Chapter II-G3
Chapter II-G3
BY
GAMIL, JELLY KIETH C.
AWITAN, SHEIRMAE JEAN C.
LUMBAN, BANO
RACINES, WILDON
GINGOOG CITY,PHILIPPINES
September, 2024
CHAPTER II
This chapter includes related literature and studies from numerous sources following
the researcher’s in-depth search. This is divided into three sections-policy issues, theoretical
literature, and empirical literature.
I. POLICY ISSUES
From Figure 1, it is possible to determine that the levels of inflation had been doubled
during the period of Marcos, several record-breaking peaks reached 21.4% in 1971, 34.2% in
1974, and 50.3% in 1984. For most Filipinos, social and economic poverty marked the
period from 1975 to 1986 as this was the time when Marcos pushed through with massive
government spending since his first term. He also followed protectionist industrial policies
from the past. That meant imports continued staying substantially ahead of exports. Both
these policies drained our foreign currency reserve to perilous levels in the late 1960s
(Rappler, 2018)
This trend, however, was reversed in the mid-1970s, and by 1980, unemployment had
risen to 7.9%. The inflationary proclivities became a concern as well; inflation rose from
7.1% in 1975 to 17.4% by 1980. It became worse between 1981 and 1985, with average
unemployment pegged nearly at 11%, peaking at 12.6% in 1985. Inflation went over 20
percent that period and hit 47 percent in 1984. As of 1985, a majority had to live below
poverty level; that was up to 75 percent, with 49 percent classified extremely poor (IBON
Foundation, 2016).
2.5
1.5
0.5
0
60 63 66 69 72 75 78 81 84 87 90 93 96 99 02 05 08 11 14 17 20
19 19 19 19 19 19 19 19 19 19 19 19 19 19 20 20 20 20 20 20 20
Source: Macrotrends
The COVID-19 pandemic has significantly affected the labor market in the
Philippines, leading to an unprecedented spike in unemployment and highlighting underlying
vulnerabilities. Although the unemployment rate has decreased since its peak in April 2020,
the recovery remains inconsistent, with many of the new jobs being of lower quality
compared to pre-pandemic levels.
To address these challenges, the Philippine government initiated the National
Employment Recovery Strategy (NERS) on May 1, 2021. This strategy aims to enhance
access to employment, provide livelihood and training opportunities, and support both
existing and new businesses to generate sustainable job opportunities in the wake of
pandemic-related job losses.
The COVID-19 pandemic caused severe job losses in the Philippines, with
approximately 10.9 million workers either unemployed or facing reduced working hours and
incomes. Vulnerable sectors like manufacturing, transportation, food services, and
entertainment were the hardest hit, and about two-thirds of affected workers may be
permanently displaced as the economy shifts towards online operations. The International
Labor Organization (ILO) highlighted that underemployment surged, and income losses have
pushed millions into poverty. The ILO recommends strengthening social protection,
employment programs, and support services to help reintegrate workers into the labor
market.
500
400
300
200
100
0
60 963 966 969 972 975 978 981 984 987 990 993 996 999 002 005 008 011 014 017 020
19 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 2 2 2 2 2 2 2
Source: Trading Economics
The wage rate in the Philippines has consistently increased over the decades, as
demonstrated by the data in figure 4. The most significant growth began in the late 1980s
following the Marcos era, with the introduction of the Wage Rationalization Act (Republic
Act No. 6727) in 1989, which set up the National Wages and Productivity Commission
(NWPC) to regulate wage rates across the country. Since then, wage adjustments have been
determined regionally, with increases linked to inflation and economic conditions. For
instance, by 2015, the daily minimum wage in Metro Manila was P466, while recent data
shows it has continued to rise, reflecting economic adjustments.
II. THEORETICAL LITERATURE
The Phillips curve argues that maintaining a low unemployment rate can result in upward
pressure on inflation. This relationship was first identified in 1958 by New Zealand
economist A. W. Phillips. Over time, the Phillips curve has been reinterpreted to describe the
connection between changes in inflation rates and unemployment (Blanchard & Johnson,
2013). It serves as a foundation for understanding the link between inflation and
unemployment, suggesting a negative correlation between the two. According to economic
theory, there is a positive correlation between the inflation rate and both the annual wage rate
and GDP, while unemployment is negatively correlated with inflation. In line with the
Phillips curve, an Ordinary Least Squares (OLS) model was constructed to capture the
symmetric relationship among inflation, unemployment, annual wage rate, and GDP in the
Philippines from 1950 to 2017. The model is expressed as follows:
πt=α+β0+β1ut+β2wt+β3gt+ϵt (1)
Where:
Δlnπt=α0+α1Δlnut-i+α2Δlnwt-i+α3Δlngt-i+Δlnπt-1+α4Ut-1+ϵt (2)
Where:
Here, Ut-1 corrects for deviations from the long-run equilibrium, α4 is the error correction
coefficient, and
The two curves that are basically described under the traditional Keynesian model are
the Aggregate Demand (AD) curve, and the Aggregate Supply (AS) curve. As such, the
relationship between inflation and economic growth (GDP) can then be effectively described
through such a model of Keynesian theory. Basically, according to the original Keynesian
theory, changes in aggregate demand-whether expected or unexpected- would impact real
output and employment more than the prices in the short-run. For example, this type of idea
is portrayed in what are called Phillips curves. Such a Phillips curve shows that inflation
arises only slowly when unemployment falls. In short run," they say, "what is true need not
be true in the long run, and we live in the short run." They enjoy quoting Keynes' statement
that has come to be famous, "In the long run, we are all dead," in making their point.
Recent studies indicate mixed results for the minimum wage growth rate and its
influences on inflation; however, most do not indicate an increase in the minimum wage
could ignite inflation. Results from studies by Campos-Vazquez and Esquivel (2020), “The
effect of doubling the minimum wage and decreasing taxes on inflation in Mexico”
investigated the combined effect of a quarter on point increase of the minimum wage, a
doubling of it, and a reduction of VAT on Mexican municipalities in 2019. They
demonstrated that the effect of VAT reduction overpowered the effect of the minimum wage
increase in cutting inflation for the year. The estimates say that the impact of this increase in
the minimum wage was either very minor or insignificant in their estimation. On the
empirical side, the results from the estimations undertaken by MacDonald and Nilsson
(2016) show that the impact of the minimum wage hikes on prices is considerably smaller
than the effects reported in previous studies. It is mainly taking place during the month in
which the wage increase occurred. It will positively confirm the existence of an effect of
minimum wage increases on prices, statistically significant.