacles”: “Teatro dei Fiorentini.
L’Armadio de’prodigi [an opera] — Accademia istrumentale [potentially Giuliani’s].”
Joint vocal and instrumental productions like this were quite common.
6 For information on its provenance, destruction during WWII, and ultimate survival in
this English translation of a Japanese transcript published in 1943, see supra the remarks
which accompany the similar letter of 16 January 1824 to Cappi & Diabelli.
124 Mauro Giuliani: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
61 .
Here the Japanese-to-English translation that I was
. . .
sent uses the word “registable” (not
in my dictionary!), which may mean “capable of being registered,” presumably to add a
measure of security to the shipment?
62 . . . . .
& The latter were ultimately called Le Giulianate. Both works were brought out by Artaria
in Sept. 1828. ;
° Giuliani may have been thinking here of a previous set of four vocal duets which he had
sold to Artaria, WoO, vocal-11, and which were favorably received in the Wiener
Moden-Zeitung in 1818 (HeckDiss, I, 179); or he might have had WoO, vocal-5 in mind.
126 Mauro Giuliani: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
Signor Antonio Spina, the attorney, and my former student, will be able
(besides getting involved with you on my behalf) to inform you of everything, and
ease the difficulties that this request of mine might cause.
I beg you to respond to me, for my guidance, by rapid post, and get ready to send
me the music which I asked you for, if the more-than-honest arrangement which I
have proposed satisfies you.
Don't forget to offer my respects to your adorable spouse, and to all my friends.
With the desire to embrace you with all my heart before I die, I remain your true and
sincere friend, Mauro Giuliani®
On the evening of the 6th [of February 1828] Signor Mauro Giuliani, famous
professor of music, and honorary chamber virtuoso of Her Majesty the Arch-
dutchess [Marie-Louise], Dutchess of Parma, gave an accademia istrumentale e
vocale in the Teatro Nuovo. The guitar pieces executed by him and by one of his
daughters named Emilia, aged 12,°’ pleased so much, that he and this young lady,
for whom we have great hopes, were repeatedly applauded, and ultimately chiamati
fuori (called forth, given a curtain call] by the public.
—Giornale del Regno delle Due Sicilie, No. 36 (13 Feb 1821): 144. Italian in Appendix I, 65.
I await, therefore, your reply by rapid post, and in the meanwhile be certain that
I shall be always Your sincere friend,
Mauro Giuliani’!
This letter makes it patently clear that Artaria and Giuliani were no longer
seeing eye-to-eye. The Viennese publisher, for better or for worse, certainly held
the stronger financial hand. In his indignation Giuliani demanded that an audit
of the dowry of Maria Willmuth, established at the height of his career in 1817,
be carried out. Who knows if such an audit was ever done? In the end, our
guitarist was forced to accept the figures that Artaria had sent him and revise the
value he placed on his only negotiable assets—his compositions.
Giuliani evidently felt that he had to make a more attractive offer of original
compositions, in the hope that his friend Artaria would be swayed to accept
promises—mere promises—of music manuscripts both as payment for debts and
as security for the cash advance which the guitarist so clearly needed. Giuliani
hoped that Artaria would accept his new compositions sight unseen.
One can only imagine how this new proposal was received by Artaria, offered
as it were in the “hand” of someone who did not even write his own letter!72
Giuliani repeats his offer to sell Artaria some Duetti notturni. Perhaps earlier
exemplars of these works (WoO, vocal-s and perhaps -11) had sold very well over
the years, and Giuliani hoped that an offer of four more would sway the publisher
to accept the package proposal.
What can be said about the promised fourth concerto [Op. 129], or at least
its first movement? No one has so far found a trace of it or its Maestoso, either
in Italy or in Austria. Was it a bluff in this apparent jew de cartes between
composer and publisher? Could Giuliani have been “upping the ante” to stimu-
whose difficulties led him to a profound reflection and reconsideration ofhis own artistic
principles.” He in turn finds it “a bit strange” that I do not acknowledge an evolution in
Giuliani's late compositions as compared to his earlier ones (HeckDiss, I, 199). My reply
is that I fail to understand how Riboni sees any connection whatever between the six
words in this letter that hint at Giuliani’s improved metodo and my own observations
concerning the essentially steady state, in stylistic terms (perhaps most notably harmonic
idiom), of Giuliani’s compositions for guitar from the beginning to the end of his career.
” Oe¢esterreichische Nationalbibliothek, Handschriftensammlung, 117/29. Transcribed in
RiboniAgg, II, 48-48, who found the signature to be autograph, but (as mentioned earlier)
the body of the letter scribal.
” Tt stands to reason that a letter written by a copyist in those days could have created a
twofold impression: either (a) it was a display of wealth on the part of the sender, who
showed in so doing that he could pay for such a secretarial service, or (b) it was a sign of
weakness, in that the author could not manage to write it himself due to age, illiteracy
or infirmity. One presumes that Giuliani intended the former sense—sufficient wealth
to pay a scribe—to be conveyed.
Chapter Four — The Final Years in Italy, 1819-1829 129
late Artaria’s interest?’> Would any reasonable publisher have bought a concerto
movement during this period from an instrumental virtuoso who might never
come to town to premiere it?
Giuliani must have understood these realities, which is probably why he
declared his intention to leave Naples within about five weeks (after Easter of
1828, which fell on April 6). His proposed return to Vienna, however, was
arguably placed far enough in the future to accommodate reflection on Artaria’s
part or a graceful change of plans on Giuliani’s part. Whatever his motives, it is
clear that Giuliani wanted to give Artaria the impression that he had lots of new
and interesting music, including a new concerto movement, maybe with the ink
still wet on the page(!), and that he would be returning to Vienna and to his many
admirers before long.”4 Of course, were there any embarrassing traces of misman-
aged dowry funds in the imperial city, the mere chance of the guitarist’s return
could have been worrisome to Artaria.
The publisher did send a speedy reply; he must have made a proposal which
involved the acquisition of Op. 147 and 148 at the very least, in exchange for debts
incurred. All this can be inferred from the final still-extant letter from Giuliani
to Artaria, dated Naples, 13 May 1828, in which these affairs are treated in a cooly
professional way. Once more the hand is scribal, the signature probably autograph.
3 Riboni seems convinced, unlike myself, that the Maestoso ofthe fourth concerto actually
existed, and that “it was a fact that in 1828, one year before his death, Giuliani still had
the creative energies to write a work demanding such great diligence.”(RidoniAgg, I, 49)
™ The original Italian of the final paragraph of Giuliani’s letter of 8 March 1828, dealing
with his planned departure from Naples and his autumn return to Vienna, is reproduced
in Appendix I, 66.
130 Mauro Giuliani: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
remains there. I responded to this letter (t) making known to them the irregularity
of such a demand and the need to have the said share consigned; together with this
I am sending you (2) the assignment made to me of the entire sum by the same
Willmuth, endorsed by the Imperial and Royal Legation; finally (3) my mandate of
procurement, directed to you, likewise endorsed by this Legation, so that you might
represent me and have the required powers that I would have, were I in person. These
are the letters that I have been assured are sufficient to withdraw from the Tutore and
from the Magistrato whatever is in their hands. I beg you to demand it and to have
it sent to me through the same Giovan Giuseppe Iannel , a person and a businessman
in whom I have complete confidence.
The same Magistrate in the accounting sent to me says that he is holding,
through the 26th of November 1827, 840 francs [Wiener Wahrung], 200 francs
[Conventions-Miinze], and 36 francs in cash. I will count on you to have added to
this the proceeds elapsed until the day of the withdrawal. Please excuse the dryness
of this letter, but credit yourself with the esteem and trust that I place in you above
all others. I consider it pointless to urge your haste in this matter, knowing for certain
how much you have taken my interests to heart.
Let me know when you have received the aforementioned letters, and debit from
me both what you spend in postage and whatever else is necessary in this affair. At
the same time tell me if, in exchange for music to be selected from your catalogue of
my works published by you, you would care to acquire some of my original manu-
scripts or certain works of Maestro Rossini from Semiramide, and others, arranged by
me. The advantages of this could be mutual.
Awaiting the pleasure of your reply, with genuine affection, I remain
Your fond friend,
Mauro Giuliani
PS. The letters which would have been enclosed herewith you will receive sepa-
rately, courtesy of Signor Iannel, wherefore I request of you, for the sake of our
friendship, the customary speed.
With the signature that appears below, I transfer to Signor Domenico Artaria,
music publisher in Vienna, the ownership of two manuscripts, that is, Opus 147 and
148, or La Tersicore del Nord and Le Giulianate, and J declare not to have given them
to any others. Given in faith, Naples, 14 May 1828,
Mauro Giuliani”
Within a week of this concert Giuliani’s last known letter to Artaria was
written, dated Naples, 14 October 1828. It was the last of a group of four Giuliani
letters once belonging to Wilhelm Heyer of Cologne, Germany. After being
cataloged by Georg Kinsky, they were sold at auction in Berlin in 1927.”
Morishige Takei acquired it and the two previous to it (see supra) around 1930.
His article on these letters provided translations into Japanese of only the two
previous ones, dated 1824 and 1827. Regarding the 1828 letter Takei wrote: “There
is another letter sent to Artaria from Naples on 14 October 1828. I decided to
omit this because it is obvious that it was written by some other person, with his
[Giuliani’s] signature. The content is merely asking for money to be sent to
him.””” Takei’s description of the letter is wholly consistent with what we know
about the two other “late” letters of Giuliani. They were written by a scribe and
signed by him. And they always had to do with money.
important article by Mario Torta.”* His dating of them by plate number reveals
that the majority were published from July to September of 1828. Among them
were two works with opus number, Op. 138, Variazioni su un valzer favorito, and
Op. 146, Tema con variazioni sulla Cenerentola, both of which were puzzling
lacune in my previous attempt to create a thematic catalogue of Giuliani's
works.”? The others were WoO, G-16 through G-31, all new to the world of
Giuliani scholarship, and republications of WoO, G-g and G & F(V)-6, both
brought out a little earlier by Ricordi in Milan.
These editions, by their sheer quantity (if not quality), point to no small
effort on Giuliani’s part, even in his twilight years, to promote himself and his
music in Naples with the only truly viable music publisher in southern Italy. Such
“fringe” publishing activities can and must be understood as Giuliani’s response
to the realities of economic life in Naples. No money was coming in, we assume,
during the hard bargaining sessions with his Viennese publishers; yet bread still
needed to be put on the table.
The only way a composer in those days could earn money, aside from teaching
and performing, was to sell his manuscripts outright to a publisher. With no
other publishing house in Naples to compete for his work, we can only guess at
how little Giuliani was compelled to accept for these works, described by Torta
as “having distinctly a recreational or entertainment character,” and “aimed at an
amateur audience of moderate skill (perhaps with only the exception of the
variations Op. 138 and 146).”®°
15 and 2G-4, the last being the overture to the opera in a perfectly charming
arrangement.
Mauro Giuliani’s death on 8 May 1829 was announced in the Giornale delle
Due Sicile with these words:
On the morning of the eighth of this month [May 1829] Mauro Giuliani, the
famous guitarist, died in this capital. The guitar was transformed in his hands into
an instrument similar to the harp, sweetly soothing men’s hearts. He has left us a
daughter of tender age, who shows herself to be the inheritor of his uncommon
ability—a circumstance which alone can mitigate the sadness of this loss.
— Op. cit., No. 111 (14 May 1829): 444. Italian in Appendix I, 68.
A\pproximarety four years after Giuliani’s death, by which time the guitar cult
had thoroughly swept Paris and was near its peak in London, some of our
composer’s former colleagues (and possibly students) from Vienna started a
“Guitarist’s Magazine” in the British capital that perpetuated his name: The
Giulianiad. Active among its promoters were, presumably, Ferdinand Pelzer
(1801-1860),°! Leonhard Schulz (the younger),®? and Felix Horetzky.%
Prior to the appearance of the Giu/ianiad, which ran from 1833 until 1835,
periodic publications devoted to the guitar were part and parcel of a wider
phenomenon of serialized collections of music for all kinds of instruments and
voice.** However, these typically contained only music.** The Giulianiad sig-
81 Pelzer’s dates are taken from ZuthH. F. V. Grunfeld, in The Art and Times of the Guitar
(New York, 1970), 214, asserts that Pelzer published the Giu/ianiad.
® See the Giulianiad, 1, No. 5(London, 1833), 50, where the brothers Schulz are mentioned.
> Zuth, in ZuthH, states that Horetzky was a student of Giuliani’s, and settled in London
as of c.1820. Horetzky’s name appears often in the Giuliantad.
** For a fine survey of these publications, international in scope, see Imogen Fellinger,
Periodica musicalia (Regensburg: Bosse, 1986).
8° The earliest such guitar publications known to me appeared in Paris in the 1780s: Journal
de Guitarre by PJ. Porro & PJ. Baillon (1784-1811); Etrennes de Guitare by PJ. Porro
(1784-86). Then St. Petersburg music publishers followed suit with a Journal d'artettes
avec accompagnement de guitare par A.F. Millet (1796-?); a Journal de Guitare par J.B.
Hainglaise (1797-98), presumably containing solos for six-string guitar, and soon there-
after Andrei Sychra published his Journal pour la guitare a 7 cordes pour l'annee 1802, in
Moscow. Parisian publishers continued the practice in the early nineteenth century with
the Journal des Troubadours... pour le chant avec accompagnement de piano, harpe, lyre ou
guitare, by Antonio Pacini and F. Blangini (1808-1815); and Le Troubadour ambulant,
journal de guitare, also founded by Pacini (1817-1828). Viennese publishers featured two
such series with “guitar accompaniment [exclusively] by Mauro Giuliani”: Le Troubadour
du nord, WoO, vocal-3 (1810-1819); and Le chansonnier du jour, WoO, vocal-g (1816-1818).
134 Mauro Giuliani: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
nificantly differed from its earlier cousins in that it had articles and anecdotes in
a separately paginated ¢exf section, in addition to music. (see Appendix VW):
One finds moving testimonies to Giuliani’s skill and musicianship within the
pages of The Giulianiad, as might be expected. But there are calculated overstate-
ments here, too, like the allusion to Giuliani’s “sustained and penetrating” slow
movements which were quite unlike “the short unavoidable staccato of the
piano-forte.” No reasonable person of around 1830 would have dreamed of
asserting that the guitar—in anyone’s hands—could out-sustain the pianoforte
of that era. But these were not days of dispassionate reason. Those who taught
guitar were fighting for their survival in a world already irretrievably tilted
toward the piano and all that it represented in terms of volume, harmonic
resources, and repertoire. Yet the guitarists needed their icons and their myths,
and the legendary Giuliani, especially in death, was a patron saint just waiting to
be canonized:
Those who have ever heard Giuliani touch this instrument will not hesitate one
moment in confirming this. That unrivalled performer brought tones as pure, as
thrilling, and almost as sustained as the violin itself—but, of course, we do not
insist that because this wonderful man produced these sostenuto sounds, that it is
a characteristic of the instrument itself—this only proves the triumph of true genius
over great difficulty.
—Giultaniad, Vol. I/1 (text section): 4.
In Lille, prior to 1822, there appeared also Le Nouveau ménestrel du nord, journal de guitare.
Thus it is false to assert in an unqualified way, as several writers have, that The Giulianiad
was the first periodical publication ever devoted to the guitar.
Chapter Four — The Final Years in Italy, 1819-1829 139
thought before, was totally alien to its nature. It is necessary that we should dwell
on this characteristic, or style of Giuliani’s tone, and that the reader should
remember it, because it is one which belongs exclusively to his school, and [since],
as we are persuaded, it is the most effective and best, we shall take every means of
enforcing it in our future numbers.
We need not tell the experienced reader that it is by the elastic touch of the
fingers of the right hand (properly supported, of course, by the pressure of the left)
that this, the ne p/us ultra of tone in guitar playing, is to be attained. Without great
attention to the disposition of the right hand, the slightest approach to this beauty
cannot be effected. But in another number of this work we shall more minutely
discuss its acquirements, although all attempts at description must fall infinitely short
of the practical example and instructions of a good master.
But Giuliani’s tone however perfect in itself was secondary, as it ought to be, to
the grand quality of expression. Tone is only the means to an end—that end being
expression; without expression, tone is like the rough diamond in the mine—intrin-
sically valuable, it is true—but as yet unpolished, uncut into brilliance and beauty...
About twelve months ago,®° Giuliani paid the debt of nature. In him the little
world of guitar players have lost their idol: but the compositions he has left behind
will, we have no doubt, pay every hommage of respect and admiration.®’
Giuliani’ three Rondos for two Guitars, revised and fingered by G. H. Derwort.
London: Paine and Hopkins.
Duets for guitars!—what a feast for those who delectate in congregated nasal
twangs! But, seriously, this instrument, so romantic and charming in its natural
vocation, is little better than a mockery when florid compositions, such as most of
these, are given to it. The guitar is for the bower, or the boudoir, and to accompany
tender tales of love. It is not amiss as a companion to the dessert, to assist the voice
86
It was actually over forty months that Giuliani had been dead.
7 See the Guitar Review No. 18 (New York, 1955): 6-8. The facsimiles from The Giultaniad
reproduced in that issue of the Guitar Review do not give the slightest indication of the
true makeup of the original journal. Please see Appendix V for a concordance table
between what the Guitar Review reprints and what actually was published (and where)
in The Giultaniad.
88
Répertoire International de la Presse Musicale, an effort begun in the 1980s to index
systematically the music periodicals of the nineteenth century.
136 Mauro Giuliani: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
As early as 1825, in fact, Giuliani’s works for flute and guitar (or pianoforte)
were being well received in The Harmonicon, but only in their more acceptable
guise as duets for flute and pianoforte. Once again the fashionable keyboard
instrument eclipsed the composer’s own instrument of choice; but at least the
pianist’s part—a keyboard version of Giuliani’s guitar part, we may be sure—was
recognized as being of a certain level of musical interest (and difficulty):
Introductions and Variations on a Theme by Cimarosa, for the Flute and Piano-Forte,
composed by Mauro Giuliani, of Vienna. Op. 84. (Wessel and Stodart, 1, Soho Square.) ...
The practice of the Flute is making rapid strides in England, if we may judge by
the quantity and quality of music published for it.?? We have before us pieces that
twenty years ago would have been thought fit only for the professional player, but
now are addressed to the amateur. The first of them [by Toulou] is founded on the
popular French air, “Voila le plaisir, mes dames,” with an extremely easy accompaniment.
The second [Giuliani’s Op. 84] is an elegant melody in the Matrimonto Segreto... requiring
rather a better piano-forte player as an accompanist than the former.”!
All was not doom and gloom for the guitar in London’s pre-Giuhaniad
musical press, however. The following item from The Quarterly Musical Maga-
zine and Review, regarding a new guitar method [possibly compiled by Horetzky]
with pieces by Giuliani and others, does acknowledge some improvement in the
status of this “inferior instrument” in 1828. But it also criticizes any method book
which fails to show how to hold the guitar and place the hands:%
® The Harmonicon VII/2 (1829): 48. The work under “review” is Giuliani’s Op. 66, a copy
of which is at the Library of Congress: M292.Dg case.
9 .
of Giuliani’s Studio, Op. 1! On the other hand, such notes-only “methods” were not
without their rationale, as they required the services of a master to learn how to hold the
instrument and how to place the hands. Is it not always better to learn the basics from
a qualified teacher than from a published self-tutor?
Chapter Four — The Final Years in Italy, 1819-1829 137
A new Method ofInstruction for the Spanish Guitar; the Lessons original and selected,
but principally by Carulli, Giuliani, and Meissonnier. London: Ewer and Johanning.
Instructive Exercises for the Guitar, contain ing twenty-four progressive Lessons, by F
Horetzky. London: Boosey & Co. ...
Every time we have occasion to peruse guitar music, we involuntarily observe the
rapid progress which this inferior instrument is making in common with every other.
In consequence, masters increase and instruction books accumulate, which are
rendered more necessary as the guitar improves. The book before us contains useful
exercises, but... much requisite information is omitted, such as the manner of holding
the instrument, the position of the hands and fingers, &c. &c. All this should have
been inserted...
Mr. Horetzky’s studies are excellent, and tend more than anything we have lately
seen to bring forward and perfect the latent capabilities of this instrument...”
The context, then, in which Giuliani’s name lived on into the 1830s in
London, enshrined in The Giulianiad, a “guitar magazine” that bore his own
name, was one of a musical press generally hostile towards the guitar, despite the
fact that Sor had resided and made his influence felt in London from 1815 to 1823.
On rare occasions the critics had something nice to say about this “inferior
instrument,” especially after 1830, when Giuliani’s music was becoming better
known and his pupil Horetzky was popularizing the Viennese approach to the guitar.
Three factors, however, continued to hinder the expected rise in the guitar's
post-1830 popularity, not just in London, but throughout Europe. Fortunately
these factors did not significantly dampen Giuliani's career nor adversely affect
his compositions:
1. The guitar retained its not altogether inappropriate aura as a weak-voiced
and amateur instrument—a “piping bullfinch perched on a trombone.”
2. The pianoforte, ever growing in range and volume, became increasingly the
“polyphonic” instrument of choice for amateurs and professionals alike.
3. The harmonic language of the Romantic era was on the move around 1830,
tending toward frequent modulations into tonal regions which the guitar could
not easily accommodate. In other words, the musical idiom of mainstream
European concert music in the nineteenth century simply outgrew the resources
of six modest strings on one fretted fingerboard.
Giuliani, in retrospect, must have flourished in his day because the musical
climate of the years c.1800-1825 was harmonically simpler and acoustically qui-
eter than what followed. The Viennese, wood-framed fortepiano could still
dialogue with the Viennese classic guitar. The trumpets and drums that accom-
panied Giuliani’s concertos were softer than those which developed with the
growth of the nineteenth-century orchestra. Violinists like Mayseder still used gut
strings. And music-making in homes and small salons rather than large concert halls
was the rule, not the exception, in classic and early Biedermeier Vienna.
Envot
her RE is something ironic about what happened to the guitar between roughly
the date of Giuliani’s death (1829) and the mid-twentieth century. While this
modest instrument remained relatively “submerged” with respect to mainstream
European musical life (as had been its lot during the Baroque era),”> it certainly
“re-emerged” strongly in outlying regions like Spain and the Americas, where
German Romantic influences and Italian operatic preoccupations were not so
dominant, culturally speaking, and where the piano industry itself was still
relatively undeveloped. Thus, while the pianoforte was arguably swept along in
the nineteenth-century European musical mainstream toward its uncertain twenti-
eth-century fate, guided by the capable hands of virtuosi like Liszt, Thalberg,
Busoni, Rubinstein and others, the guitar was once again in relative hibernation.
In the late twentieth century we find the tables turned. It is the “acoustic”
piano which seems to be on the decline. Fewer and fewer classical pianists are
able to attract ticket-buyers to their recitals. Piano sales themselves are down,
and there is abundant evidence that this large, immobile and in every respect
formidable keyboard instrument and the vast professional repertoire that it has
engendered have somehow lost touch with “the people.”
instrument.
Chapter Four — The Final Years in Italy, 1819-1829 139
The lowly guitar, however, has reinvented itself as the instrument of choice
for a huge range of popular music. It has taken root again in the humble soil from
which it sprang. It was perhaps the first instrument to harness the power of
electric amplification—a path from which there can be no turning back. And
today a full spectrum of classical (nylon-string), acoustic (steel string), electric
(hollow and solid-body), bass, and even MIDI guitars is available in most retail
stores along with electronic keyboards.
Furthermore, electronic amplification and digital circuitry have made possi-
ble a working rapprochement of fretted and keyboard instruments in popular
music today, in a manner wholly unprecedented, but perhaps foreshadowed in
the days when Giuliani and Moscheles or Giuliani and Hummel took center
stage. At the close of the twentieth century both the weakness of the guitar’s
weak voice and the immobility of the piano’s ponderous presence have been
effectively overcome with electronics. It remains to be seen whether serious but
accessible compositions for the electric or electro-acoustical guitar, comparable
to those which Giuliani provided in his day to Viennese audiences for the classic
guitar, will ever catch the fancy of the highly fragmented, culturally diverse, and
too often musically illiterate public of our own era. It is too soon to tell whether
good guitarist/composers and able publishers will emerge to create new “litera-
tures” for the panoply of present-day guitars—solo and ensemble music which
today’s amateurs will line up to purchase as they did in Giuliani’s day. I am not
optimistic.
The Compositions of Mauro Giuliani
Chapter Five
rae contributions that Giuliani made in his short life to the establishment of
the classic guitar as a solo instrument were very significant both quantitatively
and qualitatively. During the first two decades of the nineteenth century his
compositions set international standards for the “full-voiced” handling of the
instrument. They established criteria by which other guitarist/composers’ music
would repeatedly be judged.
From the beginning, Giuliani’s published works exhibited a notational style
which made clear to the eye, by the use of note-stem direction and appropriate
rests, that the musical texture comprised two (often three) parts or layers, all on
a single staff. A good understanding of the evolution of this notation should
heighten our appreciation of Giuliani’s representative (if not defining) position
within it.
' Historical documentation that would substantiate the testimonies of Sor and Aguado
regarding Moretti’s role in this matter still remains elusive; the notation in question may
only have existed in manuscript copies which are now lost.
* HeckDiss, I, 149-182.
140
Chapter Five —Notational Aspects of Giuliani's Music I4I
>A few of the articles are: Thomas Heck, “The Role of Italy in the Early History of the
Guitar: A Sidelight on the House of Ricordi,” Guitar Review No. 34 (1971): 1-6. Matanya
Ophee, “New Light on the so-called “Modern” Guitar Notation,” Guitar and Lute No.
27 (1983): 20-28. This perhaps moves too quickly to date a French source with staff
notation for guitar by Albanese and Cardon at “before 1766” on the basis of its dedication
to the “Duc de Noailles.” It probably was not the Maréchal de Noailles (Adrien-Maurice
de Noailles, 1678-1766), but more likely Louis, Duc de Noailles, his son (1713-1793), if
not his grandson Jean-Paul-Frangois, Duc de Noailles (1739- 1824) who would have been
the dedicatee of that work). Paolo Paolini has done excellent research on the transitional
period from tablature to staff notation with his short monograph on Giacomo Merchi
(see Bibliography).
* “Comme les instruments pour lesquels on employoit la ¢ad/ature sont la plipart hors
d’usage, et que, pour ceux dont on joue encore, on a trouvé la note ordinaire plus
commode, la tablature est presque entierement abandonnée, et ne sert qu’aux premiéres
lecons des écoliers.” The instruments “no longer in use” would have been the lute and
theorbo; those “still in use” various types of guitars.
> The identity of the author, whose initials are mentioned on the title page as Baca
remains obscure.
142 Mauro Giuliani: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
GLA
ey aT rR
fina
Ses E55]
a
WH 8 a)
TEL A as ee DE es
GUITTARRE
Par Mautique et Tablature,
VEC. differcns Lcerctces sur lePincer de. cet
Ce
it!
Mle ij
f
tt
'y
° There were other experiments as well, such as changing clefs or using the grand system
(treble and bass clefs) to depict the actual pitches of the guitar—especially the lyre-
guitar with its extra sixth (low E) string—rather than trying to force the music all onto
a single transposing treble-clef (as we normally do nowadays).
The dating of this method was arrived at by comparing the address on the title page,
“sur le Boulevard, au coin de la Rue Montmartre,” with dates supplied in A. Devriés and
F. Lesure, Dictionnaire des éditeurs de musique frangats; Vol. 1, des origines a environ 1820
(Paris, 1979). Doisy was at this address from Feb. 1797 to Dec. 1803. The dedicatee, Mme.
Bonaparte, was no doubt Josephine, who was married to Napoleon in 1796, elevated to
Empress in 1804 (which surely would have been recognized on a dedicatory title page
engraved after 1804) and divorced in 1809. Prior to Dec. 24, 1799, when Napoléon became
first Consul of France (and effectively dictator), Josephine (I speculate) would not have
inspired such a dedication. The date ofpublication of the Doisy Principes..., then, would
likely have been 1800-1803.
8 Ex. A is what I call “intermediate” guitar notation, while Ex. B is “primitive” and, as
144 Mauro Giuliani: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
always for experts, things would be different: one would no longer need to be
cautious. But the student already has enough troubles without our having to devise
new challenges for him.” Yet there are occasions when even I would willingly adopt
this notation, which even I would prefer if I didn’t find less clarity in it for the reader
and more trouble for the engraver or copyist. It is when the guitar sings. Ex. C. I
would gladly see then that the bass is quite distinct from the melodic line, which must
be perfectly perceived so as to give it appropriate expression. But in an accompani-
ment, how useless it is...)
la Ba
T ET BBE EERE BEF
AP oS SO ia A i a Se
Ex = B fa _ Bae Bhim ae ear sear ae ne cer sees | as
Ex .C
the old (“primitive” notation, as in Doisy’s Ex. B) next to the new (“intermediate”
notation, as in Ex. A or C above) can be found, in fact, in Giuliani’s music. The
upper staff of Example 1 (below) comes straight from the first edition of Giu-
liani’s Op. 6, Otto Variazioni per la chitarra sola... (Vienna, advertised October
1807), while the lower provides the same passage from a manuscript copy of that
work (dating from c.1812[?]) by an Italian guitar amateur then living in Codogno,
a small town in Lombardy. The copyist in question, Giuseppe Ricca, reproduced
many of Giuliani’s printed works by hand for his own use, and seems to have
spontaneously converted them to the single-layered notational style that Doisy
preferred (the prima prattica, so to speak), probably to simplify matters and to
avoid inserting the numerous rests necessary in the newer notation.
Example 1
a) Giuliani’s original (intermediate) notation. b) Ricca’s simplified copy.
a)
jit :
mie
3
;
¥ = a
vi
n
compen r
x FIGE
b)
et a sotto voce @ © cs
A = ra
The type of notation which Giuliani used throughout his career is exempli-
fied in the uppermost of the two staves of this example. It clearly represents a
triumph of a theoretical order over primitive notation. Its characteristics were:
(x) the consistent use of rests whenever a part dropped out, and (2) the systematic
distinction of at least two, and often three parts (rather than “voices”) through
the directional use of note stems. With reference to the first point: even if in
practice notes continued to ring, they were not always notated so as to show it
(i.e. with ties, or with larger note values). For some reason not altogether
clear—perhaps a carry-over from the conventions of primitive notation—Giu-
liani and his contemporaries adopted what might be called a nore nere (black-
note) approach to composition. He almost always wrote quarter-notes in preference
to half-notes, even if half-notes would more accurately have represented the
(“It is far from certain that Molitor... introduced single-handedly the new style of guitar
notation north of the Alps. That his writing about it coincides with the arrival of
Giuliani in Vienna, in latter 1806, may not be mere chance.”) into an assumption (“Heck
nimmt an, da Molitor die neue Schreibweise von Giuliani itibernommen hat.”) This is
not what I wrote. It is fine to be corrected for the incorrect things one writes; it is another
thing to be misread.
146 Mauro Giuliani: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
duration of the tones issuing from the guitar. For example, most good guitarists
(and Giuliani was an exceptionally good guitarist) would play the above passage
to sound this way:
Example 2
A “tectified” version of Example 1.
4 ear =e
fou i da ee yeh tl pa
The critical reader will be tempted to ask how we know that Giuliani didn’t
always intend to have his music sound exactly as written. The answer is that fairly
often Giuliani did succeed in notating his music exactly as it would sound on the
guitar, as far as the sustaining of notes is concerned. But being essentially a
composer of instrumental music for an instrument whose sound died away rapidly,
and not thinking necessarily in terms of vocal notation, designed to reflect the
sustaining power of the human voice, Giuliani found no need to insist on the
details of duration. He arrived at a style of writing which looked good on paper,
produced good results in practice, and seemed neither unclear nor deficient to
the guitarists of that era, as far as the sustaining of notes was concerned. To
Giuliani it must have been the happy medium between primitively notated
instrumental music for the guitar and some kind of potentially misrepresentative
polyphonic staff notation bordering on and tending (with respect to durations)
toward vocal music. I say misrepresentative because the tone of the early nine-
teenth-century classic guitar, a light-weight instrument strung with gut, decayed
rapidly. Only the greatest virtuosi could make it sustain to any noticeable degree,
and these were precisely the musicians who did not need to be told how long to
sustain the various parts. They did it spontaneously, and artistically, we may be
certain, as part of their prerogative of interpretation.
Let us consider one more example of Giuliani’s style of “intermediate”
notation, and attempt to render it in an advanced, or “rectified,” version. Exam-
ple 3 is taken from Op. 71, Three sonatinas, No. 1, 3rd movement.
In this passage the original notation (upper staff) reveals the melody and the
accompaniment by means of the direction of note stems, but gives the eye a
somewhat distorted impression of how the uppermost voice actually emerges.
There is a trace of what looks like “false polyphony” in the pre-cadential measure,
for example. In reality it sounds much less jagged than it looks, as the rectified
version (lower staff) reveals. I hasten to add that there is truly something of an
art to knowing when a rest in intermediate guitar notation is deliberate, and
when (as is far more often the case, I suspect) it is merely an accident of the
musical calligraphy.
Chapter Five —Notational Aspects of Giuliani's Music 147
Example 3
a) Giuliani’s version. b) Rectified version
Allegretto
Example 4
No. 25, “Tarantelle”.
a
oe —
ee es if . .
And here (Example 5) is how Giuliani might have written the same thing:
Example 5
2 With reference to the short notated duration of the bass notes in Example 5, see
Giuliani’s Op. 24b, Nos, 7 & 11, and Op. 29, No. 7.
148 Mauro Giuliani: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
There are only sporadic passages in Giuliani’s later works which might
suggest that he was in any way experimenting with a greater use of longer note
values in the interest of a true-to-life, or “descriptive,” representation of individ-
ual durations. Example 6 (below) consists of three versions of a passage from Op.
148, Part 1, No. 1 (Artaria, pl.no. 2970, datable latter 1828): (a) the original
notation of the first edition, (b) my conjecture of how the same would have
appeared in slightly more primitive notation, and (c) my conjecture of how it
would look in an “advanced” version:
Example 6
(0) | |
Ss mes ae
pote’: jaar aril sin7 ;?
At least one other person besides myself has grappled with the peculiarities
of guitar music from this period. The late Polish musicologist, Jozef Powrozniak,
showed evidence in his book, Gitara od A do Z,'3 of being aware of the hidden
implications of “intermediate” guitar notation, and how it is susceptible of being
rewritten so as to show more accurately the way the music would sound on the guitar.
He chose an Andante from the Carcassi guitar method to make his point, giving (in
Ex. 7) both the original notation (upper staff) and his interpretation (lower staff):
Example 7
a) Carcassi. b) Powrozniak
eee
b)
bt Faas saa
(Cracow, 1966): 211.
Chapter Five —Notational Aspects of Giuliani's Music 149
The foregoing discussion of the various stages of notation for the classic
guitar leads us to an inevitable conclusion, namely, that one must thoroughly
understand the nature of the instrument and sensitize oneself to those notes
which normally will resonate in specific situations in order to have an accurate
idea of the relationship between notation and actual sound. The only satisfactory
way to acquire this understanding is to study and play the guitar for several years.
Furthermore, there is a complicating factor in the equation: the interpretation.
Although no guitarist would dampen the strings of his instrument as extensively
as “intermediate” notation appears to require it, still there are frequent instances
in performance when the vibrating string needs to be silenced. The performer is
expected to use his judgment and his gift of musicianship to determine which
rests must be taken literally and which may be regarded as mere notational
conventions. It is impossible to formulate hard and fast rules in this matter, since
interpretation is such a personal thing.
Gruuant frequently wrote instructions beside ‘his music as to the precise way
that he wanted something to be played. Together with conventional symbols of
interpretation, his marginal indications cover many of the fine points of tech-
nique for both the left and right hand: articulation, dynamics, timbre, and special
effects such as harmonics.
interpretation of his music. One must steadfastly reject the large numbers of
modern republications which fail to convey accurately such small yet crucial
notational details.
Example 8
Op. 49, variation 3.
Example 9
Op. 4, variation 5.
Minore Pit: Adagio strisciando sulla
ave
= te sesta corda
or ; t oH rt — L ke Zale
caine
Before this variation is over, the upward slide (which works as well ascending
on the guitar as it does on the timpani, and which in neither case works very well
descending) is specified for strings ®, ©, @ and ®.
“An accompanied trill occurs in the introduction (final measure of p-4) of Op. 99,
Variations on “Das ist alles eins” (GCW, vol. 10) where the left hand trills the open b
Chapter Five —Notational Aspects of Giuliani’s Music ISI
music. The composer discusses the first four in his practical method, Op. 1,
Studio, “Parte terza” (dealing with the usual ornamentation). The ondeggiamento,
however, occurs only rarely, and only in virtuoso music which the composer
himself would have performed. Because the vibrato on the guitar is the result of
varying the tension of the vibrating string, and not its length (the latter pre-
cluded by stationary frets), the notes most susceptible to vibrato are those high
on the fingerboard, in the neighborhood of the seventh fret and upwards. Here
(Example 10) is a passage which illustrates both the ondeggiamenti (indicated
with a serpentine symbol, mm. 1-4), and the slur or /egato technique (m. 5). It is the
Guitar I part of Op. 16a, 16 Oesterreichische nazional Léndler fiir2Guitarren,..., No. 12.
Mosr of the chords in Giuliani’s music are performed by plucking, using the
thumb and fingers of the right hand more or less simultaneously. In selected
places, however, the strum appears to be invoked for its distinctive sforzato effect.
string while the right hand plucks eight accompanying chords. (Try this on your violin,
Nicolo!)
5 See Paolo Paolini, Giacomo Merchi [booklet accompanying Giacomo Merch, opere scelte,
Op. 3, 4, 12, 25] (Firenze: $.P-E.S.; 1981), p.18.
152 Mauro Giuliani: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
Example 11
Allegro vivace
ite 2S SS
a r gy oT gv OT f ab
Timre on the guitar is largely a function of where the string is plucked, that
is, how near to or far from the bridge. Virtually all guitar methods of the early
nineteenth century specified that the player’s right hand should be located
between the bridge and the rosette and should be stabilized by placing the little
finger on the table next to the highest or e’ string. This traditional, essentially
immobile (but very secure) right-hand technique was a carryover from lute and
Baroque guitar tutors.
As we know, Giuliani did not write a method as such, but rather a Studio,
consisting only of exercises with brief explanatory notes. It did not comment
explicitly on the positioning and use of the right hand, but rather left it to the
teacher to convey this dimension of guitar technique to the pupil. There is,
however, incontrovertible evidence in Giuliani’s music itself that he used and
advocated a much more free and mobile right-hand technique than the old tutors
would have accommodated.
The first clue that Giuliani did not always leave his little finger resting on the
table comes, in fact, from Op. 1, Studio, “Parte terza,” No. 3, entitled “Dello
Staccato, Du Détaché, Von der Sonderung.” Here the alternation of index and
middle finger is explicitly notated, with one (-) and two (:) dots respectively.1¢
This alternation technique is still used and taught today; anyone who has ever
played the guitar knows how irreconcilable it is with the practice of immobilizing
the little finger of the right hand on the table, beneath the plane of the strings.
It must be remembered that planting the little finger on “solid ground,” so to
speak, definitely aided the lutenist in executing rapid runs involving alternation
of thumb and index finger. But the classic guitar that Giuliani played required a
new technique—one which would finally raise the right hand above the plane of
the strings for good.
This new manner of playing brought with it three advantages over the older
lute technique: (1) By removing the little finger from the table, guitarists were
improving the resonance of their instrument. (2) By adopting the alternation of
the index and middle fingers in melodic passages, the thumb was liberated so that
it could pluck the appropriate accompanying bass strings simultaneously, as the
melody progressed. (3) The right hand was given freedom to move closer or
farther from the bridge at the player’s discretion, thereby permitting infinite
gradations of tone color.
Giuliani shows evidence even in his early works of his interest in exploiting
this unique potential of the guitar. In the following passage (Example 12) from
Op. 6, Var. 4, we find the specification, “The right hand above the 15th fret, then
imperceptibly returning to its place.” He coordinates this variation in timbre
from mellow to sharp with a carefully notated crescendo.
Example12
Op. VI, variation 4.
pramerieeerrez EWErM20et:
a)
aa
PAL
=
La destra mano sul tasto 15”° ed insesibilmente rimettendola a suo luogo 2 (ae
5.2.6 Harmonics
orn either as flaggioletti or suont armonici, these tones are produced when a
string is made to vibrate in some mode other than its fundamental. Several
methods for notating harmonics on the guitar were being used in the decades
around 1800, each of which had the purpose of showing where the finger was to
be lightly posed on the string (and quickly removed after the pluck) to obtain the
desired harmonic.!7 In Opus 6, Giuliani gives this passage with an explanation
of his own tablature-like system of notation. It was employed by most of the
guitarists of his generation:
Per bene esprimere li armonici, o flaggioletti, bisogna appoggiare leggiermente le
dita sulle corde 4 misura de tasti, i quali veranno indicati con numeri al disopra
delle note. Si previene, che i numeri che sono al disotto delle note, mostrano le
corde della chitarra.
7 A classic and still valuable historical survey of the notation of harmonics was written by
Elsa Just (d. 2 June 1grg at the age of 24), “Die Flageoletténe und ihre Notierung,” Der
Gitarrefreund XX (Munich, 1919): 11-15, 23-26, and 35-37.
154 Mauro Giuliani: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
The instructions are perfectly clear. The fingers of the left hand are placed
lightly on the designated open string (“corda”) exactly above the fret (“tasto”)
which, if stopped, would produce the note shown on the staff. In plucking, a
harmonic is produced which is related by the ratios 1:2, 2:3, 3:4, etc. only to the
open string in question, and has little or nothing to do with the reference note
found in the music:
Example 13a
Op. VI, variation 7.
OE TS TI i
a one eee eee ee ee ee
a oo t — 2 2.7
Corda
°
5 BS
z ae
=n
‘ oe . 5
=Bg |S
4
Example 13b
Actual sounds obtained in Example 13a.
Qe) et eee
Is this not a striking example of the non-vocal use of a notation system (the
musical staff) historically developed by, and for, singers? It is one more instance
of how the instrumentalist has had to resort to unorthodox conventions in order
to adapt staff notation to his needs (cf. “music” for snare drum and other
percussion instruments of indeterminate pitch). In this case, Giuliani reduced
the pitch symbols to the role of tablature.
Incidentally, in our own times, composers are rediscovering the meaning of
idiomatic, often graphic notations devised for specific instruments, and are
effectively reversing a trend toward the universal adoption of “vocal” notation for
instruments—a trend to which the guitar was perhaps the last “classic” instru-
ment to capitulate. We can see from the foregoing example that its capitulation
was not total!
Harmonics related only to the open strings are of limited usefulness. At some
time between 1807 (the date of publication of Op. 6), and c.1827 (the probable
date that Op. 130 was composed, although Ricordi did not publish it until well
after the composer’s death), Giuliani must have perfected his ability to obtain
harmonics artificially, on stopped strings, through the careful use of the fingers
of the right hand alone to (a) temporarily immobilize a string where the node
Chapter Five —Notational Aspects of Giuliani's Music 155
would occur, and (b) at the same time pluck the string to produce the harmonic.
He also must have reckoned with the fact that not every guitarist would be skilled
enough to do likewise. So when he called for such harmonics in the “Guitar I”
part of Op. 130, he added that “fluted” (i.e. with vibrato) could also be used. And
the pitches are “real” this time, not merely cues for finger placement above a
particular fret:
Example 14
Op. 130, variation 5, Guitar I.
a
——— (continues for twenty mm.)
5.2.7 [remolo
ibaa guitarists know of the tremolo principally through the famous
study by Francisco Tarrega (d. Barcelona, 1909), Recuerdos de la Alhambra, where
it is used as a fully-developed melodic device throughout. Both Giuliani and Carcassi
used it in a more primitive way, however, as an accompaniment figure (Ex. 15a):
Example 15a
Op. 97, variation 5.
This is from Giuliani’s Variations on “Ich bin liederlich...,” Op. 97. A com-
parable passage is found in Carcassi’s Op. 60, 25 Studies, no. 7. One may
reasonably ask, however, whether Giuliani actually intended the repeated notes
to be played by three successive fingers (i.m.a. or a.m.i.) or by an alternation of
just two fingers. The latter technique is suggested by the “due dita” (two fingers)
instruction found above a similar passage in Var. 5 of Op. 99:
Example 15b
Op. 99, variation 5, m. 13.
ee Ene . ,
+ at
Pr ee laa Cea
156 Mauro Giuliani: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
5.2.8 Dynamics
W.- have already seen in Example 12 how careful Giuliani could be about
dynamics. He must have brought this good habit from Italy with him, for it
reveals itself in the earliest of his works and stays with him throughout his life.
Like the pianoforte, the guitar is capable of producing controlled crescendos and
diminuendos. It is also possible on both instruments to bring out a melody in the
treble or bass, while at the same time playing a subdued accompaniment. A
well-known musical texture which incorporates this device, and which is found
throughout the classic literature for both instruments, is the melody over an
arpeggiated accompaniment. A glance through any of the solo guitar volumes in
the Giuliani Complete Works will confirm the fact that he regularly wrote in this
style. An example at hand is from Opus 29, No. 4:
Example 16
Op. 29, No. 4.
Allegretto
e= SS —
i CLL ee eae
This kind of passage so obviously demands the emergence of a relatively
louder melody over a relatively softer bass, through controlled use of the right
hand, that no further comment is necessary.
In rare instances, however, Giuliani did specify that he wanted to have a certain
melody highlighted in performance—more so than usual—as in Example 17:
Example 17
Op. 111, pr. 2, No. 2, m. 18.
6 yl aie 7 > F 5 f : 5
The Italian phrase means “the upper notes emphasized.” This is from a
relatively late work: Op. 111, Part 2, No. 2. It brings up the interesting question of
whether Giuliani might ever have used the right-hand technique known in
Spanish as the apoyando, or in English as the “rest stroke.”!8 The versatile modern
* The apoyando involves plucking a string vigorously downward toward the table with a
Chapter Five —Notational Aspects of Giuliani's Music 157
performer would almost certainly use apoyando technique in Ex. 17 and in other
passages like it, where there is no simultaneous bass note to be plucked with the
thumb.!? But whether Giuliani knew the technique or not, and whether he was
calling for its use here, remain open questions. There is no mention of the device
in his practical method, Studio, Op. 1. But he may still have evolved the technique
between 1812, the date of publication of Op. 1, and 1825, when Op. m1, Part 2, appeared.
It would be desirable to conclude this chapter with a statement on how
Giuliani compares with some of the earlier, contemporary, and later composers
of guitar music with respect to notation and the exploitation of the instrument’s
idiomatic resources. Giuliani was certainly among the earliest of the first genera-
tion of writers (pre-1810) who consistently avoided using “primitive” staff nota-
tion for guitar in favor of an intermediate style of writing—a style which
guitarists like Sor and Aguado would subsequently adopt as well,2° and which
would not be superseded until the mid-nineteenth century.
Any attempt to compare Giuliani with“other composers vis-a-vis the use of
the guitar’s idiomatic resources would benefit from the first editions of the others
being brought to light, dated, and made available. Of the contemporary classic
guitarists most deserving of comparison with Giuliani, such as Carulli, Carcassi,
Moretti, LHoyer, Phillis, Doisy, Sor, Aguado, Legnani, etc., only Sor and
Aguado had so far had their complete guitar works brought out in facsimiles of
the earliest editions, enabling meaningful comparison. And the interesting diffe-
rences between Sor’s approach to guitar technique and Giuliani's have been duly
noted.?! While it is not my intention to recommend closure of the question of Sor’s
technique vs. Giuliani's in any definitive way based on this one example, it is
noteworthy that Sor himself, in his Méthode pour /a guitare... of 1830, comments
directly on Giuliani’s demanding guitar part in the Sen¢znelle Variations, WoO,
vocal-16, with these very words:
finger of the right hand, in a motion which results in that finger’s coming to rest (hence
“rest stroke”) on the neighboring string. Musically, the effect is to put the note or melody
on a wholly different plane, both dynamically and timbrally.
Guitarists often shy away from the rest-stroke on an upper string when a bass note needs
to be plucked at the same time, since the technique displaces the right hand and the
forearm considerably.
0 Sor’s earliest editions appeared in Paris “probably about 1810; the latest possible date is 1814.”
Brian Jeffery, Fernando Sor Composer and Guitarist (London: Tecla Editions, 1977), p. 36.
41 Calvin Elliker, “Historical observations on the romance ‘La Sentinelle’,” Soundboard
IV/4 (1977): 81-94. See especially the parallel staves on pp. 90-91, which reproduce and
analyze Ex. 88 from Sor’s Méthode... (see below), comparing Giuliani’s variation with
Sor’s for the same passage in WoO, vocal-16.
158 Mauro Giuliani: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
Once when I needed to play, with Messrs. Hertz and Lafont, the trio by Hummel
on /a Sentinelle [also known as Hummel’s Op. 71], I was obliged to redo for myself
the guitar variation, Ex. 88, because the one which was provided [Giuliani’s]
presented me with difficulties which were quite a lot greater than my own.
Accordingly, one can see that if the particular nature [genre] of the guitar is that of
the variation in question [Giuliani’s], then I am not as skilled on this instrument
as the one who wrote it. I could play it, but it would be at the expense ofprinciples
from which I would never wish to depart.”
It is clear that Sor was inclined to alternate thuméd and index finger in rapid
passagework on the upper strings, in the manner of lutenists—an age-old and
extremely fluent technique which one can hardly fault today, given the success
which it enjoys among our better lutenists.?? Sor clearly saw an advantage to
dispensing with bass notes during such passages. Giuliani, on the other hand,
reserved the right-hand thumb for plucking bass notes more or less exclusively,
and expected (as did Aguado) the index and middle fingers to be able to handle
rapid treble passages with alternation technique—arguably a superior approach
to the handling of the instrument. Today the technique espoused by Giuliani and
Aguado, not that of Sor, is the norm when playing the classic guitar.
22
Méthode pour la Guitare par Ferdinand Sor (Paris: L-Auteur, 1830), reprinted by Minkoff
(Geneva, 1981), p. 85 n.1 (my translation): “Devant jouer avec MM. Hertz et Lafont le
trio de Hummel sur La Sentinelle, j’ai été obligé de me faire la variation de guitare Ex.
88, parceque celle qui s'y trouve m/offrait des difficultés bien plus grandes que la mienne.
D’apres cet aveu, on peut voir que si le genre pécu/ier a la guitare est celui de la variation
en question, je ne suis pas sj fort sur cet instrument que celui qui l’a écrite. Je pourrais
lexécuter, mais ce serait aux dépens des principes dont je ne voudrais me départir
jamais.” Thanks to Matanya Ophee for help with this complex question of guitar
technique.
23
Again quoting Sor, “Cette observation m’a décidé a exécuter les traits de cette espéce
avec le pouce et index...” (Op. cit., 55). Another example: See the facsimile of Sor’s “Air
varié pour la guitare” in Jeffery, Op. cit., 39-41.
Chapter Six
Giuliani’s use here of the adjective “correct” in the comparative degree may
seem puzzling, since musical composition is an art not usually qualified in this
way. More “correct” than what? More “correct” in which way? The answers to
these questions are not apparent until one examines the music of some of
Giuliani's less gifted contemporaries—people who played and wrote for the
guitar neither wisely nor too well, such as Simon Molitor, Leonhard von Call,
Anton Graeffer, and many similar stars of the third magnitude.
Example 18
An illustration of poor writing for the guitar (lowest staff),
by Leonhard von Call (Op. 105)
Adagio
Aig ss ca = 2S = a
=
o ponte efit 2
Ope ee VP ah ap
Perhaps this was a device to which Call had to have recourse to make his
instrument audible. He must have reasoned that there was a good chance the
guitar’s syncopated echoes would emerge between the notes the piano was
playing. This may be true, alas, but the employment of the guitar here is still
woefully unimaginative.
The first thing to observe in Giuliani’s music is that he consistently uses the
guitar in appropriate ways. Thus the literature he has left us—practically all of
which, incidentally, involves the guitar in either solos, ensembles, or vocal
accompaniment—consistently exhibits the instrument to its best advantage. The
composer himself often appeared in public to perform the most demanding or
virtuosic of his works; his great success in this capacity is a matter of record.
On the subject of chamber duets, Giuliani never put the guitar into direct
competition with another instrument, nor did he have it doing slavish doublings
as Call did in Ex. 18. Rather, as Op. 81, 82, and 84-86 reveal, Giuliani deliberately
shifted the emphasis first to one instrument, and then to the other. In Op. 82, for
example, the flute (or violin) and the guitar alternate in taking the lead in this
way: Theme (F/V), Var. 1 (G), Var. 2 (F/V), Var. 3 (G); Minuet (F/V), Trio (G);
Allegro (F/V); Marcia (G), Trio (F/V). Wisely, Giuliani kept his duets for guitar
and pianoforte to a minimum, involving himself in them mainly in conjunction
with Hummel (Op. 93) or Moscheles (WoO, G & P-1).? It takes great skill to
compose successful duets for instruments so similar in musical role as the guitar
and the pianoforte. The contrast of timbre between them, even in Giuliani's
heyday, may not have been great enough to be interesting, for one thing. Also,
the fortepiano commonly played in the first two decades of the nineteenth
century was significantly louder than the gut-string guitar of that era, and tended
to overshadow the smaller instrument.
Because of the loudness factor one might be inclined 4@ priori to look with
skepticism at Giuliani’s concertos for guitar and orchestra. Surely this was not a
reasonable thing to demand of a guitar, considering how it was “perennially
weak-volumed.”3 In truth, guitarists have always been the first to acknowledge
the problem of audibility. The better composers for the instrument have never-
theless been able to write classic concertos in such a way as to exploit in a very
satisfying way the so/o - tutti relationship (as was done in the Baroque concerto
grosso, and with Mozart’s violin, piano, and flute concertos). Giuliani knew how
to limit the orchestral accompaniment to very soft, subdued use of the strings when
the guitar would play. His concertos thus remain monuments worthy of the
study of modern composers who may wish to experiment with the same
genre.*
There are several published piano reductions of the orchestral (or quartet) parts of the
three concertos, Op. 30, 36, and 70, as well as the Variations & Polonaise, Op. 65. Only
Op. 68, Two Rondos, has the distinction of being a duet for G & P attributable solely to
Giuliani.
“an diesem... ewig an Klang armen Instrumente...,” from a review of Giuliani’s perform-
ance of his first concerto, Op. 30. AmZ X (May 1808): 538. See Appendix I, 13.
Such a study was recently undertaken, in fact. Sée Roger W. Hudson, “The Orchestra-
tion of the Guitar Concerto: A Comparison of the Concerto in A Major, Op. 30, by
Mauro Giuliani and the Concierto del Sur by Manuel Ponce.” M.A. thesis, Georgia State
University, 1994. Romolo Ferrari (d. 1959) reconstructed the scores of Giuliani’s three
concertos; his manuscript scores were, in 1969, in the Liceo Musicale of Modena, Italy.
Chapter Six — Giuliants significance as a composer 163
stay he has already presented us with a series of charming compositions which may
all be regarded as models of good style.* [Emphasis mine]
5 From the Versuch einer vollstandigen methodischen Anleitung zum Guitare-Spielen (Vienna,
c.1811/12), p.g. German in Appendix I, 6.
164 Mauro Giuliani: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
Example 19 continued.
Chapter Six — Giuliani’ significance as a composer 165
Peon: a historical point of view, opus numbers were almost certainly the
invention of music publishers rather than composers. They began to be used
around 1600, primarily when books of instrumental music with no distinctive
title other than “Sonatas” or “Concerti” had to be identified accurately so that
ownership could be proved, orders could be placed, and the wheels of commerce
could be kept spinning with some degree of reliability. By the latter eighteenth
century all kinds of collections of trios, quartets, and sonatas by one composer,
as well as the occasional single work (a symphony, a concerto, a set of variations),
were sporting opus numbers as a matter of economic expediency as well as a
means of drawing the public’s attention to works of significance.
To what extent did Giuliani have control over his opus numbers, and how
might he have regarded the convention known as the opus? With a composer
like Beethoven, who bridged from the eighteenth well into the nineteenth century,
the works with opus number usually were wholly original compositional endeavors,
166 Mauro Giuliani: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
° Op. 30, Papillons, was changed later to Op. 50 by agreement among various Viennese
Chapter Six — Giuhant’ significance as a composer 167
For example, Artaria must have decided that pieces for two guitars were in
great demand in the winter of 1811/12. He brought out five such works in the
space of a few months, all composed or arranged by Giuliani, with these plate
numbers and designations:
publishers, so that the First Concerto could be assigned Op. 30. The latter originally had
Op. 29 as its designation, until a conflict was discovered with a previous Op. 29! Only
recently have we discovered that Giuliani’s “lost” fourth concerto for guitar would have
had the designation Op. 129.
168 Mauro Giuliani: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
out just a year after the latter’s demise (pl.nrs. 4946-4963). Why did he wait so
long? Ricordi’s postponement of the publication of these works in this manner
suggests (I speculate!) that there might have been a small downpayment which
he gave to composers upon initial acceptance of a manuscript, to be followed by
a later percentage or lump sum payable upon publication of the work. In the
interim, under such an arrangement, Ricordi would have had the leisure to seek
out a suitable dedicatee,’ thereby probably securing more income, and to edit or
arrange the work as he wished. Conceivably by postponing publication Ricordi
could also have strung composers like Giuliani along as a means of—who
knows?>—leveraging other works from them as an incentive to publish the ones
already in hand, or testing their loyalty to the Ricordi firm. In the end, publica-
tion deferred was publication denied in Giuliani's case.
Regardless of how Tito di Giovanni Ricordi actually conducted his business,
the fact remains that Giuliani had no clear control over the dedicatee of a work
sold to Ricordi, nor any certainty that a given original manuscript of his, once
sold to Ricordi, would be published at all, let alone within a reasonable time.
More than half of Giuliani’s publications with Ricordi, after all, came out
posthumously. We continue to wonder, therefore, whether it was somehow to
Ricordi’s advantage to postpone publication until after the author had died,
especially if the piece were not of a topical or promotional nature (i.e. connected
with an opera premiere).
Then there is the matter of the disappearing opuses. Until very recently there
was not a trace of ten of Giuliani’s works with relatively high opus numbers: Op.
II5, II7, 129, 131-36, and 138. Given that they were surrounded by other works with
Ricordi imprints, some posthumously published, it had long been assumed that
they were either lost in shipment or acquired by Ricordi but never published.
Additionally, there has been a long-standing question mark next to Op. 146,
known only as a Hofmeister (Leipzig) republication of WoO, G-12, ro, and 13
respectively (originally Ricordi works). Hofmeister assigned to this group, brought
out czrca 1830, the concocted title Flora d'Italia and the fabricated opus number 146
(now Op. 146b). This edition has never had the musical weight of a real Giuliani
opus number.® We now realize, thanks to Mario Torta’s aforementioned recent
investigation of the all-but-unknown Neapolitan editions of Giuliani’s works, that
Op. 138, Variazioni su un valzer favorito, and Op. 146, Tema con variazioni sulla
Cenerentola (Rossini), actually made it into print with Girard & Co. of Naples. And
one of the aforementioned letters of Giuliani’s that Morishige ‘Takei once had in
Japan makes it clear that three more numbered works (Op. 115, 117, and 129) existed
at least in the mind of the ailing composer in July 1827, when he proposed their
acquisition to Artaria. This means, of course, that Giuliani did not “sell out” to
Ricordi in his final years after all. It also means that he kept reasonably tight control
of his own opus numbers despite various music publishers’ attempts to co-opt these
numbers for their own ends.
The publication delays that attended Giuliani’s later works in Ricordi’s hands
must have infuriated our composer, for he sold two important late opuses to his
old friend Domenico Artaria, namely Op. 147 and 148. And Giuliani’s final letters
to Artaria make it clear that he would readily have sold more to that responsive
and reputable Viennese publisher, had the latter been of a mind to buy them. In
any event, Artaria did bring out Op. 147 and 148 with considerable dispatch. We
still possess the contract through which Giuliani sold them outright to this
publisher. It was appended to his letter of 13 May 1828:
ed 7H EGXSY
Lipreivrs he osLate
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vopra\ Ls von aM76 f sha tee 7
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46: =
Mauro Giuliani?
Posthumous works
It has already been pointed out that quite a few first editions of Giuliani's
works were published posthumously, mostly by Ricordi. Compositions of this
° The document is located in the Stadt- und Landesbibliothek, Vienna, call no. J.N.
69734-
170 Mauro Giuliani: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
type without opus number are listed in the accompanying Checklist of Works as
“WoO(posth).” The list includes fifteen works for solo guitar and five duets for
two guitars. There are also these works with opus number whose first editions
were published after the composer’s death: Op. 104 (arr. G & P), 130, 137, 139, 140,
I4I, 142, 143, 144, 145, 146b, 147b, 149, 150, 151, and 151bis. The unusual circum-
stances surrounding the appearance of these opus numbers, some of which came
out as late as July 1840, led me to add a comment to the entries of most of them
in my 1970 thematic catalogue,'? warning that Ricordi’s assigning opus numbers
to these posthumous editions may not have reflected the composer's original
intentions.
It would be useless now to attempt to revise the opus numberings which have
come down to us from the firm of Giovanni Ricordi; but it is still the prerogative
of historians to consider the matter critically, raising questions when appropriate
regarding the propriety of Ricordi’s handling of the later works of Giuliani.
Our original purpose in examining the matter of opus numbers was to
determine if there might be any grounds for considering the numbered works as
more “original,” or esthetically more interesting, than those without opus. We
have seen that Giuliani ultimately came close to losing control of the assigning
of these numbers as the years progressed. In sum, almost nothing can be taken
for granted after Ricordi all but acquired control of the composer’s creative
output, around 1823.
0 HeckDiss, I.
Chapter Six — Giuliani’ s1enificance as a composer 171
a not inconsiderable lust for life. As was mentioned at the beginning of this
chapter, some musicians deepen their talent for composition through the years,
while others, often as a matter of economic necessity, devote themselves primar-
ily to performance and teaching and don't noticeably deepen compositionally.
Nevertheless, still by way of a general, preliminary observation on Giuliani’s
compositional achievement, it is possible to state that all his music, early as well
as late, relates to and makes sense on the guitar in a most pleasing way, irrespec-
tive of when it was written. Giuliani’s undeniable gift for music, coupled with
the clues we have garnered concerning his personality, might lead us to think of
him in the same terms that Caroline Pichler thought of Mozart and Haydn:
There is something wonderful, mysterious in this sense for harmony, and still more
in the ability to generate harmony and melody by oneself. It is often found in men
who, excepting this divine gift, possess little in the way of intellectual capacities or
education. They themselves have no clear conception of their talent, and even less
of the process which occurs inside them when they strive to give form through
tones to the creations stirring within them, or to articulate via these tones some
foreign [someone else’s] poetic product. Mozart and Haydn, whom I knew well,
were men who in their personal relations revealed absolutely no other evident
mental power [besides music], and almost no kind of intellectual cultivation in
scholarly or other lofty directions. Ordinary personality, vulgar jokes, and with the
former [Mozart] a frivolous life—these were all which they revealed of themselves
in their relationships. And yet what depths, what worlds of fantasy, harmony,
melody, and feeling lay hidden beneath these unpretentious appearances."
" From Denkwiirdigkeiten aus meinem Leben, von Caroline Pichler geb. von Greiner, Vol. II
(1798-1813) (Vienna, 1844), 93. German in Appendix I, 71.
2 These vocal works and the problematic late ones, Op. 149, 151, and r15rbis, are found in
GCW, vol. 37, while a number of songs without opus number are in vol. 38. Note that
“Di tanti palpiti”: Giuliani's vocal variations on
Op. 37 is a rather unique arrangement of
Rossini’s well-known aria.
172 Mauro Giuliani: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
(Cairne three concertos (Op. 30, 36, and 70) unquestionably represent the
highest level of compositional skill to be found in the composer’s legacy. The first
and the third in particular are very demanding pieces both technically and
musically—works which he may never have intended other guitarists to be able
to master (the hopes of his publishers aside), and which he may well have
envisioned as his personal passports to immortality.
Opus 30, first performed in 1808 but first published only c. 1810, remains the
best-known of the concertos. Yet as late as 1970 the version heard in concert and
on recordings misrepresented the work by deleting the entire “development”
section of the first movement (mm. 202-327).!3 The resulting movement is in
normal sonatina form and is still an impressive piece of music, but is hardly
something on which to base one’s assessment of Giuliani's skill as a composer.
Thankfully Angel Romero was able to record an unabridged performance of the
work with string orchestra accompaniment in 1983, on His Master’s Voice ASD
1435581. A diagrammed formal analysis of the first movement of this work is
provided in Appendix II-A, where the incipits of the main themes are also
reproduced.
Opus 36, also in the favorable key of A major, was first brought out in a modern
edition by Bruno Henze, with the title Studienkonzert fiir Gitarre (A-dur) mit
Begleitung von Streichinstrumenten (Leipzig, 1959).'* It is clearly the most lyric of
the three concertos, the A and B themes of its first movement being so songlike
as to have proven themselves perhaps unsusceptible to motivic development. A
diagram of the movement appears in Appendix I-B. The soloist’s exposition is
unusual in that it initially exposes entirely new thematic material (Cr and C2
instead of Ar and A2 at mm. 96-148), but then conventionally states the B theme
at the dominant (mm. 149-202). The composer, not finding it expedient to
develop themes previously stated, brings in fresh material (a D theme) at what
would be the development section (mm. 243 f.), after which he digresses at length
into C major (mm. 219-322)—a technique used also in the first concerto.
13
Op. 30 at the time was available in recordings by Karl Scheit on Turnabout, TV 34 1235,
and by Julian Bream on RCA Victor Red Seal, LM 2487. Both versions were apparently
recordings of the Symphonia Verlag edition, which called for just a string orchestra and
timpani accompaniment, and which cut completely the development section of the first
movement.
Thanks to Rainer Stelle for bringing this useful edition to my attention.
Chapter Six — Giuhanis significance as a composer 173
'’ The string parts were transposed down to D in one recording of this works which dates
from c.1952; the soloist, performing on a normal guitar, was Ivanov-Kramskoy, on
Monitor, MC 2024. Thanks to Matanya Ophee for establishing the recording date. See:
The Russian Collection, Vol. 1, Columbus, 1986. Introduction.
16 Anton Reicha is sometimes cited as the first to have used the term “développement
174, Mauro Giuliani: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
The second and third movements of the three guitar concertos are charming,
but bear no particular comment, other than the fact that both Op. 30 and Op. 70
have slow movements in 6/8 meter, marked “Andantino Siciliano,” followed by
ever-popular alla Polacca finales. This again points to Op. 36 as the odd concerto
in the lot, with its slow movement in 3/4 time, and its 2/4 Rondo finale.
6.2.2 Ensembles
principal” in describing the section after the double-bar in the normal sonata-allegro
form (which then went by the name of “grande coupe binaire”). See Reicha’s Traité de
haute composition musicale (Paris, 1824-26).
Two versions of Giuliani’s Op. 38, Variations (‘A Schisserl und a Reindl’), one with
orchestral accompaniment, the other set for guitar, flute, violin and viola, exist in the
Civic Library of Trieste. They are in the hand of Antonio Gracco (1795-1875), a music
teacher, arranger, composer and guitarist. No one knows whether they are attributable
directly to Giuliani, but the possibility does exist. Chanterelle Verlag brought them out,
edited by Giorgio Tortora, in r990. Thanks to Matanya Ophee for bringing this to my
attention.
One trait of Giuliani’s style quite in evidence in the duets, where the melody
(for flute or violin) is so clearly separate from the harmony (the guitarist’s
domain), is the practice of repeating a melody-note a surprising number of times.
This affords the accompanying guitar a chance to shine through with an intrigu-
ing pattern of ever-changing chords.
Example 20
Op. 85, 3rd movement.
Water Scherzo
ss eee 9
Tater F
The same procedure shows up in the Scherzo to Op. 19, which suggests that
it was an integral compositional device of Giuliani’s as early 1808. Less prolonged
cases of repeated notes are found throughout the duet repertory.
erhalten, und nicht durch ein anderes Instrument verdrangt wird.”). These works are
virtually all available in the Stadtbibliothek, Vienna. The list is by no means exhaustive.
* “Bey [Op. 84] kénnte man bemerken, daf der Titel nicht ganz richtig ist, indem die
Guitarrestimme nicht begleitend, sondern durchaus konzertirend (die zweyte und die
vierte Variation sind ganz fiir die Guitarre) und von bedeutender Schwierigkeit ist.”
Wiener Moden Zeitung No. 28 (5 March 1818): 226.
176 Mauro Giuliani: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
(Orman works for two guitars fall compositionally into two types: (1) A
principal guitar is accompanied by a very subordinate “Guitar II,” typically in a
set of dances (Landler or waltzes), such as Op. 16a, 55, 75, 80, 92, 94, and 116. We
note that all but the last of these date from the composer’s Vienna period. They
could have been pedagogical, that is, Giuliani could have begun by performing
the relatively more difficult melodies while giving his beginning students the
chordal accompaniments; the musical roles could gradually be reversed as the
students became better able to move around the fingerboard. There is little doubt
that they were intended for popular consumption, mostly in Vienna. (2) The
guitar parts are of roughly equal interest and comparable difficulty. Such works
seem first to have appeared in the composer's creative output only when his eldest
son, Michel, was old enough (1 years), and presumably adept enough, to
discharge his part creditably, that is, by 1812. Op. 35, 66, and 67 would have been
likely candidates for the guitars of Giuliani pére et fils. By the same logic, the
Variaziont concertanti, Op. 130, and Tre Polonesi concertanti, Op. 137, both pub-
lished posthumously, may well have been written for performance by the com-
poser and his daughter, Emilia. They are among the more difficult duets in the
guitar repertory, on the order of Sor’s Op. 34 and 63.
Tue greatest part of Giuliani’s musical legacy consists of studies, themes with
variations, potpourris, sonatas, and so forth, expressly for solo guitar. We have
already seen how the composer was able during his lifetime to gain much glowing
recognition and often critical acclaim for this especially intimate form of musical
expression. Even the journalists, many of whom fostered the idea that solo guitar
music was doomed by the nature of the instrument, had to make an exception
for the works which came from Giuliani’s pen (for he never, as far as we know,
played anyone else’s guitar compositions):
... Herr Mauro Giuliani has brought this instrument to a height which never would
have been thought possible before him. Only with him does one forget that [the
guitar], according to its nature, is intended for the accompaniment of a voice, or
of some instrument, and that it loses its essential character when it attempts solos,
sonatas, or concertos.?!
*. “Herr M.G. hat dieses Instrument auf eine Hohe gebracht, deren man es, vor ihm, nie
fahig gehalten hatte; nur bey ihm vergisst man, da es seiner Natur nach, zur Begleitung
einer Singstimme oder irgend eines anderen Instrument geeignet ist, und es seinen
eigenthtimlichen Character verliert, wenn es sich an Solos, Sonaten, oder Conzerte
wagt.” Vaterlindische Blatter VII (31 May 1808): 53.
Chapter Six — Giuliants significance as a composer 7,
Our discussion of the works for solo guitar will be done on the basis of form
rather than according to the previous categories of performance medium.
The same reviewer, we assume, in a report several months later dealing with
Rossini’s Tancredi, presumably has these more tactful, more veiled questions to
put to the public (and to the instrumentalists who were in the orchestra pit, as
well). We know, of course, what excess he is referring to, even though he doesn’t
come right out and say it:
... The orchestra was not quite playing together, and yet there are virtuosi in nearly
every section. How can that be? And what is the remedy for it??*
The ability to sing violin variations was one of the more noteworthy accom-
plishments of the highly acclaimed prima donna, Madame Angelica Catalani.
She toured Europe extensively during the period c.1817-28, amassing both fame
** A thematic catalogue (publ. Steiner) of the works of Gelinek is now in the Archiv der
Gesellschaft der Musikfreunde, Vienna (call no. 1254/d.2). It shows 87 opus numbers
devoted exclusively to the theme & variations.
* WMZ No. 71 (3 Sept 1817): 170: “Chére und Orchester gingen gut; aber was soll das
Variiren auf der Violin vom Orchesterdirektor heissen? Die Musik einer Oper ist bey
der Auffihrung kein Thema zu Variationen, sondern die Noten sollen gespielt werden,
wie sie geschrieben sind. Das ist man dem Kompositeur, dem Publikum und den
Singenden schuldig.”
4 “Tyas Orchester stimmte wohl nicht ganz zusammen, und doch besitzt es beynahe in
jedem Fache Virtuosen. Wie geschieht das? und wodurch ist dem abzuhelfen?” WMZ
No. 92 (15 Nov 1817): 348.
178 Mauro Giuliani: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
and fortune. Here is a review of one of her favorite numbers, a piece which
invariably brought the house down:
Then Madame Catalani sang the famous violin variations by Rode in G major, but
only the theme and two variations, with a few changes and an Italian text underlay
which we could not understand. The piece was transposed to Db, ... Here it was
excellent, for the singer had the opportunity to display all of her marvelous artistic
skill in the most advantageous way... One must further remark that, regardless of
how difficult these variations might be, nowhere do they involve anything contrary
to the nature of the voice...”
Obviously the reviewer was being a careful observer, not letting himself be
swept into a frenzied state of enthusiasm by the audience (which, incidentally,
applauded the number so much that it had to be repeated). And still he gave his
full intellectual assent to the very idea of singing concert variations for the violin!
Those who criticize Beethoven's writing “instrumental” melodies for trained
soloists, for example, in the choral movement of the Ninth Symphony, generally
fail to recognize the precedents and practices which the composer saw all around
him.
It was this “variation” mania which reigned supreme in Vienna during
Giuliani’s years there, and which explains why the theme with variations figures
fairly prominently in his works for solo guitar. In one sense, our composer tells
the story of his life in the themes which he chose to “vary.” Italy before Giuliani
went north is represented in Op. 4, Six Variations on “Nel cor piu,” from
Paisiello’s Molinara. Austrian themes are found in the works up to Op. 99, and
include “A Schisserl und a Reindl” (Op. 38), an “Air Autrichien” (Op. 47), “I bin
a Kohlbauern Bub” (Op. 49), themes from popular Singspiele (Op. 7, 72, 88, 97,
and WoO, G & F[V]-2), and “Das ist alles eins” (Op. 99). Then variations on
Rossini themes account for some of Giuliani’s output during his years in Rome
(Op. 119-24 e¢ al.), not to mention the Potpourri Nazionale Romano (Op. 108),
which has several variations. Finally popular Neapolitan tunes are “varied” in Op.
140-45, published posthumously by Ricordi.
Giuliani’s variations reflect, in the idiom of the solo guitar, the traditional
practices pertaining to this genre: a movement in triplets here, and one in
quadruplets there, and others featuring small motives or figurations. They are
generally in a major key and normally follow the structure and harmonies of the
theme faithfully. An interesting area of exception would be in the variations
(usually one per opus) in a minor key. Here Giuliani often would depart entirely
from the theme, even disregarding the normal phrase structure, to write a
composition within a composition—a “character” variation, as we say nowadays.
Appendix ITI of this volume presents a newly typeset Urtext edition of Op.
49, Variations on “I bin a Kohlbauern Bub.” It is a good example of the
aforementioned characteristics, and is useful for illustrating other aspects of the
composer's style, as well. The overall sequence of musical events in Op. 49 is
outlined below:
—The theme is very simple, deceptively so, consisting of two parallel 8-measure phrases.
It gives no hint of the musical fireworks which are to follow.
—Var. x begins as a study in two-voice contrapuntal texture, most of the interest residing
in the bass. Giuliani was uncompromising in his requirement that a guitarist utterly
master this most unwieldy register of the instrument. Few composers since have been
as exigent in this matter. A free musical texture is seen in the consequent phrase, which
witnesses a return of the melodic interest to the upper range.
—Var. 2.1s cast in a free instrumental texture, analogous to what was being written for
piano at the same epoch, at least among the better composers. It lies somewhere
between homophony and false polyphony, but it would be difficult to say exactly where.
The discussion concluding this chapter will return to this point.
—Var. 3 features triplets; it has already been mentioned in connection with the artistic
use of the slur (v. Example 8, above).
—Var. 41s a study in small figures, rather conventional in its way; the consequent phrase
makes use of the guitar's first (open e’) string in a very idiomatic manner.
—Var. 51s a “character” variation in a minor key. Its consequent phrase loses all reference
to the corresponding part of the original theme. This variation is, in fact, a miniature
Polonaise within the larger composition. It gives needed relief from the simple
harmonic scheme preserved in the previous variations, and reflects the composer's true
creative ability much more than the previous variation had done.
—Var. 6 is typical of Giuliani's “brilliant” style. It reaches above the octave of the open
e’ string, and bridges directly into a finale.
—The finale begins very quietly; it again shows what kind of mastery of the bass strings
the composer expected. There are few guitarists even today who are able to manage
and pace the long, slow crescendo which extends over lines 4-8. The octave passage
that follows is the kind of device for which Giuliani is well known, and one which here
marks a momentary climax. There ensues a diminuendo, and then a bridge on the note
A, which all of a sudden loses its identity as the tonic, becoming the mediant of F
major. In a sublime stroke, the composer uses this modulation to paraphrase loosely
the beginning of the theme by means of an arpeggiation. We note that it is the only
truly arpeggiated passage in the whole composition. Less gifted composers for the
guitar were always falling back on the broken chord for lack of something more original
to write, but here Giuliani’s use of the arpeggio is subtle, beautiful, and well planned.
The return to the tonic is followed shortly by a series of formula cadences, regarded
by many today as somewhat overworked. It seems there was a propensity at the time,
shared by Giuliani and a number of his contemporaries, toward ending little pieces in
a big way—bigger, in retrospect, than the music could gracefully bear. Consequently
180 Mauro Giuliani: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
sections of Giuliani’s finales are often deleted in modern performance, with no loss
either of balance or of effect.° Apparently the Viennese audiences enjoyed a bit more
of the solid dominant-tonic feeling at the end of a piece than we do.
*° Thus Julian Bream deletes part of the formula cadences in Giuliani’s Op. 61, recorded
on RCA Victor, LSC-3070. I approve wholeheartedly. I also respect the decision of an
excellent guitarist like David Starobin to keep every note of Giuliani’s finales and play
them all with nuanced consideration, as he does in his 199r Mauro Giuliani compact disc
(Bridge BCD 9029).
Any definitive Urtext edition would also benefit from the printing of this work currently
in the collection of Matanya Ophee. It appears to be an early state of the second edition,
perhaps earlier than the one by Steiner in GCW.
Chapter Six — Giuliani’ significance as a composer 181
Example 21
Op. 61, excerpt. From the first edition published by Ricordi. pl. nr. 185.
OUVERTURE
Andante
Sosteanuto
ae
SE -
# : a GETS
7 oT ae
F SS eS
=>
S. ara isy a fp. € Oeits panies ld
icici g te ree mf.
t eos :
Allegro ? oe é : as
Macestoso.
The third, and final, occurrence of sonata-allegro form (with two distinct
themes) in the work of Giuliani is found in the one-movement Gran sonata
eroica, Op. 150, posthumously published in 1840. A number of scholars today
182 Mauro Giuliani: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
While I do not share Jeffery’s enthusiasm for the theory that Filippo Isnardi
(whose only known guitar works in the Ricordi catalog were for guitar tuned in
E major) is a likely candidate for having meddled with Op. 150 to bring it “up to
date,” I do believe that Jeffery has fairly portrayed the stylistic problems with
which Op. 150 confronts us. More recently Philip Hii has reviewed the evidence
and cautiously argued that, despite Jeffery’s stylistic concerns, Op. 150 contains
enough Giulianesque musical rhetoric to retain its place in the canon of the
composer’s works.??
Op. 15 (first movement), Op. 61, and Op. 150 appear to represent the only
movements for solo guitar cast in sonata-allegro form in Giuliani’s entire artistic
legacy. The first two, which have gained acceptance in concert repertoires around
the world, were written during the composer’s Vienna period, when he would
have had numerous models of this form at the hands of such masters as Haydn,
Mozart, and Beethoven easily accessible for study and emulation. Next to
nothing is known of the circumstances surrounding the composition and publi-
cation of the posthumous Op. 150, unfortunately.
It is noteworthy that neither Giuliani nor any of the other early-nineteenth-
century composers of guitar music, including Sor and his Paris-based contem-
poraries, found the sonata form especially compatible with their own musical
inclinations. Clearly they were able to adapt it to the guitar on the few occasions
that they wished, but they seem not to have elected to use it often. Hence it is
not surprising to encounter among Giuliani’s works something like Op. 96,
*8 Jeffery had earlier signalled “the series of octaves and thirds at the top of page 4 and
elsewhere; the unsupported and syncopated treble line at the foot of that same page and
on page 5; and a number of unexpected harmonies and modulations...”
” See “Gran Sonata Eroica Autentisch oder Nicht?” Gitarre €?Laute XII/s (1991): 12-16.
Chapter Six — Giuhanis significance as a composer 183
comprising three “sonatas” which have nothing to do with the previously dis-
cussed form. Each consists of two short movements, for example, an Andante
followed by an Allegretto, both being in one of the standard song forms (bipartite
or tripartite). By the same token, the three sonatinas in Op. 71 have individual
movements which are quite simple from the viewpoint of form. Their merit lies
principally in the way they explore musical texture and musical rhetoric, and in
the unique and idiomatic way they make the instrument come alive in the hands
of the performer.
Studies
Giuliani’s studies (such as Op. 1, 10, 29; 37, 40, 48, 50, 51, 56, 78, 98, 100, and
139) were evidently conceived as short pieces to work on in private rather than to
play in public. They address themselves to the many technical problems posed in
the more carefully composed larger works: sustaining or dampening individual
notes, execution of slurs, separation of melody from accompaniment, exploration
of the various ranges of the instrument, and so forth. As far as the quality of
composition is concerned, they generally do not rate as highly as the studies of
the slightly later Sor or the decades-later Coste. These guitarists had to keep
their Etudes comparable in esthetic appeal to what was being written for the
piano c.1820-1860.
An exception would be Giuliani’s character studies, such as those in Op. 46,
Choix de mes fleurs chéries. They are lovely evocations, quite demanding in control
of the instrument, and can succeed beautifully or fall flat depending on how they
are interpreted. Another set of rather exceptional studies is found in Op. 148, also
character pieces with titles (“Il Sentimentale,” “L-Amoroso,” “Lo Scherzo,” etc.).
One or several of them might make an admirable contribution to a modern
guitarist’s concert repertory.
Preludes
could have belonged, and the independent type was not yet fully established.”3°
Beethoven's oeuvre offers next to nothing by this name,3! although Giuliani's
musical colleague Hummel, probably inspired by the systematic rotation of keys
found in Bach’s Well-Tempered Clavier, did compose a comparably systematic set of 24
Preludes for piano, Op. 67 (Vienna, c.1814-15).°?
We can see in Giuliani’s Etudes, Op. 100, first advertised in January 1819, that
by the autumn of 1878 if not earlier Giuliani must have been experimenting with
small unmeasured and measured preludes (nos. 17-24 of that opus). He charac-
terized them as “Preludes for use as cadenzas, to be employed before beginning
a piece of music.”33 Given their explicit role as musical introductions to works in
specific keys, they were rather diminutive in size, not adventurous harmonically,
and not consistent in musical texture, as so many of Bach’s preludes were or
Chopin's would eventually be.
The Six Preludes, Op. 83, attributed to Giuliani ever since their first edition
(Vienna: T.Weigl, c.1817), are horses of a different color altogether. Procedurally
and stylistically they are out of character with what we know of Giuliani's
approach to guitar music and to the prelude as a genre. In a recent article it was
claimed that Antoine de l’Hoyer authored these six pieces under the title “Six
Exercices pour la guitare..., Op. 27,” published in Paris by Pleyel in latter 1812.54
While the matter of dating of the Pleyel edition remains problematic,** a close
*° “Prelude,” The New Grove Dictionary ofMusic and Musicians (London: Macmillan, 1980),
V.I5, p-2II.
*' T am aware of two fleeting instances of its use in Beethoven: (1) A Prelude for string
quintet in d (Hess 40), and (2) a Prelude in f, WoO 55.
*» They were not, however, of comparable musical weight, some being perfunctory while
others were quite long.
comparison of the Giuliani Op. 83 with the Evxercices attributed (by Pleyel) to
Hoyer reveals so many discrepancies between them that it makes one suspect
that both UHoyer and Giuliani might have been working from a common source
“Q’” (perhaps a still-to-be identified set of violin etudes c.1800?). At the moment
it appears likely to me that they each transcribed its contents (in a different order,
in fact) for their respective instruments, the five-string guitar and the classic (or
six-string guitar) in their respective cities, Paris and Vienna, at the urging of their
respective publishers, Pleyel and Weigl. It is even conceivable that Pleyel and
Weigl, both Austrians, were cooperating in this caper. Stranger things have
happened in the fast and furtive field of Parisian and Viennese music publishing
in the early nineteenth century!
Sets ofdances
*° See Appendix I, 32. The account ofthat soirée is in Moscheles’ Tagebuch for the year 1815.
” Their incipits are in my thematic catalogue in HeckDiss, I. The titles Landler and waltz
were virtually interchangeable at this time.
186 Mauro Giuliani: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
Léndler-Kapellen are not large: up front two fiddlers are seated, and next to them
often a clarinettist... One fiddler plays the melody, that is, the “Prim,” the second
plays the “Ueberschlag,” almost always a third higher, but also often a third lower
when necessary. This player must be very talented [“feinfiihlig”], for often his part
is not written out. He has to play it from the “Prim” part... A skillful bass player
is the cheerful member of the group, and is indefatigable in [contributing to] merry
musical goings on.*®
As far as the performance of the music is concerned, this is what the same
source has to say:
Most Landler move in three-quarter time, and those in duple time are rarer. These
[latter] are called “Geraden” and are danced in a very original way. Normally the
first Landler is played comfortably slowly—a real grandfather’s dance, but then
there follows a quicker one and yet another in an endless series, until once again
the serious [slow] ones return. Nearly all are 8 measures in length, and divided
exactly in two halves... A Landler tune is often repeated in various ways, for
example, an octave higher or lower...°”
(er say
In this selection, Op. 44, No. 11, we notice not only the stylistic elements of
Austrian folk music already metered but also the notational refinement of
* Karl Liebleitner, “Einiges tiber den ‘Landler’,” Zeitschrift fiir die Gitarre 5 (Vienna, 1926):
155. German in Appendix I, 73(a). Notice that all one has to do is add a guitar to a
Landler-Kapelle to get a Suir quartet—a development which soon occurred in
Vienna's wine gardens.
” bid, 154. German in Appendix I, 73(b).
Chapter Six — Giuliants significance as a composer 187
Transcriptions
The Rossiniane
4 Marco Riboni, “Le trascrizioni per chitarra di Mauro Giuliani,” Op. cit. no. 85 (1993):
10-30; no. 86 (1994), ef seq.
| The e ending is the Italian plural of Rossiniana, which either in singular or plural means
a celebration of Rossini’s music, just the same way that a Bachiana denotes a celebration
of Bach’s, or a Giulianata celebrates Giuliani's.
188 Mauro Giuliani: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
These Rossiniane might have lain dormant for years, totally overlooked by the
guitar playing public, were it not for a fortuitous encounter between Mr. Bream
and this writer in Cleveland in 1973, a few months after the GFA [Guitar
Foundation of America] had been organized. Being anxious to inform the British
virtuoso of the Foundation’s activities and to offer him any necessary assistance, I
approached him after his Cleveland concert and we made a date to meet... we
proceeded to my home, where Mr. Bream requested to see, then sat down to read
through, several of the Rossiniane in the GFA collection [now the GFA Archive]...
Presently he requested copies of several Rossiniane, which I was happy to
make...42
This recollection occurs in a brief article which describes how, in fact, Bream
borrowed and rearranged episodes from Giuliani’s Op. 119, 121 and 122 in putting
his recording together. My remarks concluded with the opinion that “Bream’s
liberties were altogether appropriate. The potpourri genre is just about the only
one in the classic era that permits such liberties at the level of the soloist. Of
course in larger forms one need only look at the performance practices associated
with operas (from which most potpourris are derived) to appreciate the wisdom,
sometimes even the necessity, of making cuts and substitutions in order to make
the total experience as meaningful as possible both to the performers and to the
audience.”3
Scholarly and musical interest in the Rossiniane have been running at a high
level ever since the aforementioned recording. Stefano Castelvecchi fairly re-
cently provided convincing identities of the sources which Giuliani drew upon.“
Somewhat earlier, editors such as myself, Ruggero Chiesa, and Andras Schroth
helped to bring out sets of these fantasies either in facsimile form or reingraved.*
And in 1986, benefitting from quite a bit of previous and current scholarship,**
aus der Pantomime: Die Zauberschere,” a work attributed by Stieger to Franz Volkert
(as I volunteered in Soundboard IV/2 (1977): 48), was “in fact... from Rossini’s Mosé in
Egitto, Act I, Finale.”
Chapter Six — Giuhant’ significance as a composer 189
Brian Jeffery again republished the first editions of all six, now in cleaned-up
facsimiles, as Vol. 13 of GCW.
The thoughtful preface to Jeffery’s edition provides information on the
genesis, publication, and manuscripts of the Rossiniane which is well worth
reading. It suggests that, since Giuliani only referred to these fantasies in the
plural, we ought to do likewise and eschew the singular form, Rossiniana, except
in the case of Op. 124, where Ricordi used it on the title page of his edition.
Finally, it includes a section on “the Rossini melodies and their identification”
and a list of errata for each opus in the series.*”
From the formal/procedural point of view, Giuliani’s Rossiniane are hardly
ground-breaking. They are very similar to hundreds of operatic fantasies for
piano and other instruments published throughout the nineteenth century. Their
interest lies chiefly in the charming way that the composer has invested Rossini’s
themes and passagework with guitaristic character—a character about which
more must be said, as we conclude this chapter with reflections on the idiomatic
textures that Giuliani devised with and for the guitar.
In a discussion of Chopin’s music, to take this line of thought one step further,
the term “pianistic” invariably comes up. It is an effort to describe the idiomatic
character of his literature for the piano. One could truly spend months discussing
the pianistic aspects of Chopin’s Ezudes, for example, if only one could organize
one’s thoughts and language around the concept of “pianisms,” that is, certain
‘” As the present book goes to press, at least two complete recordings of all six Rossiniane
are in the works: Angel Romero has informed me of his plans to record them on a
two-compact-disc set, soon'to be released by RCA Red Seal; Frederic Zigante has
recorded them on a double-CD for new subscribers to i/ ‘Fronimo’ in 1994, according to
information received from Mario Torta.
48 The second ed. (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1969) says
substantially the same thing.
190 Mauro Giuliani: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
groupings of notes which can only have been conceived on and for the piano-
forte, in the light of its peculiar musical properties. By the same token, the guitar
generates or gives rise to its own idiomatic textures. These may usefully be
discussed under the heading of the “guitarism.”
Consider, for example, the beginning of the second variation in Giuliani's Op.
49 (Appendix III). Its texture defies description in conventional terminology. But
it makes beautiful sense, and lies well, on the guitar. As such, the passage may be
regarded as “guitaristic.” By this I do not mean something so ordinary and facile
as the strum—which is certainly idiomatic for the guitar—but rather a style of
music which relates well to the performer's fingers and to the guitar’s fingerboard,
which takes due advantage of the open strings of the instrument, and which
produces particularly pleasing sonorities as it makes the guitar “speak” or come
alive when played.
The “Guitarism”
At the heart of idiomatic classic guitar music are the elements of the chord
(vertical) and the melody (horizontal). Giuliani and his colleagues fused both
together with extreme resourcefulness in their compositions, and seem to have
done so spontaneously, without thinking critically of the two theoretically dis-
tinct elements which made up their music. The evidence suggests that they were
capable of combining the two instinctively, in a highly zsthetic manner.
If we imagine a continuum or spectrum at one end of which is the chord,
while the other end represents unaccompanied melody, then we can easily
conceive of a given guitar composition or section of it being situated closer to
one pole than to the other, depending on its texture. At the “vertical” or chordal
end of the spectrum we find the arpeggio study, an ordered progression of broken
chords which lends itself admirably well to the guitar. One particularly “guitaris-
tic” one, Giuliani’s Op. 48, no. 5 (v. Example 23), starts by leaving the first and
sixth (E) strings to resonate in their open positions, while the left hand is made
to progress up the fingerboard on strings 2, 3, and 4. In other words, the motion
is confined to just those inner strings. Marvelous passing dissonances result
when the second string is stopped on the d’f, next to the open e’ string. One can
hear the second string overtaking, as it were, the first one as the left hand ascends
the fingerboard:
Example 23
Op. 48, no. 5: a “guitaristic” chord progression.
(elFL ig pt
sore
s q||
Chapter Six — Giuliani’ significance as a composer IQI
At the other (horizontal) end of the spectrum one finds purely monophonic
studies of a pedagogical nature, designed to perfect the student’s handling of the
slur and to enable the seamless flow of a melody across several strings. We have
already seen that Giuliani knew how to use the slur artistically to achieve subtle
cross-rhythms (Example 8, above). But for the sake of his students he would also
employ it guitaristically. In Example 24, taken from Op. 48, No. 4, the composer
has the ascending slur always start on an open string, thus not requiring that the
left hand move out of the first position. The slurs don’t make much sense
musically, since they destroy the natural groupings of quadruplets which one
expects in common time; but they make perfect sense guitaristically:
Example 24
Op. 48, no. 4: guitaristic slurs
Moderato
je
ed eee eas
a
a
esat
a eee
Conversely (and fortunately) the descending slur never ends lower than the open
position of the string on which it begins.
The artistic fusion of vertical and horizontal elements to create a musical
texture which lay and sounded well on the guitar was a challenge which only
guitarists with many years of practical experience were able to meet successfully.
Giuliani was truly a genius in this respect. His ability to make the guitar speak
with its own accent the musical language of his era has left posterity with a
wealth of very resourceful, effective, and charming guitar music, that is, music
which could hardly be conceived apart from a guitar.
We have already seen how very important the element of song was in
Giuliani’s compositions.*? His unusual ability to wed a careful accompaniment
to a pre-existent melody, and still come up with both a workable and a
particularly pleasing guitaristic texture, fusing the elements of melody and
harmony in an idiomatic way, is demonstrated in Example 25.°! In this posthu-
mous work (WoO[posth], G-14), Sez Arie Nazionali Scozzesi variate per la
” The Song File given in HeckDiss, II, has 224 entries (text incipits and titles of songs used
in any way by the composer); it is still not exhaustive!
°° This skill was mentioned by Giuliani’s first biographer, Isnardi, who said, “But his
greatest innovation was that of adapting to the guitar any musical piece or chord
whatever...” See Appendix I, 3.
*' Many more such examples are evident in Marco Riboni’s series of articles, “Le trascriz-
lee : Pas, Peles
ioni per chitarra di Mauro Giuliani,” op. ci¢.
192 Mauro Giuliani: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
Chitarra, o Lira..., Giuliani renders the seme (not a variation) of “The Blue Bells
of Scotland” (excerpt given in line A) in the manner shown in line B.
Here Giuliani adapts the uppermost notes of each arpeggio to melodic ends.
Although the melody does not readily appear to the eye in his solo guitar version
(line B), it most definitely does emerge from the web of arpeggiation in a
characteristically guitaristic way when performed.
Example 25
WoO[posth], G-14.
fiesta He’s ‘gone to fight the {foe for King George upon the throne
:
B
je Gna aes
othe ren
=t = ¢ : =fv_:
f
Historically this broken texture has much in common with unaccompanied
music for violin and the even earlier s¢y/e brisé so beloved of lutenists. It makes
one think, too, of something like the Allemande from Bach's Sixth French Suite
for harpsichord. Even in the contemporary (late twentieth century) American
idiom known as “finger pickin’,” it would not be surprising to hear an instrumen-
tal rendition of this song echoing the treatment that Giuliani gave it. In the
present case, and throughout most of his works for solo guitar, Giuliani abun-
dantly revealed his talent (through treating sequentially what might elsewhere
have been done simultaneously) for making music pour forth from the instru-
ment.
6.4 Conclusion
(of which Giuliani was to become the leading exponent) or even a definitive
Viennese approach to guitar playing—one not found in Paris, Leipzig, Madrid,
Rome or London. There was however, by a happy coincidence of art and industry,
an atmosphere (or an environment) which encouraged and supported a great deal
of classic guitar activity in Vienna of Giuliani’s day, and which resulted in a
minor deluge of printed music for this instrument. Most of the works by Call,
Molitor, Tandler, Topfer, Graeffer, Schulz, Diabelli, Fier, Mendl, Wolf, and
others chiefly of German/Austrian background unfortunately do not equal the
compositions of Giuliani as far as style, wit, and suitability to the guitar are
concerned. ‘The former group could be regarded as evidence of the earliest rise of
the classic guitar to cultural—if not artistic—significance in the Imperial City.
Giuliani’s works, on the other hand, are more than just documents of passing
interest to cultural historians. They constitute a repertoire known to a small
degree, and respected to a great degree, by everyone who has ever studied the
classic guitar. They make the guitar come alive in the hands of beginners and
experts alike in a particularly pleasing manner. They make a well-ordered succes-
sion of tones emerge ina full-voiced and perfect way from this modest and quirky
instrument which, prior to Giuliani’s advent, had been regarded as irredeemably
weak-voiced and imperfect. Gradually, as Giuliani showed Vienna what the
guitar was capable of in the right hands, acceptance of the instrument improved
in demonstrable ways.
No music historian could possibly maintain that Giuliani’s compositions
contributed, in their purely theoretical aspects (phrase structure, harmonic
rhythm, the progressive use of remote keys, and so on), to the evolution of
musical style in general. But in regard to the development of the first concert and
chamber repertoire for the classic guitar, in particular, there can be no doubt that
Mauro Giuliani was a highly influential figure.
During his Vienna years (1806-1819) he turned out a series of works for guitar
which were unquestionably superior both to what had been written earlier in
Italy (cf. the primitive notation in Nava's Stagroni dell’Anno, with Ricordi plate
number 1, of 1808) and to what was being composed for guitar all around him in
Vienna (seen in Exs. 18 and 19 of this chapter). And after about 1817, when the
guitar cult had truly established itself in Paris, Giuliani's works were extensively
republished in that city (and subsequently in London). They became criteria of
compositional quality which only a handful of later figures, like Sor, Aguado,
Mertz, and Coste, had the vision to equal and at times to surpass.
Thus Giuliani retains his place in the history of music as the first truly great
virtuoso/composer for the classic guitar. His manner of playing was widely
acclaimed and emulated; his works, in particular, became standards of the
repertory during his lifetime and remain so today. Classic guitar music in the
nineteenth century might have been very slow in attaining its recognized quali-
ties of balance, integrity and perfect suitability to the instrument without the
works of Giuliani to serve as models.
The Compositions of Mauro Giuliani:
lige following list of the first or earliest known editions of works by Mauro
Giuliani retains the basic layout of the thematic catalogue previously established
in HeckDiss, II, while seeking to incorporate the addenda and corrigenda that
nearly twenty-five years of subsequent research have produced. Opus-numbered
works (Op.) are followed by those without opus number (WoO); finally there is
a small list of “unresolved” items—dangling references to putative Giuliani
works not yet verified.
As might be expected, this Checklist differs somewhat in purpose, scope, and
content from the thematic catalogue of HeckDiss, II (1970), given the develop-
ments of recent years, most notably the republication of Giuliani's complete
works in early or first editions. While it serves as a locator for all the pieces
republished in GCW, it makes no pretense at listing the sometimes solitary,
sometimes numerous holding-library sigla for the first (or earliest-known) edi-
tions cited.1 Nor does it include reference to the numerous “later” (nineteenth-
century) and modern (twentieth-century) editions which have appeared, except
when a “later” edition was, in fact, the one reprinted in GCW in the interest of
legibility.
Each entry includes the following elements:
- Opus number (or other assigned designation), short title, and performance
medium or instrumentation (in bold).
- Title-page transcription, when available, in italics.
- Place of publication: publisher, and plate number(s). Pagination or list of parts.
(Date of first advertisement or estimated publication date, in parentheses.)
Location of the piece, by volume, in Mauro Giuliani: The Complete Works
in Facsimiles..., edited by Brian Jeffery (London: Tecla Editions, 1984-87),
abbreviated GCW. Finally, occasional commentary.
Besides consulting HeckDiss for this information, one would do well to check Jytte Torpp
Larsson’s Catalogue of the Rischel and Birket-Smith Collection of Guitar Music in the Royal
Library of Copenhagen, ed. by Peter Danner (Columbus: Editions Orphée, 1989) and
Guitar Music Collection of Vahdah Olcott-Bickford, ed. by Darien S. Mann (Northridge,
CA: California State Univ. at Northridge, 1991). The online bibliographic utilities,
OCLC and RLIN, have also become significant aids to locating particular editions of
guitar music, including Giuliani’s.
194
A Checklist ofthe Earliest Editions 195
Abbreviations
adv.—advertised
arr.—arranged
ArMs— Catalogue des oeuvres de Mauro Giuliani,” a manuscript from the
Artaria Nachlaf, currently in the Handschriftensammlung of the Stadt-
und Landesbibliothek, Vienna, J.Nr. 95455/N. Its mention of the Haslinger
publishing house (founded in 1826) means that the document was com-
pleted no earlier than 1826, and entries for Op. 147 and 148 mean that it was
kept up-to-date at least through Sept. 1828. It mentions no posthumous
Ricordi publications, which means that it probably dates from c.183o. It is
useful, therefore, as a means of authentication or attribution.
ed.—edition
F—F lute
F(V)—Flute or Violin
G—Guitar
GCW—Mauro Giuliani: The Complete Works in Facsimuiles ofthe Original Editions.
ed. Brian Jeffery. London: Tecla Editions, 1984-87.
Hdbuch—A series of “music-in-print” catalogues published by Whistling-Hof-
meister with the approximate title Handbuch der musikalischen Litteratur.
The 1817 edition cumulated music in print through 1815; there were new
installments each year and periodic cumulations starting in 1828.
P—Piano(forte)
pl. no.—plate number
terz G—terz guitar
tp—title page
U—Unresolved or dubious reference, or work not located
V—Violin
Vc—Violoncello
WeinV#—One of the publishers’ plate-number catalogs published by Alexander
Weinmann in the series Beitrage zur Geschichte des alt-Wiener Mustkverlages,
Reihe 2, Band #. See the Bibliography for full citations to these wonderfully
helpful catalogs.
WZ—The Wiener Zeitung, official newspaper of imperial Vienna at the time of
Beethoven and Giuliani. The advertisements it carried for newly published
music constitute the principal means of dating much of the music publish-
ed in Vienna in the early nineteenth century.
WoO—Work(s) without opus number
196 Mauro Giuliani: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
* Manuscripts of two accompanied versions of this work, one with orchestral accompani-
ment, the other set for guitar, flute, violin and viola, exist in the Civic Library of Trieste.
They are in the hand of Antonio Gracco (1795-1875), a music teacher, arranger, composer
and guitarist. No one knows whether they are attributable directly to Giuliani, but the
possibility does exist. Chanterelle Verlag, 1990, Giorgio Tortora (ed.).
A Checkhst ofthe Earliest Editions 201
Vienna: Cappi et Diabelli, pl. no. C. et D. No 1122. 7 pp. (adv. 9 Aug 1822) GCW, 8.
Opus 70, arr 2G: Polonaise from the Third Concerto, G and terz G.
Polonaise pour deux Guitarres tirée du 3me Concert oeuv: 70, composée par Mauro
Giuliani...
Vienna: Cappi et Diabelli, pl. no. C. et D. No. 123. Parts: terz G1 9 pp., G2 5 pp.
(adv. 9 Aug 1822) GCW, 21.
Opus 71: Three Sonatinas, G.
Tre Sonatine per Chitarra d’una facilita progressiva ad uso de principianti composte
da Mauro Giuliani Op. 71...
Vienna: Peter Cappi, pl. no. No. 7 P: C:. 17 pp. (adv. 30 July 1816) Mechetti reissued
these plates almost immediately, changing their plate no. to 625 (adv. Dec 1816), the
latter appearing in GCW, 8.
Opus 72: Eight Variations (Jeannot et Colin), G.
8 Variations pour la Guitarre sur un Duo de ’Opera Jeannot et Colin Composées
par Mauro Giulani Oeuvre 72...
Vienna: Peter Cappi, pl. no. No. 8 P: C:. tp + 6 pp. (adv. 30 July 1816) As with above,
Mechetti subsequently reissued these plates with pl. no. 626 (no later than 1819,
perhaps also in 1816), the Mechetti ed. being in GCW, 8.
Opus 73: Bagatelles, G.
Bagattelle per la Chitarra Composte da Mauro Giuliani Op. 73...
Vienna: Peter Cappi, pl. no. No. 9 P: C:. 9 pp. (adv. 30 Sept 1816) As with Op. 71,
Mechetti later reissued these plates with pl. no. 627 (no later than 1819, perhaps also
in 1816), the Mechetti ed. being in GCW, 8.
Opus 74: Piéces Faciles et Agréables, F(V) and G.
Pieces Faciles, et Agreables pour la Flite, ou Violon et Guitarre Composées par
Mauro Giuliani Oceuvre 74...
Vienna: Pierre Cappi, pl. no. m P: C:. Parts: G 12 pp., F(V) 8 pp. (adv. 31 Aug 1816)
GCW, 35. As with Op. 71, Mechetti later reissued these plates with pl. no. 628 (no
later than 1819, perhaps also in 1816).
Opus 75: Twelve Landler, First Set, terz G or G and terz G.
XII Léndler con finale Per Una, O Due Guitarre composte da Mauro Giuliani
Raccolta Prima Op: 7...
Vienna: T. Weigl, pl. no. 1580. Parts: Gi tp + 7 pp., G2 7 pp. (adv. 31 Jan 1817) GCW, 19.
Opus 75, arr: Twelve Landler, F(V) and G.
Zwolf Lindler Samt Coda fiir Flote oder Violine mit Begleitung der Guitarre von
Mauro Giuliani. Erste Samlung...
Vienna: T. Weigl, pl. nos. 1608.1609 (flute/violin) and 1718 (guitar). Parts: G 7 pp.,
F(V) 5 pp. (adv. 9 Apr 1817) GCW, 35.
Opus 76: Potpourri (Rossini’s Tancred1), F(V) and G.
Pot-Pourri pour la Flite ou Violon et Guitarre tiré de lopera Tancred composé et dedié
a S.A. Monseigneur le Prince Frédéric Lubomurski par Mauro Giuliant Op. 76...
206 Mauro Giuliani: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
Vienna: T. Mollo, pl. no. 1677. Parts: G tp + 8 pp., F(V) 6 pp. (adv. 31 Mar 1817) The
Haslinger post-1832 reissue of these plates, with pl. no. T-H. 6379 M., is reprinted
in GCW, 35.
Opus 77: Duettino Facile, F(V) and G.
Duettino Facile per Flauto, 0 Violino, e Guitarra Composto da Mauro Giuliani
OD F77.<:
Vienna: Artaria & Co., pl. no. 2499. Parts: G 5 pp., F(V) 3 pp. (adv. 23 July 1817)
GCW, 35.
Opus 78: Divertissements, G.
Divertissemens pour la Guitarre par Mauro Giuliani Oeuv: 76...
Vienna: Pietro Mechetti gm Carlo, pl. no. 495. tp + 5 pp. (adv. 13 Sept 1817) GCW, 9.
Opus 79: Cavatina “Di tanti palpiti” variée, voice and G(P).
Cavatine Di tanti palpiti de ’Opera Tancred Variée pour le Chant, avec accom-
pagnement de Guitare ou Piano-Forte et Dediée a Son Am Joseph Antoine de Bridt
par Mauro Giuliani. Op: 79...
Vienna: Artaria & Co., pl. no. 2485. 13 pp. (adv. 1 May 1817) GCW, 37.
Opus 80: Twelve Landler, Second Set, 2G (G and terz G).
12 Laendler per Due Chitarre composte daMauro Giuliani Raccolta Seconda Opera 8o...
Vienna: T. Weigl, pl. no. 1652. Parts: G17 pp., G2 5 pp. (adv. 8 Apr 1818) The Artaria
reissue of these plates, with pl. no. 3052, is reprinted in GCW, 19.
Opus 81: Six Variations, V(F) and G.
VI Variations pour Violon et Guitarre Composées par Mauro Giuliani Oeuv: 81...
Vienna: T. Weigl, pl. nos. 1623 (guitar) & 1623 (violin), quickly followed by a version
“pour Fate et Guitarre... Oeuv. 18 [sic]” with pl. nos. 1623 (guitar) & 1629 (flute).
(violin version first adv. 14 June 1817) The Simrock ed. of this work, with pl. no. 1679
(datable c.1819), is reprinted in GCW, 36. See its preface for bibliographical details.
Opus 82: Grand Serenade, F(V) and G.
Grande Serenade pour Flute ou Violon et Guitarre Composée et dediée a Monsieur
le Baron Charles D'Aichelbourg par Mauro Giuliani Ocuv: 82...
Vienna: T. Weigl, pl. no. 1630. (adv. 30 June 1817) Later Richault ed., pl. no. 1863:R:,
in GCW, 36.
Opus 83: Six Preludes, G.
Six Préludes pour la Guitarre composés et dediés A Mr Joseph Stieler par Mauro
Giuliani Oeuv: 83...
Vienna: T: Weigl, pl. no. 1640. 13 pp. (1817) The Artaria reissue of these plates, with
pl. no. 3055, appears in GCW, 9.°
* That Giuliani arranged these preludes for six-string guitar is probable; that he authored
them is unlikely. See Matanya Ophee, “Will the real Mauro Giuliani please stand up?”
Soundboard 17/1 (1990) : 80-87. Ophee found substantially the same pieces published by
Pleyel in Paris (presumably earlier than 1817) as “Six Exercices” for five-course guitar,
attributed to Antoine LHoyer.
A Checklist ofthe Earhest Editions 207
Vienna: T. Mollo, pl. no. 1737. (adv. 20 Oct 1818) A photo-lithographic reprint of
the Mollo ed., attributed to Clementi & Co., but probably of late 19th-century
origin due to its reproduction technique, is reprinted in GCW, 9.
Opus 92: Twelve New Landler, 2G (G and terz G).
12 Neue Liindler fiir Zwey Guitarren von Mauro Giuliani Op: 92...
Vienna: T. Mollo, pl. no. 1696. Parts: G1 tp + 4 pp., G2 4 pp. (adv. 2 May 1818) GCW, 19.
Opus 93: Grand Pot-Pourri National, G and P.
Grand Pot-Pourrt National pour Guitarre et Piano-Forte composé et dédiéAMadme.
Helene da Malicheff née Kaverinn par Mauro Giuliani. Oeuvre 92 [sic]...
Alternate title page: Grand Pot-Pourri National pour Guitarre et Piano-Forte
parM. Giuliani et N.Hummel...
Vienna: T: Mollo, pl. no. 1688. Parts: G tp + 17 pp., P tp + 31 pp. (Plate nos.
surrounding this no. adv. 17 Jan 1818) GCW, 34.
Opus 94: Twelve Landler, Third Set, 2G (G and terz G).
XII Laendler per Due Chitarre composte da Mauro Giuliani Raccolta Terza Opera 94...
Vienna: T. Weigl, pl. no. 1709. Parts: G1-7 pp., G2-s pp. (adv. 9Jan 1819) Later Artaria
ed., pl. no. 3056, in GCW, 19.
Opus 95: Six Ariettes, voice and G(P).
Set Artette Poesta di Metastasio coll'accompagnamento di Piano-Forte o Chitarra
composte ed umilissimamente dedicate A Sua Mayesta La Principessa Impertale
Marta Luigia Archiduchessa D’Austria Duchessa di Parma, Piacenza e Guastalla
da Mauro Giulian1 Suo Divotissimo Servidore, e Virtuoso Onoraria di Camera
OP. 95...
Vienna: Artaria & Co., pl. no. 2568. tp + 27 pp. (adv. 5 Oct 1818) GCW, 37.
Opus 96: Three Sonatas, G.
Trois Sonates brillantes faciles et agreables pour la Guitarre composées et dediéesA
Monsieur Francois De Malichef par Mauro Giuliani. Oeuv 96...
Vienna: Sprenger, pl. no. D.S. 568. 14 pp. (adv. 30 Oct 1818) The Diabelli reissue of
these plates, with pl. no. 4649 (c.1833), is reprinted in GCW, 9.
Opus 97: Variations on “Ich bin liederlich,” G.
Variationen fiir die Guitarre Uber Das Beliebte Duett Ich bin liederlich Du bist
hederlich aus dem Zaubersptel Der Schatten von Faust’s Weib von Mauro Giuliani
g7tes Werk...
Vienna: J. Bermann, pl. no. 628. 5 pp. (adv. 7 Nov 1818) GCW, 9.
Opus 98: Studi Dilettevoli, G.
Studj Dilettevolt ossia Raccolta di vary Pexzi Original per la Chitarra Composti
da Mauro Giuliani Op: 98...
Vienna: Artaria & Co., pl. no. 2510. 9 pp. (adv.'29 Oct 1817) GCW, ro.
Opus 99: Variations on “Das ist alles eins,” G.
Introduction et Variations pour la Guitarre seule sur le Theme favori: Das ist alles
eins, ob wir Geld haben oder keins Composées et dediées A Monsieur Constant
Moretus Gentilhomme Belge par Mauro Giuliani Oeuvre 99...
A Checklist ofthe Earhest Editions 209
Vienna: Cappi & Diabelli, pl. no. C.et D. No. m1. 11 pp. (adv. 29 Apr 1819) GCW, 10.
Opus roo: Etudes Instructives, Faciles et Agréables, G.
Etudes Instructives faciles et agréables pour la Guitarre contenant un Recueil de
Cadences, Caprices, Rondeaux, et Préludes, dediéesASon Altesse Madame La Princesse
Cathérine De Menschikoff Nee Princesse De Galitzin, par [Auteur Mauro Giuliani,
Mattre de Musique de la Chambre de §. M. L’Archiduchesse Marie Louise, Duchesse
de Parme, Plaisance, et Guastalle, etc. Oeuvre 100...
Vienna: D. Sprenger, pl. no. D. S. 575. 27 pp. (adv. 8 Jan 1819) GCW, ro.
Opus 1o1: Variations on “Deh! calma, o ciel” (Ofe/lo), G.
Variazioni per Chitarra sulla Cavatina favorita: :Deh! calma, o ciel : O Gott
hab’Mithed: dell’Opera Otello Composte, e dedicate a Madamigella Madalena
Bruschka da Mauro Giuliani Op: rot...
Vienna: Cappi & Diabelli, pl. no. C. et D. No 219. 1 pp. (adv. 21 June 1819) GCW, to.
Opus ror, arr. G & quartet: Variations on “Deh! calma, o ciel” (Ofe/lo), terz G
& string quartet.
Variaziont sulla Cavatina favorita (Deh! calma, o ciel) dell’Opera Otello per
Chitarra con accompagnamento de due Violint, Viola e Violoncello, composte da
Mauro Giuliani Op: rot...
Vienna: Diabelli, pl. no. D. et C. No. 589. Parts: G 1 pp., VI & I, Va & Ve. (1820)
GCW, 33.
Opus 102: Variations on “Nume perdonami” (Baccanali di Roma), G.
Introduzione e Vartaziont per Chitarra sola, sopra la Cavatina favorita : Nume
perdonamu, se in tale istante: Net Baccanalt di Roma, del Sigr. General, composte
e dedicate A Madamigella Anna Wranitzky Imp: e Reale Cantante, e Attrice di
Corte da Mauro Giuliani Op: 102...
Vienna: Cappi & Diabelli, pl. no. C. et D. No 232. 1 pp. (adv. 13 July 1819) GCW, 10.
Opus 102, arr. G & quartet: Variations on “Nume perdonami” (Baccanali di
Roma), terz G & string quartet.
Introduzione e Variaziont sopra la Cavatina favorita (Nume perdonami, se in tale
istante) net Baccanali di Roma, del Sigr. Generali, per Chitarra con accompagna-
mento de due Violini, Viola e Violoncello, Composte da Mauro Giuliant. Op: 102...
Vienna: Diabelli, pl. no. D. et C. No. 590. Parts: G 7 pp., V I & II, Va, Ve. (1820)
GCW, 33.
Opus 103: Variations on a Favorite Waltz, G.
Introduction et Variations pour la Guitarre seule sur un Walz. favori composées et
dediées a Mademoiselle Cressence Comtesse de Tannenberg par Mauro Giuliani
Oeuvre 103...
Vienna: Cappi & Diabelli, pl. no. C. et D. No 233. 9 pp. (adv. 13 Sept 1819) GCW, 11.
Opus 103, arr. G & quartet: Variations on a Favorite Waltz, terz G and string
quartet.
Introduction et Variations sur un Valse favort pour la Guitare avec accompagne-
ment de deux Violons, Alto et Violoncelle composées par Mauro Giuliani Oeuvre 103...
210 Mauro Giuliani: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
Vienna: Diabelli, pl. no. D. et C. No. 2133. Parts: G 7 pp., V I & II, Va, Ve. (adv. 15
Mar 1826) GCW, 33.
Opus 104: Variations (“Partant pour la Syrie”), G.
Grandes Variations pour la Guitarre sur la Romance favorite Partant pour la Syrte
Composées et Dédiées AMademoiselle AnneEmmerich par Mauro Gtuliant Op. 104...
Munich: Falter & Fils, no pl. no. (1819; listed in Habuch, 1820).° GCW, 11.
Opus 104, arr. G & P: Variations (“Partant pour la Syrie”), terz G and P.
Tema Con Variazioni Sull’Aria favorita “Partant pour la Syrie” Per Prano-Forte
e Chitarra Composte da Mauro Giuliani Op. 104...
Milan: Ricordi, pl. no. Z 11620 Z. Parts: G tp + 5 pp., P tp + 5 pp. (c. May 1840)
GCW, 34. The guitar part here is virtually identical to that of the solo version, the
piano introduction and interludes having been evidently added to enrich and
lengthen the piece. See the preface to the Tecla facsimile.
Opus 105: Variations on a Romance (Liebe und Ruhm), G.
Variationen fir die Guitarre tiber die Romanze aus der Oper Ruhm und Liebe,
Verfasst und der Frau Grafinn Paul Bethlen gebohrne Baroninn Bornemiszo
gewidmet von Mauro Giuliani. Op. 106s...
Vienna: J. Cappi, pl. no. 2379. 5 pp. (Probably appeared in 1820, adv. 3 Feb 1821)
GCW, 11.
Opus 106: Divertissement, G.
Divertissement pour la Guitarre par Mauro Giuliani Oeuv: 106...
Vienna: J. Cappi, pl. no. 2388. 10 pp. (1820 [Habuch, 1821]; also adv. 3 Feb 1821) GCW, 11.
Opus 107: Variations on a Theme of Handel, G.
Tema dt Handel Vartato per Lira, o Chitarra sola Da Mauro Gtuhamu...
Milan: G. Ricordi, pl. no. 2991. 5 pp. (c. Feb 1827) A Hofmeister ed. from about the
same year, pl. no. 1343, is reprinted in GCW, 1.
Opus 108: Pot-Pourri Nazionale Romano, G.
Pot-Pourrit Nazionale Romano Per Lira o Chitarra sola Composto e dedicato Alla
Sigra. Anna Marta Cruciant da Mauro Giuliani Op. 108...
Milan: G. Ricordi, pl. no. G 1705 T. 12 pp. (c. Apr 1823) GCW, n.
* Another early (possibly first) edition, published in Vienna by Bermann the same year
(adv. 28 Jul 1819), has this dedication: “Dediées 4 Mademoiselle Anna Barton par
l’Editeur.” Brian Jeffery, in his notes on this piece in GCW, 11, argues against the Munich
edition being the first because “it would mean that this would be the only work of
Giuliani from this period to have been first published outside Vienna, something for
which there would be no parallels or evident explanation.” If Ricordi had not first
published Giuliani’s Op. 65 in Milan already in 1814-15, Jeffery’s argument might be more
persuasive. The title pages of each work imply that Giuliani himself dedicated the Falter
ed. to Anne Emmerich, while the Viennese publisher evidently chose his own dedicatee
(perhaps in Giuliani’s absence?).
A Checklist ofthe Earhest Editions II
preceded the Diabelli edition by 2-3 years. It was dedicated to D. Enrico Caetani,
Duca di Sermonetta, to whom several Rossiniane are also dedicated.°
Opus 119: Rossiniana No. 1, G.
Le Rossiniane per la Chitarra Composte e DedicateASua Eccellenza Il Signor Don
Enrico Caetani Duca di Sermonetta da Mauro Giuliani [I] parte Op. [zz9]...
Vienna: Artaria & Co., pl. no. 2662. 12 pp. (Probably appeared 1821, adv. 15 Mar 1822)
GCW, 13.
Opus 120: Rossiniana No. 2, G.
Le Rossiniane per la Chitarra Composte e DedicateASua Eccellenza Il Signor Don
Enrico Caetani Duca di Sermonetta da Mauro Giuliani [II] parte Op. [120]...
Vienna: Artaria & Co., pl. no. 2718. 13 pp. (adv. 5 Nov 1822) GCW, 13.
Opus 121: Rossiniana No. 3, G.
Le Rossiniane per la Chitarra Composte e Dedicate.ASua Eccellenza Il Signor Don
Enrico Caetani Duca di Sermonetta da Mauro Giuliani [III] parte Op. a21]...
Vienna: Artaria & Co., pl. no. 2769. 13 pp. (Probably appeared 1823, adv. 12 Jan 1824)
GCW, 13.
Opus 122: Rossiniana No. 4, G.
Premiere Fantaisie pour la Gurtare seule sur plusieurs motifs de Rossini Composée
par Mauro Giuliani Oeuvre 122...
Vienna: A. Diabelli & Co., pl. no. D.et C. No 1667. 15 pp. (adv. 9 Aug 1824) GCW, 13.
Opus 123: Rossiniana No. 5, G.
Seconde Fantaisie pour la Guitare seule sur plusieurs motifs de Rossini Composée
par Mauro Giuliani Oeuvre 123...
Vienna: A. Diabelli & Co., pl. no. D.et C. No 1668. 11 pp. (adv. 9 Aug 1824) GCW, 13.
Opus 124: Rossiniana No. 6, G.
VI. Rossiniana per la Chitarra Composte e Dedicate A Sua Eccellenza Il Signor
Don Enrico Caetani Duca di Sermonetta da Mauro Giuliani [VI] parte Op. 124...
Milan: G. Ricordi, pl. no. E 2993 B. 15 pp. (c. early 1828) GCW, 13.
Opus 125: Six National Irish Airs, G.
Ser Arte Nazionali Irlandest Variate per la Chitarra o Lira sola Composte e
Dedicate al Sigr. Guglielmo M. Kenny dal suo M’. Mauro Giuliani Op. 126...
Milan: G. Ricordi, pl. no. 1711. tp + 15 pp. (c. Apr 1823) GCW, 12.
Opus 126: Gran Pot-Pourri, F(V) and terz G.
Gran Pot-Pourri Per Flauto 0 Violino e Chitarra Composto e Dedicato Al Signor
Edoardo Flohr Da Mauro Giuliant Virtuoso dt Camera di §. Maesta la Pri ncipessa
Imperiale Maria Luigia Arciduchessa D’Austria, Duchessa di Parma, Piacenza, e
Guastalla, etc. Opera 126...
Bianca Maria Antolini & Annalisa Bini, Editori e librai musicali a Roma nella prima meta
dell’ottocento (Roma: Torre d’Orfeo, 1988), p. 54 & 146. B. Jeffery also signals its existence
in the foreword to GCW, 12.
A Checklist ofthe Earliest Editions 213
Milan: G. Ricordi, pl. no. 3157. Separate parts for G, F and V (c. May 1827). The
Hofmeister ed., pl. no. 1447 (datable c.1829), comprising G g pp. and F 5 pp. parts,
plus a newly re-engraved V part based on the Ricordi ed., appears in GCW, 36.
Opus 127: Serenata, F(V) and G.
Serenata per Flauto, 0 Violino e Chitarra Composta e Dedicata Al Sigr. Rocco
Arena Da Mauro Giuliani Opa. 127...
Milan: G. Ricordi, pl. no. 2992. Separate parts for G and F(V). (c. Feb 1827) The
Hofmeister ed., pl. no. 1342 (datable latter 1827?), with G 9 pp. and F(V) 6 pp.» is
reprinted in GCW, 36.
Opus 128: Variations on “Io ti vidi e t’adorai,” G.
Variaziont Per Chitarra Sola Sul tema favorito della Cavatina Io ti vidi e t'adorat
Nell’ Opera Amazilia Musica del Sigr. Mo Gio. Pacini Composte e DedicateA Sig.
Francesco de Blasi Dal suo Amico Mauro Giuliani Opra 126...
Milan: G. Ricordi, pl. no. 2989. (c. Feb 1827) Later Diabelli ed., pl. no. Det C. No.
3033 (c.1828), in GCW, 14.
Opus 129: Fourth Guitar Concerto, G and orchestra. The work, referenced by
Giuliani in his letter of 31 July 1827, is not known to exist today.
Opus 130: Variazioni Concertanti, 2G (posth.).
Variazioni Concertanti per due Chitarre Composte da Mauro Giuliani Op. 130...
Milan: G. Ricordi, pl. no. V 11623 V. Parts: G1 12 pp., G2 10 pp. (c. May 1840) GCW, 22.
Opus 131-136 are not known to exist, either in manuscript or published form.
Opus 137: Three Polonesi Concertanti, 2G (posth.).
Tre Polonest concertanti per due Chitarre composte da Mauro Giuliani Opera 137...
Milan: G. Ricordi, pl. no. G 8495 G. Parts: G17 pp., G27 pp. (c. Aug 1836) GCW, 22.
Opus 138: Variations on a favorite waltz, G.
Variazioni con Introduzione, e Finale per Chitarra Sola sul Tema di un Valzer
Favorito di Mauro Giuliani Opera 138...
Naples: Girard & Comp., pl. no. 747. 6 pp. (Jul-Sep 1827). First edition, recently
identified by Mario Torta (1994). Modern ed. by F. E. Araniti published by MMB
Music of St. Louis (1987). Not in GCW.
Opus 139: Twenty-four Progressive Lessons, Part 1, G (posth.).
24 Prime Lezioni Progressive Per Chitarra Sola Divise in quattro parti Per uso
degli amatori che desiderano di perfezionarsi senza lajuto del Maestro Composte
Da Mauro Giuliani Op. 139. Parte ra...
Milan: G. Ricordi, pl. no. 11622. tp + 8 pp. (c. May 1840) GCW, 14.
Opus 140: Variations on “Chi t’ha fatta sta scarpettiella,” G (posth.).
Quattro Variazioni e Finale per Chitarra Sola Sui tema favorito Napolitano “Chi
tha fatta sta scarpettiella” Composte da Mauro Giuliani OP. 140...
Milan: G. Ricordi, pl. no. 11621. tp + 5 pp. (c. May 1840) GCW, 14. The song's title
is “Who made you that cute little shoe?”
214 Mauro Giuliani: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
PartIincludes WoO, G-10, G-12, G-13; Part I includes WoO, G-6 and G7, This
opus number as such is not in GCW, because all the works without opus which it
contains were originally published by Ricordi c.1828. It is the original Ricordi
editions of c.1828 (with the exception of WoO, G-7, where the Hofmeister second
ed. is used) which appear in GCW, 17 & 18.
Opus 147: La Tersicore del Nord, G.
La Terstcore del Nord contenente una prescelta raccolta di Pezzi Ballabil per
Chitarra sola composti da Mauro Giuliani. Parte [1-3] Op. 147...
Vienna: Artaria & Co., pl. nos. 2966 (7 pp.), 2967 (7 pp.), 2968 (7 pp.). (adv. Sept
1828) GCW, 15.
Opus 147[b]: Variations on “Tengo pit di trent’un anni,” G (posth.).
Lengo pitt di trent‘un anni E mi vogho maritar Canzonetta favorita Variata per
Chitarra sola da Mauro Giuliani Opa. 147...
Milan: G. Ricordi, pl. no. 7785. tp + 5 pp. (c. Oct 1834) GCW, 15. The song begins
“Tm older than thirty-one, and I want to get married!”
Opus 148: Giulianate, Parts 1 and 2, G.
Gtulianate contenenti Varie Idee Sentimental per Chitarra sola composte da
Mauro Giuliani Parte [z or 2] Op. 148...
Vienna: Artaria & Co., pl. nos. 2970 (Part 1, tp + 14 pp.), 2971 (Part 2, tp + 12 pp.
(adv. Sept 1828) GCW, 15.
Opus 149: Pastorale, 2 voices, F, G(P) (posth.).
Pastorale a due Voct con accompagto. di Flauto e Chitarra o di Piano-Forte Opera
149 di Mauro Giuliani Dall’Editore Dedtcata Al Dilettante Sigr. Filippo Is-
nara...
Milan: G. Ricordi, pl. no. N 7593 N. Score: tp + 3 pp. Parts: G 5 pp., F 3 pp. (c. June
1834) GCW, 37.
Opus 150: Gran Sonata Eroica, G (posth.).
Gran Sonata Eroica per Chitarra Composta da Mauro Giultani dall’Editore
dedicata all’Egregio Sigr. Filippo Isnardi Dilettante Opa. 150...
Milan: G. Ricordi, pl. no. 12028. 12 pp. (c. July 1840) GCW, rs.
Opus 151: Romance “Prés d’un volcan,” voice and G (posth.).
“Pres d’un volcan sur des bords enchantés” Romance de Mr. De Echerolles avec
accompagnement de Guitare par Mauro Giuliani Opa. 151...
Milan: G. Ricordi, pl. no. R 12029 R. 3 pp. (c. July 1840) GCW, 37.
Opus 151bis: Anacreontic Ode, soprano and G. (posth.).
Ode Di Anacreonte per voce di Soprano con accompag’. di Chitarra o Piano-forte
di Mauro Giuliani Opa. 15101...
Milan: G. Ricordi, pl. no. R 12030 R. 3 pp. (c. July 1840) GCW, 37.
216 Mauro Giuliani: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
” Correction: 1346.
* Torta further notes, in the draft of his article announcing this series of newly identified
Giuliani works which he sent me in January 1994: “It appears that we are dealing with a
collection comprising pieces printed for other occasions, forming a series of at least six,
from which these three were taken.”
A Checklist ofthe Earhest Editions 219
Naples: Girard & Co., pl. no. 746. 6 pp. (Jul-Sep 1828) First edition, recently
identified by Mario Torta (1994). Not in GCW.
WoO, G-23: Duettino “Se i numi fausti,” in L’Ultimo giorno di Pompei.
Duettino Se 1Numi Fausti Nell’Ultimo Giorno di Pompei Del M.’ Pacini Ridotto
per Chitarra Sola da Mauro Giuliani...
Naples: Girard & Co., pl. no. 748. 6 pp. (Jul-Sep 1828) First edition, recently
identified by Mario Torta (1994). Not in GCW.
WoO, G-24: Three sonatinas.
Sonatine per Chitarra Composte da Mauro Giuliani...
Naples: Girard & Co., pl. no. 749. 6 pp. (Jul-Sep 1828) First edition, recently
identified by Mario Torta (1994). Not in GCW.
WoO, G-25: Ten waltzes and a finale on Rossini’s Semiramide.
Diverst Walz per Chitarra di Mauro Giuliani
Gr:
762. 10 walz e finale sulla Semiramide __ = 20
AO Se IDCs © nee MpGwe ee yee cy fe oe 20
TOA Dad OTIOI IG, PS hn Se 20
BOS TO CENIIOLe ie ie) £2 So) eee Nh Eee GY 20
eign opera riuniten = oe) a 60
Naples: Girard & Co., pl. no. [762, by hand]. 8 pp. (Jul-Sep 1828) First edition,
recently identified by Mario Torta (1994). Not in GCW. Torta has found both
similarities and differences between these twelve waltzes and an analogous set
published by Ricordi c. July 1830, WoO (posth), G-2. The Girard set contains the
following: 1. Introduzione della Semiramide Rossini. 2. Sinfonia Semiramide. Valzer.
3. Marcia del Introduzione Semirmide [sic]. 4. Di tanti reggi [sic] Semiramide. 5.
Duetto Se la vita Semiramiae. 6. Aria, Ah dov’é il cimento. 7. Duetto Serbami ognor
si fido Semiramide. 8. Aria In si barbara sciagura Semiramide. 9. Quintetto Qual
mesto gemito Semiramide. 10. Magiore [sic]. 1. [lacks caption]. 12. Finale.
WoO, G-26: Twelve assorted waltzes.
Diversi Walz per Chitarra... [same title page as WoO, G-25]
[Same imprint and date as WoO, G-25, but pl. no. 763. 6 pp. First edition, recently
identified by Mario Torta (1994). Not in GCW. Modern ed. by F. E. Araniti
published by MMB Music of St. Louis (1987), with the title 33 valzer didattict in la
maggtore; these are the first twelve in the Araniti edition.
WoO, G-27: Twelve original waltzes.
Diversi Walz per Chitarra... [same title page as WoO, G-25]
[Same imprint and date as WoO, G-25, but pl. no. 764.] 6 pp. First edition, recently
identified by Mario Torta (1994). Modern ed. by F: E. Araniti published by MMB
Music of St. Louis (1987), with the title 33 valzer didattici in la maggiore; these are
nos. 13 to 24 in the Araniti edition.
WoO, G-28: Nine waltzes and a finale.
IX Valzer e Finale per Chitarra Composte da Mauro Giuliani...
220 Mauro Giuliani: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
Naples: Girard & Co., pl. no. 765. 6 pp. (Jul-Sep 1828) First edition, recently
identified by Mario Torta (1994). Modern ed. by F. E. Araniti published by MMB
Music of St. Louis (1987), with the title 33 valzer didattici in la maggiore; these are
nos. 25 to 33 in the Araniti edition. Not in CGW
WoO, G-29: Twelve French contradances.
Contradanze Francest per Chitarra di Mauro Giuliani
766. 12 Contrad: sopra motivi di Rossini, Pacini, Spontini, e
Gallemberg, Tarantella, e contrad:4 Inglese _ _ _ Gr: 35
767. 6 contrad: original 1.2 Quintigha __§_ = 20
PASM ae ce ght ge PLR byl pees wi peersyn 20
Naples: Girard & Co., pl. no. [766 by hand]. 12 pp. (Jul-Sep 1828) First edition,
recently identified by Mario Torta (1994). Not in GCW. The works are captioned
as follows: 1. Contradanza Francese: Alessandro nell’Indie, Se fosse a me vicino.
Pacini. 2. Turco in Italia Rossini. 3. Cenerentola Non pit mesta Rossini. 4. Ballo
Niobe Gallemberg. 5. di Mauro Giuliani. 6. di Mauro Giuliani. 7. Contradanza
Inglese: Ze/mira Rossini. 8. Italiana in Algeri Rossini. 9. Tarntella [sic]. 10. Ultimo
giorno di Pompei Pacini. u. Donna del Lago Rossini. 12. Vestale Spontini.
WoO, G-3o: Six contradances, first set.
Contradanze per Chitarra Composte da Mauro Giuliani...
Naples: Girard & Co., pl. no. 767. 6 pp. (Jul-Sep 1828) First edition, recently
identified by Mario Torta (1994). Not in GCW.
WoO, G-31: Six contradances, second set.
Contradanze per Chitarra Composte da Mauro Giuliani...
Naples: Girard & Co., pl. no. 768. 6 pp. (Jul-Sep 1828) First edition, recently
identified by Mario Torta (1994). Not in GCW.
Vienna: Artaria & Co., pl. no. 2240. Parts: Gr(terz) 9 pp., G2 9 pp. (adv. 22 Apr
1812) GCW, 22.
WoO, 2G-4: Overture to Bellini’s 17 Pirata.
Sinfonia Nell’ Opera Il Pirata Del Sigr. Maestro Bellini Ridotta per Due Chitarre
Da Mauro Giuliani...
Milan: G. Ricordi, pl. no. 3970. Parts: Gr 7 pp., G2 7 pp. (c. Jan 1829) GCW, 23.
WoO, 2G-5: March from the Introduction to Rossini’s Semiramide.
See WoO, G-16.
Vienna: S. A. Steiner, pl. no. 1638 (or 1457-1638). Separate parts for G & F (c. early
1811). Both the Richault guitar part (referenced above) and the Richault flute part,
also with pl. no. 1827:R:, are reprinted in GCW,, 36.
WoO, G & F(V)-2: Original Marches of the Allied Powers.
Originael Maersche der Verbiindeten Machte arrangirt fur Guitarre und Fléte von
Mauro Giuliani...
Vienna: Artaria & Co., pl. no. 2296. Parts: G tp + 5 pp., F 6 pp. (adv. 2 Feb 1814)
GCW, 36. These marches echo the nationalities of the various armies arrayed against
Napoleon at the era.
WoO, G & F(V)-3: Polonaise (Mayseder).
Polonese del Signore Mayseder ridotta per Violino e Chitarra da Mauro Giuliani
Ope
: Vienna: P. Mechetti qm Carlo, pl. no. 309. Parts: G tp + 5 pp., V 5 pp. (adv. 16 Sept
1815) GCW, 36. Jeffery has identified this as Mayseder’s Op. 10, for string quartet,
first advertised in the Wiener Zeitung of 14 April 1815.
WoO, G & F(V)-4: Second Polonaise (Mayseder).
Seconde Polonotse de Mr. Mayseder arrangée pour Violon ou Flute et Guitarre par
Mauro Guultant...
Vienna: Artaria & Co., pl. no. 2445. Parts: G 5 pp., F(V) 7 pp. (adv. 7 Feb 1816)
GCW, 36. Jeffery has identified this as Mayseder’s Op. u, for string quartet, first
advertised in the Wiener Zeitung of 8 January 1816.
WoO, G & F(V)-5: Assortment of variations sung by Catalani.
Autograph manuscript: “Raccolta di Varitazioni di Mad.me Catalant ridotte per
il Flauto, o Violino, e Chitarra da Mauro Giuhanti, Parte rma.” Was once in the
Archiv der Gesellschaft der Musikfreunde, Vienna.’ First edition would
correspond to this entry in 4rMs-: “Recueil de Variations chantées par M.
Catalani arr. pour Guit. et V1 ou Flut, Cah. 1.2. Mollo...”
Vienna: T. Mollo, pl. nos. 1734, 1736. (adv. 22 Jul 1818). Not in GCW.
WoO, G & F(V)-6: “Qual mesto gemito” from Rossini’s Semiramide.
Qual mesto gemito Quintetto nella Semiramide di Rossini Ridotto per Flauto, o
Violino, e Chitarra dal Signor Mauro Giuliani...
Milan: G. Ricordi, pl. no. 2926. Score: 7 pp. (c. Jan 1827) GCW, 36.
Works for Voice with Guitar or Piano Accompaniment without Opus Number
Here are listed vocal works without opus number for which no statement of
responsibility other than Giuliani exists on the title page of the edition in
question. It goes without saying that for most of these entries, a certain amount
of research would (with any luck) permit the identification of the song’s original
: According to A. Koczirz, “Wiener Gitarrehss. von Mauro Giuliani,” Musik im Haus 6/1
(15 Jan 1927): 7.
A Checklist ofthe Earhest Editions 228
composer.'° Clearly much work remains to be done in the case of both (a) the
present vocal works for which only Giuliani’s name is provided as an apparent—
if often not reliable—attribution (WoO, vocal- ), and (b) a subsequent set of
vocal works where it is clear from the title page that Giuliani only provided the
arrangement for guitar (WoO, G acc.- ). Note also that WoO, vocal-16, has been
emended in this checklist from an entry tentatively ascribing “La Sentinelle” to
Giuliani, as it was in HeckDiss, I, 182-83, to one describing a collective compo-
sitional effort involving this work, normally attributed to Hummel as his Op. 71,
in which we know that Giuliani was responsible for the guitar part.
0 For instance, the author of “Amor perché,” WoO, vocal-1, no. 2, would have been Pietro
Guglielmi, whose cavatina “Amor perché m’accendi” is found in the opera L’Erede di bel
prato (or La Pastorella nobile). In some cases, too, such as WoO, vocal-2, the real
composer is revealed inside the edition (in this case, Cimarosa).
224 Mauro Giuliani: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
" Although I have not examined this ms., I understand it to be a scribal copy, not an
autograph.
A Checklist ofthe Earhest Editions 225
Here are listed vocal works without opus number for which a composer
attribution (other than Giuliani) clearly exists in the source itself. Just the guitar
accompaniments of these songs (German=Lieder), arias and ariettes (Ital.= ariette)
are attributable to Giuliani.
226 Mauro Giuliani: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
Milan: G. Ricordi, pl. no. 4946. tp + 5 pp. (c. July 1830) GCW, 16.
WoO(posth), G-2: La Semiramide rendered in ten waltzes.
La Semiramide Ridotta in 12. Walzer Per Chitarra con Introduzione, e gran Finale
da Mauro Giuliani...
Milan: G. Ricordi, pl. no. GM 4952. 9 pp. (c. July 1830) GCW, 18.
WoO(posth), G-3: “La dal Gange” from Rossini’s Semiramiade.
Terzetto La dal Gange a te primiero Nell ‘Opera La Semiramide del Celebre Sr. Mo.
Rossini Ridotto per Chitarra sola da Mauro Giuliani...
Milan: G. Ricordi, pl. no. 4953. 4 pp. (c. July 1830) GCW, 18.
WoO(posth), G-4: “Di tanti regi” from Rossini’s Semiramide.
Quartetto Di tanti regi e Popoli Nell’Opera La Semiramide del Celebre MC. Rossini
Ridotto per Chitarra sola da Mauro Giuliani...
Milan: G. Ricordi, pl. no. 4954. 7 pp. (c. July 1830) GCW, 18.
WoO(posth), G-5: “Ah quel giorno” from Rossini’s Semiramide.
Cavatina Ah quel giorno Nell’Opera La Semiramide del Celebre M’. Rossini
Ridotto per Chitarra sola da Mauro Giuliani...
Milan: G. Ricordi, pl. no. 4955. 5 pp. (c. July 1830) GCW, 18.
WoO(posth), G-6: “Bella imago” from Rossini’s Semiramide.
Duetto Bella imago degh Det Nell’Opera La Semiramide del Celebre Sigr. Mo.
Rossini. Ridotto per Chitarra sola da Mauro Giuliani...
Milan: G. Ricordi, pl. no. 4956. 6 pp. (c. July 1830) GCW, 18.
WoO(posth), G-7: “Giuri ognun” from Rossini’s Semiramide.
Quintetto e Finale Primo Giur1 ognun Nell’Opera La Semiramide del Celebre Sr.
M.’. Rossini Ridotto per Chitarra sola da Mauro Giuliant...
Milan: G. Ricordi, pl. no. 4957. 9 pp. (c. July 1830) GCW, 18.
WoO(posth), G-8: “Se la vita” from Rossini’s Semiramide.
Duetto Se la vita Nell’ Opera La Semiramide del Celebre Sigr. Maeso. Rossini.
Ridotto per Chitarra sola da Mauro Giulami...
Milan: G. Ricordi, pl. no. 4958. 10 pp. (c. July 1830) GCW, 18.
WoO(posth), G-g: “In si barbara sciagura” from Rossini’s Semzramide.
Aria In st barbara sciagura Nell’ Opera La Semiramide del Celebre Sigr. Maestro
Rossini Ridotto per Chitarra sola da Mauro Giuliani...
Milan: G. Ricordi, pl. no. 4959. 7 pp. (c. July 1830) GCW, 18.
WoO(posth), G-1o: “Deh ti arresta’” from Rossini’s Semiramide.
Aria Deh ti arresta Nell’ Opera La Semiramide del Celebre Maes’. Rossini Ridotta
per Chitarra sola da Mauro Giuliani...
Milan: G. Ricordi, pl. no. 4960. 6 pp. (c. July 1830) GCW, 18.
WoO(posth), G-1: “Al mio pregar” from Rossini’s Semiramide.
2 The similarity of this work to Giuliani’s Op. 72 argues for its authenticity. The resem-
blance was detected by Roger Quin, and reported by Brian Jeffery in the Introduction
to GCW, 39.
228 Mauro Giuliani: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
Milan: G. Ricordi, pl. no. M 9478 M. Parts: Gr 5 pp., G2 5 pp. (probably publ. in
1833, since it is listed in Hadbuch, 1834. RicordiCat+ dates the edition by plate number
at Sep 1836,) GCW, 22. Jeffery, in his introduction to the Tecla reprint of this work,
suggests that the original composer was Giuseppe Lanza.
Unresolved Works
UG-1. “Trois thémes variés, Meissonnier” (Source: 4rMs). Listed in Hdbuch, 1828.
UG -2. “Trois airs variés, Meissonnier” (47Ms). Listed in Hdbuch, 1828.
UG-3. “8 Divertissements (Op. 98), Lemoine.” (47s)
UG -4. “Différents morceaux tirés du Barbier de Seville. Ballet (Op. 61), Carli.”
(ArMs)
Die erste Verbesserung der Guitare war die Beyfiigung des fiinften Chors. Es ist
ungewif, ob sie in Italien oder in Frankreich zuerst eingeftihrt worden sey; da die
Benennung franzésische Guitare, unter der sie in dieser Gestalt vor geraumer Zeit
in Deutschland hie und da bekannt war, uns keinen hinlanglichen Beweis ihres
Ursprunges zu geben scheint. Auch in diesem Zustande mufte sie noch der weit
vollkommeneren Laute und Mandora weit nachstehen. Sie kam erst dann allmialich
in Aufnahme, und fing an in der musikalischen Welt gennant zu werden, als die
Laute und Mandora beynahe véllig verschwunden, und dennoch das Bediirfnif
eines leicht tragbaren, leicht zu behandelnden instrumentes, vorziiglich fir die
Begleitung der Singstimmen, neuerdings fiihlbar geworden war. Man fing nun an,
die gewohnliche Notenschrift fiir die Guitare einzuftihren; man schaffte die
unbequeme doppelte Besaitung ab; es erschien Anleitungen die Guitare zu spielen,
und Compositionen fiir dieselbe. Allein noch konnte man sich von den alten
beschrankten Formen, welche in jedem Takte mehr als einmahl gegen die ersten
Regeln der Harmonie anstiefen, nicht losmachen. Man war zufrieden, wenn zum
Gesange nur so beylaufig etwas mitklang. In diesem Zustande schlich sich das
Guitarespiel vor ungefihr 18 bis 20 Jahren in Oesterreich und Deutschland ein, wo
es vorher sehr selten gewesen war; die Mode brachte das Instrument zwar in
Aufnahme; aber die Art, wie es fast allgemein getrieben wurde, konnte das
Vorurtheil, welches die Kenner bey dessen Erscheinung wider dasselbe gefaft
hatten, nicht aufheben.
236 Mauro Giuliani: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
Nun erhielt inde die Guitare eine zweyte wesentliche Verbesserung durch
Beyfiigung der sechsten Saite, nahmlich des tiefen E, welches bey uns bald
allgemein wurde... Zu diesem Zustande konnte die Guitare sich wenigstens zu
dem Range erheben, den einst in der musikalischen Welt die Mandora mit Ehren
eingenommen hatte. Wirklich thaten sich Guitarespieler hervor, die es in Aus-
fiihrung von Schwierigkeiten zu einer grofen Fertigkeit brachten. Allein,
Unkenntnif§ der Harmonie, gerade des Theils, in dem die Guitare glinzen sollte,
Verkehrtheit des Geschmackes, Vorurtheil, und auf einer andern Seite der Schlen-
drian, und die Frivolitat der meisten Liebhabern dieses Instruments der Mode,
schienen der Vervollkommenung desselben so untibersteigliche Hindernife zu
setzen, daf der baldige Verfall desselben nicht mehr ferne zu seyn schien.
In dieser Periode fing indessen eine Neuerung an, welche allein im Stande war,
dem Geschmacke eine andere Richtung zu geben, und dem Instrumente in der
musikalischen Welt Achtung zu verschaffen: wir meynen die neue Art ftir die
Guitare zu notiren. Diese besteht darinn, daf$ man die verschiedenen Stimmen,
welche die Melodie und Harmonie ausmachen, gehérig unterscheidet, und der-
gestalt notirt, da der Baf§ sich von den tibrigen Stimmen, und diese sich untere-
inander und von der Oberstimme deutlich sondern, und gleich beym Anblick der
geschriebenen Parte dem Leser ins Auge fallen.
Wie sehr auch das Vorurtheil und die Bequemlichkeit sich gegen diese
Neuerung straubte, so fand sie doch bald an den besten Professoren des Instru-
ments in unserer Kaiserstadt ihre Vertheidiger, und wurde von ihnen in ihren
Compositionen angenommen. Hiedurch war der wichtigste Schritt zu einer reellen
Verbesserung gewonnen. Nun konnte der Compositeur nicht mehr einen musi-
kalischen Galimathias in unlesbaren Hierogliphen verdecken; er wurde nicht mehr
von blofen ungebildeten oder verbildeten Guitareliebhabern beurtheilt; seine
Werke konnten nun von jedem Kenner gewiirdigt werden, und gehorten der Critik
an. Hieraus mufte das Streben nach Correctheit nothwendigerweise entspringen,
und es konnte nicht fehlen, daf$ damit auch eine neue bessere Art, das Instrument
zu behandeln, verbreitet wurde. Den beyden verdienstvollen hiesigen Professoren
und Compositeurs fiir dieses Instrument, H. H. Mathiegka und Diabelli gebiihrt
die Ehre, dai sie zuerst die bessere Schreibart angenommen, und deren Ausbrei-
tung sowohl, als die Einftihrung einer correcteren und manchfaltigeren Art zu
spielen, durch Beyspiel und Unterricht beférdert haben. Es fehlte auch nicht an
Guitarespielern, welche die Effekte dieses neuen Spieles in der Ausfthrung
zeigten. Man erinnert sich hier noch mit Vergniigen eines Dilettanten [Der
Mediciner Franz Tandler, dem das obenerwahnte 7 Werk gewidmet war. Er starb
im Jahr 1806], der—selbst ein braver Clavierspieler und Kenner der Harmonie—
berufen zu seyn schien, die Guitare zu einer vielleicht noch nicht geahnten Hohe
von Vollkommenheit zu erheben, aber zu frith der Kunst und seinen Freunden
entrissen wurde.
Nun kam (im Spatjahre 1806) Herr Mauro Giuliani, ein Neapolitaner, zu uns;
ein Mann den ein richtiges Geftihl in der Harmonie, frith ebenfalls auf den rechten
Weg geftihrt hatte, und der, als vollendeter Virtuose, mit dem richtigsten Spiele
zugleich die gré%te Vollendung in Hinsicht auf Fertigkeit und Geschmack ver-
band. Er fing hier an, in der neueren Art zu schreiben, und hat uns seit seinem
Appendix I 237
nicht ein jedes Instrument seine von der Natur ihm angewiesenen Granzen? und
muss nicht, werden diese tiberschritten, etwas wunderlich Erkinsteltes, vielleicht
Verschrobenes, allezeit die Folge davon seyn? Man weise die Guitarre in die ihrigen
zuriick -- sie bleibe Accompagnement -- und sie wird jederzeit sehr gern gehort
werden: aber als Solostimme, und besonders als Konzertinstrument, kann sie nur
die Mode rechtfertigen und schon finden! Dass ich damit dem wahren Verdienst,
das G., als Komponist und Virtuos hat, keinen Abbruch thun will, versteht sich
von selbst.
I, 14 - Johann Friedrich Reichardt, Vertraute Briefe (Amsterdam, 1810), 465-67.
Letter of 1March 1809.
Daher ist es mir auch sehr lieb, da& die Liebhaberkonzerte der Frau von Ritters-
burg, welche abends von sieben bis zehn gehalten werden, wieder angehen und die
Fastenzeit tiber fortdauern werden. Die Einrichtung wird kiinftig auch fiir die
Zuhorer vortheilhafter sein; man wird die Musik im mittleren Zimmer allein
placieren und die Zuhérer in den beiden gedffneten Nebenzimmern sitzen lassen.
In diesem Konzerte werden besonders angenehme, italienische Singsachen sehr
gefallig ausgeftihrt. Die Frau von Rittersburg selbst singt sehr angenehm, und das
Fraulein von Zois und die junge Frau von Franke, alle auch sehr hiibsche reizende
Geschopfe, singen zusammen mit einigen Italienischen und Deutschen Tenor- und
Bafstimmen Ensemblestiicke aus Italienischen Opern und Operetten mit vielem
Geist und Geschmack. Man fihlt sich oft in die Italienische Biihne angenehm
versetzt, wozu die ausserliche, liebliche und belebte Reprasentation gewifs nicht
wenig beitragt. Ein Italienischer Banquier, Bridi, dessen Tenorstimme in einzelnen
Tonen noch ihre frithere Schonheit und Fille ausdriickt, singt da oft mit vielem
Vortrage und Ausdruck. An schénen Bafstimmen zeichnet sich da ein Herr von
Kiesewetter, Herr von Hennigstein und ein Italienischer Abbée aus. Auch der
First von Lobkowitz nimmt mit seiner starken, vollen BafSstimme, mit der er ganz
in die Italienische Vortragsweise eingeht, oft lebhaften Antheil an den Ensem-
blestiicken. Sein Orchester macht da den gréften Theil der Instrumentalmusik
aus, von welchem einzelne Symphonien und Ouvertiiren oft sehr brav ausgeftihrt
werden. Mehrere gebildete Dilettanten verstirken aber auch oft das Orchester.
Den allerliebsten Guitarrenspieler Giuliani hért’ich in diesem Konzert auch zum
ersten Mahle, und mich verlangte sehr danach, ihn oft wieder zu héren.
Eine grofe Annehmlichkeit fiir die Unterhaltung gewahrt dieses Konzert auch
durch das angenehm gemischte Publikum aus allen Standen. Man findet hier die
ersten Manner des Staats und des Hofs mit den Familien des kleinen Adels und
Biirgerstandes auf eine sehr gute freie Weise vereinigt, und oft hat man noch nach
dem Konzert eine angenehme Stunde der Unterhaltung.
blichen Feindschaft der beiden Meister zu befassen, Sie behaupten namlich, dass
diese Verbindung beitrug, die bereits bestehnde Kluft zwischen Beethoven und
Hummel noch mehr zu vertiefen, da sich auch Beethoven um die Gunst der
Schwester seines Freundes beworben, diese aber Hummel bevorzugt hatte.
Demgegeniiber erzahlte Frau Hummel dem Musikhistoriker Ludwig Nohl
seinerzeit, dass ihr Beethoven allerdings zur Zeit, als sie eine sehr beliebte junge
htibsche Sangerin war, allerhand Schénes gesagt habe, wenn sie und ihr Bruder
zusammen mit dem Meister speisten, wie man eben jungen Madchen tue; allein eine
ernste Neigung zu ihr habe er niemals ausgesprochen und noch viel weniger habe er
ihr je einen Heiratsantrag gemacht. Auch sei es ganz unrichtig, dass sich nach ihrer
Verheiratung das Verhaltnis der beiden Manner geandert habe. Vielmehr erinnerte
sie sich ausdriicklich aus der Zeit ihrer Ehe, wie sie einmal alle drei zusammen bei
dem beriihmtesten Gitarrespieler Giuliani zu Tisch gewesen seien und Beethoven in
der Ausgelassenheit seines rheinischen Naturells nicht nachgelassen habe, sie zu
stupfen und zu necken, sodass sie sich schliesslich gar nicht vor ihm zu retten gewusst
habe; er habe sie namlich aus lauter Zuneigung immer in den Arm gekniffen.
nur fiir gefallige Behandlung geeignetes Instrument, und diesem gemiss muss auch
der Charakter und die ganze Anlage einer dafiir bestimmten Composition seyn.
Es ist aber jetzt eine besondre Grille der neuesten Componisten, dass sie nicht
anders imponiren und gefallen zu kénnen glauben, als wenn sie (ohne Riicksicht
auf die Beschaffenheit und den Charakter des Instruments, wofitir sie etwas setzen.)
stets in Cothurn einherschreiten. Daraus entstehen freylich manche Missgriffe.
Hr. C. spielte tibrigens mit vieler Fertigkeit. 3) Bassarie, gesungen von Hrn. Kohler.
4) Ouverture aus dem Kalif von Bagdad, von Boieldieu. 5) Adagio und Rondo fur
die Violin, von Rode, gespielt von Hrn. Cattus jun. (dem jiingern Bruder des
Obigen.) Der junge Mann, dem Ansehn nach ungefahr 13 bis 14 Jahr alt, spielte
fiir sein Alter recht brav, und verspricht, unter guter Leitung, viel fiir die Zukunft.
6) Variat. fiir das Fagott von Hiibschmann, wurden v. Hrn. Barnbeck dem jiingern
recht gut vorgetragen. 7) Pot-pourri fiir die Guitarre, v. M. Giuliani, gesp. von Hrn.
C. Dieser Potpourri, oder wie man das Ding nennen will, ist, obgleich dem Wesen
des Instruments angemessener, wie alle dergleichen Amphibien, eine Art Bonbon-
niére fir Damen und Elegants. Hr. C. erhielt verdienten Beyfall: doch war die
Versammlung nicht allzugross. [M.R.]
I, 29 - AmZ XVII (13 Jan 1815): 46.
Auch Hr. Louis Spohr (der uns mit seiner Gattin bald verlasst), gab am 11ten, und
Hr. Mauro Giuliani am 26sten Concert im kl. Red. Saale. Beyde Kiinstler bewa-
hrten ihren Ruf als vollendete Meister ihrer Instrumente, erster auf der Violine,
letzter auf der Guitarre.
I, 32 - Aus Moscheles’ Leben, nach Briefen und Tagebtichern, ed. “von seiner Frau”
(Leipzig, 1872), 23 [concerning the year 1815].
Von Interesse sind die Notizen, die das Tagebuch hier tiber die damals tiblichen
Serenaden (“Nachtmusiken”) einflicht. Graf Palffy gab in diesem Winter deren
sechs (im botanischen Garten). Als Mitwirkende sind ausser Moscheles Mayseder,
Merck, Giuliani und Hummel genannt. Gleich bey der ersten sind die Kaiserin
Marie Louise, die Erzherzége Rainer und Rudolfu.s.w., und das Programm enthilt
ein Arrangement der Ouverture zu Fidelio (die Hauptstimmen von Moscheles und
Mayseder), Sonate von Beethoven mit Horn (Moscheles und Radezki), Polonaise
von Mayseder, Rondo von Hummel mit Quartett-Begleitung, gespielt von Mo-
scheles. Dazwischen lustige Jodler, die aus den Gebiischen hervorklangen und ein
noch lustigeres Souper. Die iibrigen fiinf Serenaden, die sich bis in den September
hinein vertragen, sind nicht minder interessant. Dazwischen liegt noch eine fir
die Kaiserin Marie-Louise veranstaltete, und wohl ein halbes Dutzend, welche
Privatleute den Ihrigen zu ihren Namens-Tagen gegeben.
I, 33 - AmZ XVII/25 (21 June 1815): 420.
Nachrichten. Berlin, d. 3ten Jun... Den 7ten veranstaltete der Justizreferendar
Griindler ein Concert zum Besten der berliner und niederbarnimschen Kreis-
Landwehr. Hr. Griindler unterhielt selbst am meisten durch sein treffliches Gui-
tarrenspiel, indem er eine Polonoise concertante von Giuliani, ein russisches
Potpourri und ein Capriccio, beyde von seiner Composition, vortrug. Er hat bey
seinem mehrjahrigen Aufenthalt in Wien den Unterricht des berithmten Guitar-
revirtuosen Giuliani aus Neapel benutzt, die Behandlung dieses Instruments bis
zu einer seltenen Vollkommenheit gebracht, und durch seine mehrstimmige Spiel-
art gezeigt, wie die sonst untergeordnete Guitarre zur Selbststandigkeit erhoben
werde. [M.R. ]
demselben, (mit Hrn. Concertm. Méser,) auf die, schon im vorigen Brief naher
bezeichnete, brillante Art, mit vielem Beyfall. Mad. Schulz sang eine Arie von
Girrlich und mit Hrn. Stiimer ein Duett von Sim. Mayer, wie immer, schén, und
erfreute doppelt, da wir, ihrer Krankheit wegen, mehrere Monate ihren Gesang
hatten entbehren miissen. Der Ertrag des Concerts war, nach Abzug der Kosten,
250 Thlr. ro Gr. Um ihn zu erhéhen und den leidenen Kriegern auch von anderen
Seiten Unterstiitzung zu verschaffen, wird Hr. Griindler in der Musikhandlung
der Hrn. Grobenschutz und Seiler herausgeben: 6 russiche Melodien fir 2 Guitarren;
ein Potpourri fiir 1 Guitarre, 10 /eichte Uebungsstiicke fiir 1 Guit., und 6 kleine Stiicke
Pastoralmustk fir 2 Guitarren. Das Conc. war auch interessant, weil in demselben
der talentvolle r6jahrige Carl Mayer aus St. Petersburg, Schiiler des berithmten
Field, sich zuerst 6ffentlich héren liess...[M.R.]
Wien. August und September... An demselben Tage [8 Sept.] gab auch der junge
Kaiser eine Akademie im leopoldstadter Theater. Ouverture von Kargl. Declama-
tion. Pianoforte-Conc. v. Riotte, gesp. von Kaiser. Declamation. Arie von Simon
Mayr, aus Lodoiska, ges. v. Mad. Platzer. Declamation. Adagio f. d. Flote v.
Krommer, gesp. von Hrn. Khail. Polonaise f. d. Guitarre von Giuliani, vorgetragen
von der kleinen Virtuosin, Bolzmann. Declamation. Variationen von Rode, gespielt
von Hrn. Stadtler. Declamation. Sonate ftir zwey Pianos, v. Himmel, ausgeftihrt
von Kaiser u. Horzolka. Declamation. Grosses Tableau: Die Vaterlandes zu ihren
Aeltern u. Verwandten. Die meisten Stiicke wurden beyfallig aufgenommen und der
Besuch war ungemein zahlreich. [M.R.]
I, 35a - Kénigliche katserliche privilegierte Prager Zeitung No. 242 (29 Aug 1816).
Den 6. September gab der allgemein anerkannte grofe Guitarrespieler Herr Mauro
Giuliani ein Konzert im k.k. Redoutensaale. Wenn wir uns auch mit grofen
Erwartung gertistet und von dem vorhergegangenen Rufe dazu berechtigt in den
Saal begaben, so konnen wir doch nicht anders sagen, als daf$ Herr Giuliani nicht
nur alle Erwartungen erfillt, sondern selbe noch tibertroffen habe.
Er behandelt dieses undankbarste und armste aller Konzertinstrumente mit
einer Leichtigkeit, Sicherheit und Zartheit des Vortrags, der es oft wirklich bis
zum singenden erhebt und Vergniigen und Bewunderung erregt.
Am besten hat Ref. das Konzert selbst gefallen, und es méchte wohl das
zweckmafigste und bestgeschriebene fiir die Guitarre sein; die Ideen sind freun-
dlich, flieSend geordnet, und die Instrumentation besonders weise, das Soloinstru-
ment hebend und effektvoll geordnet. Das Potpourri ftir zwei Guitarren, obwohl
recht ehrenwert von Herrn Sellner begleitet, befriedigte weniger und schien
minder reich, der Schatten und Licht gebenden Orchesterbegleitung beraubt.
Mad. Griinbaum verherrlichte durch ihren treffichen Gesang das Ganze, und die
laut ausgesprochene Zufriedenheit des Publikums dankte beiden im vollen Mafe.
Auch Herr Stéger sang eine Arie von Herrn Kapellmeister Hummel mit Aus-
zeichnung und teilte den einstimmigen Beifall des Publikums.
Appendix I 247
Stadler unterstiitzt wurde. Sie erhielt durchgehends laute, leider aber nicht klin-
gende Beweise von Gunst und Beyfall. [M.R.]
I, 40 - AmZ XIX/18 (30 Apr 1817): 307.
Wien. Beschluss aus der 17ten Nummer... Am 30sten war eine “musikalisch-decla-
matorisch-mimisch-plastische Abendunterhaltung” im josephstadter Theater, wo-
bey folgende Seltenheiten producirt wurden: 1. Ouverture von Gyrowetz aus dem
Augenarzt. 2. Declamation. 3. Violin-conc. von Rode, gesp. von Hrn. Petter, 4.
Tableau. 5. Declamation. 6. Guitarre-Variationen von Giuliani, vorgetragen von
Hrn. Firtsch. 7. Duett aus Tancredi, ges. von Dem. Ant. Milner und Therese
Wittmann... [M.R. ]
I, 41 - AmZ XIX (June 1817): 430-31.
[a] Sonntags den 18ten gab Mad. Gentile Borgondio im Theater an der Wien eine
Akademie... Noch wurden gegeben der erste und letzte Satz aus Beethovens
Symphonie in C dur, und Variationen ftir Violin und Guitarre von Mauro Giuliani,
welche sich aber, trotz dem, dass sie von ihm selbst und Hrn. Mayseder unver-
besserlich ausgefithrt wurden, dennoch dem grossen Locale nicht recht aneigen
wollten.
[b] In dem, von eben gennantem Hrn. Giuliani am 26sten im kleinen Redoutensaale
gegebenen Concerte hérten wir: 1. Ouverture von Cherubini. 2. Maestoso des neuen
Guitarre-Concerts in F dur, comp. und gesp. von M. Giuliani. 3. Neue Cavatina von
M. Giul., ges. von Dem. Bondra. 4. Neue Variationen fiir zwey Guitarren, von
Giuliani, Sohn, tiber das Thema: di ¢anti palpiti, ausgefihrt von M. Giul. und Hrn.
N. 5. Scene und Rondo: Perché turbar la pace, aus Tancredi, ges. von Mad. Borgondio.
(Viele Hande sollen noch wund seyn, wegen des iibergewaltigen Klatschens.) 6.
Neues grosses National-Potpourri von Hummel, fiir Pianoforte und Guitarre, gesp.
von Hrn. Moscheles und dem Concertgeber, der in allen seinen Leistungen die wohlver-
diente Auszeichnung, als einer der ersten Virtuosen auf seinem Instrumente, empfing.
von Hrn. M. Giuliani zu sagen, dessen unermiidetes Studium dieses Instrument zur
héchsten Vollendung gebracht, und dessen sich meines Wissens noch kein Kunstler
aufer ihm riihmen kann. Auf der
VIOLIN
zeichnet sich Hr. Mayseder vorzugsweise aus...
Molique. 3. Beethovens Adelaide, ges. von Hrn. Jaeger. 4. Guitarre- Variationen von
Giuliani. 5. Rondeau 4 4 mains von Moscheles.
selbst gesetzt, und mit der bekannten grofen Kunstfertigkeit gespielt, die ihn zu
einem der ersten Meister auf dem Piano-Forte macht. Sammtliche Kiinstler
erhdéhten den Genuf noch dadurch, daf sie sich von der Gegenwart des allerhéch-
sten Hofes, und der k.k. Familie, so wie einer grofSen Anzahl der gebildetsten
Kurgiiste, wie sie Baden in diesem Augenblicke in sich vereinigt, begeistert und
gehoben fiihlten. Méchte uns bald wieder ein so hoher Kunstgenuf zu Theil werden.
I, 52 - AmZ XX] (May 1819): 363.
Am 25sten gab die Hofsaingerin Dem. Wranitzky im kleinen Redoutensaale
Concert; zwey Arien, von Rossini und Generali, so wie die Variationen tiber den
Troubadour, bey welchem auch die Virtuositat der Herren Mayseder, Moscheles,
und Giuliani in hellsten Lichte glinzte, gewannen durch ihren entziickenden
Vortrag einen erhoheten Reiz...
I, 61 - Giornale del Regno delle Due Sicthe (26 Nov 1823): 1134.
La sera stessa ebbe luogo nel palazzo di Calabritti altra accademia istrumentale e
vocale data dal professor di Lira Sig. Mauro Giuliani. Il concorso fu per lui assai
lusinghiero si pel numero che per la qualita delle persone. Vi si contavano fra le
altre non pochi distinti stranieri. I musicali concerti furono eseguiti maestrevol-
mente, e il chiaro professore riscosse particolari e meritati applausi da quella scelta
adunanza.
I, 62 - Giornale del Regno delle Due Sicthe (10 May 1825): 436.
Il Signor Matteo Gaspare Lionesi, poeta estemporaneo, al quale, come gia cen-
nammo in altro foglio, son familiari i cimenti della severa Melpomene, ha gia con
fausti auspici cominciato a trattar per ora sulle sponde del nostro Sebeto la lira della
versatile Polinnia.
Le prove invero di pronto ingegno da lui date la sera di ierlaltro in casa di S.E.
il Consigliere Ministro di Stato Marchese Tommasi, gli attirarono i plausi delle
Appendix I 255
sceltissime persone intervenutevi, fra le quali contavansi diversi Ministri Segretari
di Stato, e Direttori di Reali Segretarie e Ministeri di Stato.
I] sig. Lionesi improvisd su non pochi brillantissimi temi si eroici, che ameni.
Egli usando vario metro a seconda de’vari soggetti, spiegd sovratutto singolare
abilita nelle ottave, da lui non cantate ma declamate con somma rapidita, lo che
esige una gran pieghievolezza delle facolta intelletuali. LEtna, la Morte di Priamo,
gli Scavi di Pompei, furono soggetti felicemente trattati in metro cosi difficile;
nell’ultimo di essi si notd molta precisione nella descrizione de quegli avanzi
preziosi dell’Antichita; ed eccitd un generale applauso l’elogio dell’Augusta Di-
nastia de’Borboni, alle provvide cure della quale andiam debitori della loro scoperta
e conservazione. Ma il veloce corso della fantasia del Lionesi viemaggiormente si
osserva ne'sonetti a rime e parole date, de’quali egli vari assai rapidamente ne
compose in questa occasione, e taluni in guisa che letti, o dal primo verso in git, o
dalla chiusa in su, formavano sempre egualmente sul proposto argomento un senso
ben connesso e compiuto. Tra i sonnetti ne furono pit degli altri ammirati due, uno
sul gastigo di Simon Mago, l’altro sulla morte di Socrate.
Il nostro poeta ne’suoi canti anacreontici venne accompagnato colla chitarra dal
Signor Giuliani, il quale é uno de’piu felici pulsatori di questa moderna cetra, e che
co’suoi graziosi concerti neg} ’intervalli di riposo del Lionesi trattenne piacevolmente
la nobile udienza. Noi avremo occasione di parlar pit diffusamente di lui, quando
questo artista dara pubblico saggio de’suoi talenti.
I, 65 - Giornale del Regno delle Due Sicilie (13 Feb 1828): 144.
La sera de’6 del corrente il sig. Mauro Giuliani, celebre Professore di musica e
virtuoso di Camera onorario di S.M. l’Arciduchessa Duchessa di Parma, dette
256 Mauro Giuliani: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
un’Accademia Istrumentale e Vocale nel Teatro Nuovo. I concerti di chitarra
eseguiti da lui e da una sua figliuola per nome Emilia, di anni 12, piacquero tanto,
ch’egli e questa fanciulla di ottime speranze vennero replicate volte applauditi e
infine chiamati fuori dal Pubblico.
toe From Denkwurdigkeiten aus meinem Leben, von Caroline Pichler... vol.
II (Vienna, 1844), 93.
Es liegt etwas Wunderbares, Geheimnisvolles in diesem Sinn fiir Harmonie, und
noch mehr in der Fahigkeit, selbst Harmonien und Melodien zu schaffen. Sie
findet sich oft bei Menschen, die ausser dieser Himmelsgabe wenig geistige
Fahigkeiten oder doch wenig Bildung besitzen. Sie selbst haben keine deutliche
Vorstellung weder von ihren Anlagen, noch weniger von dem Prozesse, der in ihrem
Innern vorgeht, wenn sie sich bestreben, die Schépfungen, die in ihnen gihren,
durch Tone deutlich zu machen, oder irgend ein fremdes poetisches Produkt in
diesen T6nen auszusprechen. Mozart und Haydn, die ich wohl kannte, waren
Menschen, in deren persénlichem Umgange sich durchaus keine andere hervor-
ragende Geisteskraft und beinahe keinerlei Art von Geistesbildung, von wissen-
schaftlicher oder héherer Richtung zeigte. Alltagliche Sinnesart, platte Scherze,
und bei dem Ersten ein leichtsinniges Leben, war Alles, wodurch sie sich im
Umgange Kund gaben, und welche Tiefen, welche Welten von Phantasie, Harmo-
nie, Melodie und Gefthl lagen doch in diesen unscheinbaren Hiillen verborgen!
MEASURE | 202 242 273 280 287 ST 335 354 355 363 383 408 421
KE Yas BG ee es ee A A A
m. 2
Ay So a = 2: Zi23 ae
place thet te
oe
ee
m. 22
Ag
) ae 4 DA
ee Sy Baw
o)
int ttt ff
259
Appendix II-B
i
\, oe Se—
i aes
fed
u & vd == eo SSSae a
Appendix II-C
MEASURE 144 167 190/190 198 220 235 247 261 274 280 281 327 334
NaN? CR Cr Onl Ga Cx C modulating E Cc F F
[N.B. sees ‘signifies that the
guitar is playing.]
0 PSS SSS
Appendix III
>
f Py
qa oe a io
[ED AT ry imi
at wt Fe aa
——
pA ATES SR ee 4
At 75 f 19 F 20 -
Appendix IIT
263
pape ae A
at
ae
"a = migane oe —
Andante espressivo
2ee
ee
$ oT “roto in a.
PP 7
z £ wth da Saree ae
= aa fos isaac r rf 7
.
4: i wane 4 i 2 i:
- aoe ely & nee cy ty
(ase } - = : eee 4— jt
= Se eee
25
Sa ) Eee 4= eea fits=
Tere ii aes
eee ED ee
y r r
os = ial
” yeep? Cit tr tetot
t tr ee cece
J
—_— = SS=S === = —
aga eee gaia x:
Appendix III
==
r D
266 Mauro Giuliani: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
pei
aa ieee) oe eae
a
Appendix IV-A
Facsimile of Giuliani’s autograph musical hand
— 7 ee ail
Sg)oe ee a er
i Os a MT
a
268
Appendix IV-B
Facsimile of Giuliani’s handwriting and signature.
we Ge
pi aeoe ho ioe ae zi
e Ao ove) | i, en oa Bisegserespartes
ce ad derrerssce orcee
curr,
sete nad eerie
ea 8 Amsco j
: a aes & OO |
2 ws | . :
ie.
San eTe 3 ‘ ee ;
LS oe Ge :
e ae Rte ae Se ai fn .
7m ty mo 4. ne : se ar se
Vol. II
No. 7 77-94
No. 8 95-II0
No. 9 III-126
No. 10 1272042
No. 11 143-158
No. 12 159-174
Vol. III
No. 3 175-194
The facsimiles from The Giulianiad reproduced in The Guitar Review no. 18
(New York, 1955): 5-12, do not give an accurate impression of the original. The
table below should help to clarify the relationship of GR facsimiles to original
publication.
Facsimile in GR 18 Volume No. Pagination of the Giulianiad
5 I title page
6-8 6-8 (text)
g-I0 27-28 (text)
II-I2 56-57 (text)
13 12 (text)
14-15 OW
HH
HH 6-7 (music)
16 —nA
ce
ee
ee
ee 155-58 (music)
270
Selective Bibliography
aby: aim of this bibliography is to provide a convenient reference, in alphabeti-
cal order by main entry (usually by author), to the books and articles which deal
in a direct way with Giuliani and his world. Most of these entries also occur in
the text as footnotes—sometimes repeatedly; those that have occurred very
frequently are preceded by italicized abbreviations, such as HeckDiss, RiboniAgg,
or ZuthH.
Here, then, is a selective “list of works around the topic worth knowing
about,” and worth consulting in some cases for either a deeper or a broader
perspective. With due respect to convention: given that the footnotes already
provided are quite rich and thorough, bibliographically speaking, and themati-
cally pertinent to the chapters in which they occur, I trust that I shall be forgiven
for not citing them all once again here.
Abbreviations
——. “Will the Real Mauro Giuliani Please Stand Up?” Soundboard 17/1 (1990):
80-87. (Also in German as “Mochte der richtige Giuliani bitte aufstehen?!”
Gitarre und Laute 12/3 (1990): 45-49; and in Italian as “Antoine de |’Hoyer
(1768-71836): autore dell’Op. 83 di Giuliani,” i/ Fronimo’ rivista trimestrale
di chitarra e liuto, no. 73 (1990): 27-38.)
Paolini, Paolo. Giacomo Merchi [booklet accompanying Giacomo Merch, opere
stelle, OP. 3, Ap12, 25). MitenZe:osb.0., TOS,
Pestelli, Giorgio. “Italy—igth Century.” In New Grove Dictionary ofMusic and
Musicians (London: Macmillan, 1980), vol. 9, 374-75.
Powrozniak, Jézef. Gitara odA do Z. Krakow: PWM, 1966.
“Referirende Uebersicht des Musikzustandes in Wien in dem letzten halben
Jahre.” Intelligenzblaatt zu den Vaterlindischen Blatter, nos. 25-29 (March/Apr
1818): 100, 104, 108, 112, & 116.
Reichardt, Johann Friedrich. Vertraute Briefe geschrieben auf ener Re1se nach Wien
und den Oesterreichischen Staaten zu Ende des Jahres 1808 und zu Anfang 1809.
2 vols. Amsterdam: Kunst- u. Industrie-Comptou, 1810.
RiboniAgg Riboni, Marco. “Mauro Giuliani: un aggiornamento biografico,” 2/
Fronimo’ no. 81 (Oct 1992): 41-60 and no. $2 (Jan 1993): 33-51.
Riboni, Marco. “Mauro Giuliani (1781-1829): profilo biografico-critico ed analisi
delle trascrizioni per chitarra.” Parts I & I]. Laurea thesis: Universita degli
Studi di Milano, 1992. UMI Order no. 9407848.
——.. ‘Le trascrizioni per chitarra di Mauro Giuliani.” 7/ Fronimo’ no. 85 (1993):
10-30; no. 86 (1994), e¢ seq.
RicordiCat+, Il catalogo numerico Ricordi 1857, con date e indici. A cura di Agostino
Zecca-Laterza. Roma: Nuovo Istituto Editoriale Italiano, 1984. (Biblio-
theca musicae, 8)
Salmen, Walter. Das Konzert: eine Kulturgeschichte. Munich: C. H. Beck, 1988.
Schmitz, Peter. “Erganzende Bemerkungen zur Einftthrung der modernen
Gitarrennotation in Wien,” Gitarre & Laute XVI/2 (1994): 17-21.
Shulfer, Glen. “Mauro Giuliani: Grand Concerto, Op. 30. A Comparative
Analysis of Various Editions. Part I: Orchestral and String Quartet Ver-
sions.” Soundboard 5/3 (Aug 1979): 77-81.
Torpp Larsson, Jytte. Catalogue of the Rischel
and Birket-Smith Collection ofGuitar
Music in the Royal Library of Copenhagen. Edited by Peter Danner. Colum-
bus, OH: Editions Orphée, 1989.
Torta, Mario. “Le edizioni napoletane di Mauro Giuliani.” i/ Fronimo’ no. 87
(Apr/Jun 1994): 12-34.
——. “Ferdinando Carulli (1770-1841), profilo biografico-critico e catalogo te-
matico delle opere con numero (con cenni sulla formazione della chitarra
Selective B ibhography
275
esacorde ed elementi di metodologia bibliografica).” 2 vols. Laurea thesis,
Universita degli Studi di Roma “La Sapienza,” 1989.
Weber, William. Music and the middle class: the social structure of concert life in
London, Paris and Vienna. New York: Holmes & Meier, 1975.
WeinV2 Weinmann, Alexander. Vollstindiges Verlagsverzeichnis Artaria & Comp.
2. erg. Aufl. Wien: L. Krenn, 1978. (Beitrage zur Geschichte des Alt-Wie-
ner Musikverlages. Reihe 2, Folge 2.) First edition published in 1952.
References WoO, G-1, -5; WoO, 2G-1, -2, -3; WoO, G&P-1; WoO,
G&F(V )-2, -3, -4; WoO, G acc.-1, -3, -5; WoO, vocal-3 (all twelve cahiers),
Vocal5,-6, 41, and Opp: 1, 7,11, 12, 14,108, 19, 19,20, 21, 22, 23, 27, 285 31),33,
345 35 36, 38, 39 41, 42, 43, 44, 45, 465-51, 52, 55, 64, 77, 79, 84, 85, 94, 95, 98,
119, 120, 121, 147, and 148.
WeinV3 Weinmann, Alexander. “Vollstandiges Verlagsverzeichnis der Musi-
kalien des Kunst- und Industrie-Comptoirs in Wien, 1801-1819.” In Studien
zur Musikwissenschaft; Bethefte der DTOez, 22 (1955): 217-252 (Beitrage zur
Geschichte des Alt-Wiener Musikverlages. Reihe 2, Folge 3.) References
WoO, vocal-1 and vocal-2; Op. 2, 4, 5, 6, 8, 10, 13, 25, 29, 30, 59 & 89.
WeinVs Weinmann, Alexander. Wiener Musikverleger und Mustkalienhandler von
Mozarts Zeit bis gegen 1860. Ein firmengeschichtlicher und topographischer
Behelf. Wien: Rohrer, 1956. (Beitrage zur Geschichte des Alt-Wiener
Musikverlages. Reihe 2, Folge 5.)
WeinV6 Weinmann, Alexander. Verzeichnis der Mustkalien aus dem K.K. Hof-
theater-Musik-Verlag. Wien: Universal, 1961. (Beitrage zur Geschichte des
Alt-Wiener Musikverlages. Reihe 2, Folge 6.) References WoO, vocal-4,
three Lieder by Giuliani contributed to Stegmayer’s Liederspiel Das /e-
bendige Weinfass (p.74).
WeinVg Weinmann, Alexander. Verlagsverzeichnis Tranquillo Mollo (mit und ohne
Co.). Wien: Universal, 1964. (Beitrage zur Geschichte des Alt-Wiener
Musikverlages. Reihe 2, Folge 9.) References WoO, vocal-6, vocal-g (seven
cahiers), vocal-12; and Opp. 65, 76, 91, 92, and 93.
WeinVga Weinmann, Alexander. Erganzungen sum Verlags-Verzeichnis Tranquillo
Mollo. Wien: Universal, 1972. (Beitrige zur Geschichte des Alt-Wiener
Musikverlages. Reihe 2, Folge ga.) References Op. 50.
WeinVio Weinmann, Alexander. Verlagsverzeichnis Pietro Mechettt Quondam
Carlo. Wien: Universal, 1966. (Beitrige zur Geschichte des Alt-Wiener
Musikverlages. Reihe 2, Folge 10.) References Opp. 24a, 63, 69, 73, 74, 78;
80, 86, 87, and 88; also cites ads in the Wiener Zeitung for three unre-
solved/not located works.
WeinVir Weinmann, Alexander. Verlagsverzeichnis Giovanni Cappi bis A.O.
Witzendorf. Wien: Universal, 1967. (Beitrage zur Geschichte des Alt-Wie-
276 Mauro Giuliani: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
ner Musikverlages. Reihe 2, Folge 11.) References Opp. 104, 105, and 106,
along with ads in the Wiener Zeitung of 14 May 1818 for a quintet version
of (?) Op. 65, and Jdid. 26 Jan 1826 for Op. 125.
WeinVi2 Weinmann, Alexander. Verzeichnis der Musikahien des Verlages Joseph
Edier - Jeremias Bermann. Wien: Universal, 1968. (Beitrage zur Geschichte des
Alt-Wiener Musikverlages. Reihe 2, Folge 12.) References Opp. 97 and (on
p. 36) an ad by Bermann in the Wiener Zeitung of 28 Jul 1819 for Op. 104.
WeinVi4 Weinmann, Alexander. Verzeichnis der Musikahen des Verlages Maisch—
Sprenger—Artaria... Wien: Universal, 1970. (Beitrage zur Geschichte des Alt-
Wiener Musikverlages. Reihe 2, Folge 14.) References Opp. 96 and roo.
WeinV18 Weinmann, Alexander. Vollstindiges Verlagsverzeichnis Senefelder Steiner
Haslinger. Band 1, A. Senefelder, Chemische Druckerey, S.A. Steiner, S.A. Steiner
€F Comp. Miinchen: Emil Katzbichler, 1979. (Beitrage zur Geschichte des
Alt-Wiener Musikverlages. Reihe 2, Folge 18.) References Opp. 3, 9, 14, 15,
16, 17, 24, 26, 32, 37, 40, 47, 48, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 60, 66, 68, and 89; and WoO,
vocal-1, vocal-2, vocal-17, and WoO, G&F(V )-1.
WeinV22 Weinmann, Alexander. Verzeichnis der Musikalien des Verlages Thadé
Weigl. Wien: Ludwig Krenn, 1982. (Beitrage zur Geschichte des Alt-Wie-
ner Musikverlages. Reihe 2, Folge 22.) References Opp. 49, 51, 53, 75, 80, 81,
82, 83, and 94; also WoO, G-3.
WeinV23 Weinmann, Alexander. Verlagsverzeichnis Peter Cappi und Cappi & Dia-
belli (1816 bis 1824). Wien: Ludwig Krenn, 1983. (Beitrage zur Geschichte des
Alt-Wiener Musikverlages. Reihe 2, Folge 23.) References Opp.
WeinV24. Weinmann, Alexander. Verlagsverzeichnis Anton Diabelli &F Co. (1824
bis 1860). Wien: Ludwig Krenn, 1983. (Beitrage zur Geschichte des Alt-
Wiener Musikverlages. Reihe 2, Folge 24.) References Opp. 49, 96, 100,
102, 103; 113464, 16S, 1226 and 129,
ZuthH Zuth, Josef. Handbuch der Laute und Gitarre. Wien: A. Goll, 1926.
ZuthS Zuth, Josef. Simon Molitor und die Wiener Gitarristik (um 1800). Wien: A.
Goll, 1920.
Index
A. Topical Index
letters to Ricordi 17, 83, 108, 182 Griindler, Heinrich (Justice) 70-71, 79-80
mastery of bass strings of guitar 179 student, and dedicatee of Op. 16a 197
opus number control 166 Gugitz, Gustav 37
opus numbers (significance) 42, 108, 165- Gyrowetz, Adalbert 39, 54, 79-80, 86, 226
167 contributor to WoO, vocal-15 61
opus numbers in general 165
opus numbers missing 168 Hainglaise, J.B. (publisher) 133
portrait by Letron 110 Halm, Anton 82
portrait by Stiller 110 Hanslick, Eduard 64
posthumous works 169 Harder, A. (guitarist) 52, 58
potpourris, G. 59 Harmonic language of the Romantic era 138
preludes in general 183 Haslinger, Carlo de (dedicatee) 204
problems with Viennese police 68-69 Haslinger, Tobias (publisher, Vienna) 195
relationship with Ricordi 169 Haydn, Franz Joseph 41, 159, 171, 182
Rossiniane 189 See also: Op. 119 through birthday concert attended by Giuliani 39
124 187 Hendel, Georg Friedrich 82, 210
Rossiniane vs. Rossiniana 189 Heck, Thomas
solo guitar works 176 as editor of Rossiniane 188
songs with guitar 171 Henneberg, Johann Baptist 88
stylistic evolution? 170 Henze, Bruno 7, 9
transcriptions 187 Herbst, Herr (horn player) 84
using a shoulder strap? 66, 68 Heyer, Wilhelm 83, 131
with Paganini (early 1821) 107 Nachlap 62, 83, 118, 131
with Rossini (early 1821) 107, 108 Hu, Philip 182
works for guitar and string quartet 174 Himmel, Friedrich Heinrich 71
Hindemith, Paul 159
Giuliani, Michel (son of Mauro) 11, 30, 48, Hohenzollern Hechingen (Princess of )
81, 90, 105, III, 176 dedicatee of Op. 29 199
Op. 1 81 Horetzky, Felix (guitarist) 133, 136-137
Giuliani, Michele (father of Mauro) 10, 14- student of Giuliani’s 133, 137
17, 49, 69 Horzolka (pianist) 71
Giuliani, Nicholas (brother of Mauro) 10, Hoffmeister, FA. (publisher, Leipzig) 168,
12) 15=18,.20,, 105,110 195
confused with Mauro 6 Huck, Oliver
Gobbi, Carolina 102 research on Weber 72
Goethe, Johann Wolfgang von 207 Hummel, Johann Nepomuk (pianist) 4, 39-
Gollenhofer, Mme, (harpist) 88, 90 40, 47-48, 53, 55-56, 64-66, 68, 70, 73-74,
Gracco, Antonio 174, 200 76; 79; 81, 91, 95, 99, 139, 159, 162, 166, 192,
Graeffer, Anton (guitarist) 160, 163, 193 208-223-225
Gross, Friedrich (violist) 90 Op. 20 53
Gross, Karl (violinist) 90 Op. 63 and 66 66
Grossheim (composer) 224 Op. 67 Preludes 184
Grossheim, Dr. Georg Christoph 70 Op. 7164379, 83
Grossi, Giuditta (dedicatee) 211 as orchestrator of Giuliani’s concertos?
47
Griinbaum, Mme. (singer) 74 contributor to WoO, vocal-15 61
Index 285
Iaccone, Francesco (dedicatee) 211 Legnani, Luigi (guitarist) 157
Iannel, Giovan Giuseppe (creditor of Gi- Lehmann, Mag. I. T. (pianist) 159, 221
uliani’s) 127, 129-130 Leidesdorf, Maximilian Josef 82, 91, 159
Isnardi, Filippo 6-8 contributor to WoO, vocal-15 61
dedicatee of Op. 149 215 Leonesi, Matteo Gasparo (poet) 120-121
dedicatee of Op. 150 215 dedicatee of Op. 62 203
Jager, Herr (singer) 89, 91-92, 96, 99 Letron (portrait artist) 110
Jeffery, Brian Linhard, Frau (singer) 91
acknowledgments xiv Linhart, Demoiselle (singer) 92
as a publisher xii, 180, 189, 194 Linke, Joseph (cellist) go
bibliographic work 64, 75, 189 Lionetti, Rev. Donato 10, 12, 14
research on Giuliani xii, 45, 47, 75, 107, Liszt, Franz (pianist) 138
182 Liverati, Herr
research on Sor 157 contributor to WoO, vocal-15 61
Jungh, Dr. (friend of Weber) 73 Lobkowitz (Prince) 39, 42
Kaiser, Herr (pianist) 71 Lubomirski, Frederic (Prince)
Kanne, Friedrich August 88, 224 . dedicatee of Op. 76 205
Keller, Herr (flutist) 91, 94 Ludlamshéhle (secret society) 61, 68, 75, 86-
Kenny, G.M. (student and dedicatee) 212 87, 93, III
Khail, Herr (flutist) 71
Khayll brothers (musicians) 80 Macchioli, Vincenzo (dedicatee) 214
Kiesewetter, Raphael Georg 42, go Mackenzie, Elizabeth (dedicatee) 228
Kinsky, Caroline de (Princess and dedicatee) Maelzel, Johann Nep. (inventor) 55-57, 63
40, 196 Maillard, Josephine (Edlen) von (dedicatee)
Kinsky, Georg 62, 83-84, 118, 131 40, 197
Klieber, Demoiselle (singer) 78-79 Malicheff, Francois de (dedicatee) 208
Klingenbrunner (Klinger), Wilhelm (guitar- Malicheff, Helene de (dedicatee) 208
it) 4,30, 30, 41, 70, 72,402 Manker, Herr (timpanist?) 58
Korner, Theodor (poet) 77, 91, 224 Marie-Louise (Empress and Dutchess) 7,
Kozeluch, Leopld 49, 64-65, 69, 83, 110, 126
contributor to WoO, vocal-15 61 dedicatee 208
Kreutzer, Conradin 39 Matiegka, Wenzel (guitarist) 32-33, 35, 38,
41, 88, 96
Kreutzer, Rodolphe 60
Kreutzer, Rodolphe? 104
Matthisson, Friedrich von (poet) 54, 77, 207
Mayseder, Josef (violinist) 4, 37, 61, 64, 88,
Krufft, Herr
O1;93, 138, 160, 192,.221-222,0225
contributor to WoO, vocal-15 61
as acomposer 46-47, 65, 70, 82, 84
Krufft, Nicholas von 88
as composer of WoO, G & F(V)-1 xiv,
l’Hoyer, Antoine de (guitarist) 80, 157, 166 45-46
and Giuliani’s Op. 83 85, 184, 206 dedicatee of Op. 63 75, 203
Lafond (violinist) 104 in concert 56, 65, 68, 81-82, 91-92, 98-99
Langer, Franz (dedicatee) 197 Op.5 46
Lanza, Giuseppe 229 Mechetti, Pietro (publisher, Vienna) 75, 85
Laucher, Antoinette (singer) 51 Melia, Gabriele (guitarist) 105
Lebrun (Dutchess of Laviano and dedi- Mendl (Mandel), Franz (guitarist) 84, 89,
catee) 198 94-95
286 Mauro Giuliani: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
Menschikoff, Catherine de (Princess) 209 Napoléon Bonaparte (Emperor) 7, 25, 41, 49,
Merchi, Giacomo (guitarist) 20, 141 80, 102, 143
guitar notation 151 war victims—benefit concert 70
Merck, Herr (cellist) 61-62, 65-66, 68, 82, Napoléon II (King of Rome) 49
90, 94 Napoléon, Eugéne (Viceroy and dedicatee)
Mesnil, Baron de (dedicatee) 204 199
Messence, Chevalier de (poet) 198 Nass, Frau von 62
Metastasio, Pietro (poet) 208 Nava, Antonio (guitarist) 193
Milder-Hauptmann, Anna (singer) 94 Nelson, Lord (attack on Naples) 25
Miller, Mme. (harpist) 60 Neuling, Vinzenz (violinist) 82
Molino, Francesco 58 Nohl, Ludwig 55
Molique, Herr (violinist) 89
Occa, Andonio dall’ (contrabasso) 122
Molitor, Simon (guitarist) 3, 31, 38, 41, 70,
Ophee, Matanya
72, 144, 160, 162, 193
acknowledgments xiv, 23, 27, 87, 174
Mollo, T. (publisher, Vienna) 22, 61, 70, 75,
collection 180
84, 166
remark on early guitar concertos 98
Monaco, Maria Giuseppa del (Giuliani’s
research on “La Sentinelle” 4
wife) 11-12, 20, 30, 48, 105
research on Giuliani/l’Hoyer 85, 184, 206
Monte, Mr. de (dedicatee) 200
research on guitar notation 141
Moretti, Federico (guitarist) 21-22, 26, 32,
research on l’Hoyer 80, 184
140, 157
research on terz-guitar 51
Moretti, Luigi (brother of Federico, and
Otter, Herr (violinist 84
dedicatee) 211
Moretus, Constant (dedicatee) 208 Pacini, Antonio (publisher) 133
Morzkowska, Josephine (Countess) Pacini, Giovanni
dedicatee of Op. 22 198 aria from Amazilia 213
Moscheles, Ignaz (pianist) 37, 53-54, 61-62, Paér, Ferdinando 2, 51, 77, 80, 226
65, 68, 70, 73, 75-76, 80-82, 86, 89, 91-94, Paganini, Nicolo (violinist) ror, 105, 113-114,
96, 99, 139, 159, 162, 166, 185, 192, 221, 120, 159
224-225 with Giuliani 8, 107
contributor to WoO, vocal-15 61 Paisiello, Giovanni 178, 187
improvisations 92 Paltzer, Mme. (singer) 71
in concert 65, 82, 91, 98 Palffy, Franz (Count)
Mosel, Fri. von (singer) gt dedicatee of Op. 39 201
Mosel, Ignaz von (composer) 88 Paolini, Paolo 151
Mosevius,J.T. (singer) 86 research on guitar notation 141
Mozart, Wolfgang Amadeus 51, 59, 82, 167, Pasta, Giuditta (singer) 105
E7t, 173, 162,220 Pelzer, Ferdinand 133
concerto orchestration 162 Pestelli, Giorgio 103
pedagogical works 165 Petler, Herr (violinist) 79
posthumous member of Ludlamshohle 87 Pettit, Diane
Miller, C.F. (““Declamator”) 89 acknowledgment xiv
Miillner, Demoiselle Ant. (singer) 79 Phillis (guitarist) 157
Milner, Josefa (harpist) 90 Pichler, Caroline 171
Musical textures and the guitar 189 Pleyel, Ignaz
Index 287
as a composer 166 Riefel, Sgra. de Jager, Baroness de (dedi-
Pleyel, Ignaz (publisher, Paris) 46, 184-185 catee) 204
Pomberger (piano maker) 115 Riefel, Signora de Jager, Baroness de 96
Porro, Pierre-Jean (publisher, Paris) 133 Rittersburg, Frau von 3, 33, 41
Powrozniak, Jézef 9, 148 dedicatee of Op. 49 41, 202
acknowledgments 7, 9 Rockel, Elizabeth (singer) 55
Prager, Heinrich Aloys (guitarist) 78 Rode, Jacques-Pierre-Joseph (violinist) 59-
Preisinger, Herr von 79 60, 71, 79, 94
Prokofiev, Sergei 165 Romberg, Bernhard 2, 51
Romero, Angel 172, 189
Quin, Roger 227 Rossini, Gioacchino
“Di tanti palpiti” 80, 187
Radole, Giuseppe 102 arias sung 98
Rainer (Archduke) 64-65 Giuliani’s Cenerentola transcriptions 217,
Rainer, Vincenzina de (dedicatee) 197 228
Ratti & Cencetti (publisher, Rome) 119 Giuliani’s Rossiniane 187, 212
Rauch, Herr (horn virtuoso) 72 . Giuliani’s Semiramide transcriptions
Rauscher, Herr (singer) go 210-217, 219, 222,.227-228
Reicha, Anton (composer) 173 opera notices 104, 119, 177
Reichardt, Johann Friedrich 33, 40-41, 54, 76 orchestral sound 62
Reifig, Christian Ludwig (poet) 224 themes (varied) 84-85, 103, 112, 130-131,
166-167, 169, 178, 205, 214
Revenaz, Francois de (dedicatee) 198
with Giuliani 8, 107-108, 110
Riboni, Marco 81
Rothschild (bankers) 117, 125
acknowledgments xili-xiv, 17, 39, 42, 61,
Rubinstein, Anton (pianist) 138
72,101, 105, 109, 111, 117, 120,130, 236
Rudolph (Archduke) 54, 60, 64-65, 221, 225
research on Giuliani xii-xill, 17-18, 51, 57,
Ruffo, Cardinal Fabrizio 25
59-60, 70-71, 76, 78, 81, 90, 95-96,
102-103, 109, 118, 126, 129 Salieri, Antonio 39, 54, 56, 70, 86, 88, 224
research on Giuliani's style 127 contributor to WoO, vocal-15 61
research on Giuliani's transcriptions 187, Sangiuliani, Giuseppe (Count and dedi-
IQI catee) 203
research on Giuliani/Beethoven rela- Savijoki, Jukka
tionship 91 acknowledgments xiv, 45, 221
research on Giuliani/Schubert relation- Scaramelli, Giuseppe 102
ship 89-90 Schiller, Friedrich (poet) 207
Ricca, Giuseppe (guitarist) 145 Schilling, Gustav 5-6
Richault (publisher, Paris) 46, 207 Schloissnig, Anne Marie de (Baroness)
Ricordi, Giovanni (publisher, Milan) 6, 25, dedicatee of Op. 85 207
39, 63, 70, 108-111, 113, 132, 141, 154, 167, Schmalz, Amalie (singer) 74
170, 178, 189 Scholze, Jacob 99
business practices 168 Schroth, Andras 188
dedicating Giuliani’s works 168 Schubert, Franz 36, 71, 85, 89, 97, 185
plate number 1 193 Lieder with guitar acc. 97
publication-pattern of Giuliani's works relationship to Giuliani 89-91
167 relative popularity 36, 86, 88
288 Mauro Giuliani: Virtuoso Guitarist and Composer
Schulz, Leonhard (guitarist) 82, 84, 133 Takei, Morishige (guitarist, Japan) 84, 118,
Schumann, Robert 159 ZI
Schuppanzigh, Ignaz 56 Tandler, Franz (guitarist) 38, 193
Sechter, Simon Tarquinio, Herr (sopranist?) 82
contributor to WoO, vocal-15 61 Tarrega, Francisco (guitarist) 155
Sedlatscheck (Sedlatzek), Johann (flutist) Teatro dei Fiorentini (Naples) 123
35, 68, 86, 111-112, 159 Terziani, Herr
Seidler, Herr (violinist) 49, 51 contributor to WoO, vocal-15 61
Sellner, Herr (guitarist) 74 Thalberg, Sigismond (pianist) 138
Sellner, Josef (oboist) 86 Tiedge, Christoph August von (poet) 207
Sessi, Anna Maria (singer) 35, 51 Tommasi, Marquis (Minister of State,
as Mme. Neumann-Sessi? 77 Naples) 121
Seyfried, Ignaz Ritter von 88, 216 Tonazzi, Bruno tor
Siboni, Herr 56 research on Giuliani 26, 57, 101
contributor to WoO, vocal-15 61 Topfer, Karl (guitarist) 80, 86, 193
Silny, Eugenie (dedicatee) 225 Torta, Mario
Simonin-Pollet, Mme. (harpist) 60 acknowledgments xiv, 189
Slonimsky, Nicholas 10 discovery of Giuliani’s Neapolitan eds.
Solano, General 21 Xu, 76, 120, 131-132, 168
Sonnenleithner (musical family) 90 research on Carulli 22
Sonnenleithner, Iganz go research on the chitarra francese 33
Sor, Fernando (guitarist) 21-22, 32, 136-137, Tortora, Giorgio 174, 200
140, 157, 182, 193 Tramonto, Teresia 111
Op. 34 and 63 (duets) 176 Tupputi, Riccardo (godfather of Mauro) 14
Op 35.137 Tutzek, Herr (guitarist) 88
studies & études 183
Umlauff von Frankwell, Victor Ritter 89
technique compared to Giuliani’s 158
Umlauff, Johann Karl 89-90
Spencer, Bob (London) 108
Spina, Antonio (dedicatee) 198 Velluti, Giambattista (sopranist) 102
Spina, Friedrich 36 Vogl, Johann Michael?
Spohr, Ludwig (violinist) 47, 56, 64 contributor to WoO, vocal-15 61
Spontini, Gaspar 167, 216, 220
Stadler, Abbé Maximilian 88 Wagner, Richard 159
Stadler, Herr 79 Waldstein, Georg (Count)
Stegmayer, Matthias 223 student and dedicatee of Op. 20 198
Steiner, S. A. (publisher, Vienna) 46, 166, Warrack, John 73-74
177, 180 Warren, George
Stelle, Rainer 172 acknowledgment 9
Stieler, Joseph (dedicatee) 206 Weber, Carl Maria von 72-73, 86
Stiller (portrait artist) 110 encounter with Giuliani 73
Stoger, Herr (singer) 74 Weigl, Joseph
Stravinsky, Igor 159, 165 contributor to WoO, vocal-15 61
Sugawara, Jun 84 Weigl, T: (publisher, Vienna) 84-85
acknowledgments xiv, 118, 131 Weinmann, Alexander 18, 36, 45, 85
Sychra, Andrei (guitarist) 133 Werner, Herr (trumpet virtuoso) 82
Index 289
i
He
reagtis