The Enlightenment and the Philippine Revolution

Author(s): JOSE S. ARCILLA

Source: Philippine Studies , Third Quarter 1991, Vol. 39, No. 3 (Third Quarter 1991), pp.
358-373
Published by: Ateneo de Manila University

Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/42633263

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 Philippine Studies 39 (1991): 358-73

The Enlightenment and the Philippine Revolution

JOSE S. A R C I L L A, S. J.

It is beyond doubt that the South American wars of independence in

the first quarter of the nineteenth century were partially motivated
by ideas earlier received from the eighteenth-century intellectual revo-
lution of Europe.1 Can we say that the same influence had a similar
effect on the Philippine revolution which happened almost a hundred
years later in a place as distant as the Philippines?
The Enlightenment was the crossroads of European history, a crisis,
in a philosopher's view, of the European conscience.2 It denied the
past, and was in search of the new. Reason was the key to knowl-
edge and the solution of human problems, no longer tradition or faith.
Useful knowledge was prized and there was a marked zeal to edu-
cate the general populace. Philanthropy, resulting from the desire to
improve human life, found expression also in the clamor for the
removal of the tribute and other social distinctions to equalize vas-
sals into citizens of the nation. Through modern economic and scien-
tific progress, confidence* in human perfection was unlimited and the
golden age seemed at last within reach. Inevitably, a clash occurred
between accepted principles of authority and the new attitudes.

1. See among others, Arthur P. Whitaker, ed., Latin America and the Enlightenment
(Ithaca, 1961); J. Vicens Vives, ed., Historia de España y América (Barcelona, 1961), V, pp.
514 ff.; Antonio Ubieta, Juan Reglá, Jose Ma Jover Zamora, and Carlos Seco, Introducción
a la Historia de España (New York, 1965) esp. pp. 652-71.
2. Literature on the Enlightenment is overwhelming. But for the Spanish Enlighten-
ment, one should start with Jean Sarrailh, L'Espagne eclairée de la seconde moitié du XVIIle
siècle (Paris, 195 7). See also Angel Dominguez Ortiz, La Sociedad Española en el siglo XVIII
(Madrid: Instituto Balmes de Sociologia, Departamento de Historia Social Consejo Superior
de Investigaciones Cientificas, 195 7); Vicente Palacio A tard, El Despotismo ilustrado es-
pañol (Madrid, 1950); Richard Herr, The Eighteenth Century Revolution in Spain (Princeton:
Princeton University Press, 1958).

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ENUCHTENMENT AND REVOLUTION 359

THE SOUTH AMERICAN EXPERIENCE

Recent studies warn against simplistic conc

American wars of independence in the first
century occurred during this long clash b
old. Chronologically, the final defeat of th
General Antonio José Sucre by the victorio
tionary government of Colombia occurred
tion did not end there. A new phase in the s
pendence began with the building of the n
after the war. By the same token, although
began with the famous grito de Dolores of 18
pendence had already been heard much earlie
lutions, the South American wars did not ha
been in preparation for some time.
A good portion of Spain's economic life in
depended on American silver. But by 1600, p
can mines began to decline because of lab
technology. At the same time, the colonies ha
which enabled them to compete in the trans-
to the attitude that American capital should
home government, but retained to finance lo
fense, education, and other needs. Likewise
population decreased, that of the criollos in
of the decline in metal production, most of
lares invested in agriculture rather than in
economic rivalry between the Americans and
words, America was coming into its own, f
tive personality, and becoming the domin
economic life.3
Early in the eighteenth century, of course,
ripe for separatist ideas, but already a growin
on economic realities was palpable. Significan
the expulsion of the Jesuits during the liber
Spain (1759-88) also meant the loss of cer
enjoyed by the rest of the religious clergy. A
increase in criollo vocations to the priestho
the king decided against secularization, the n

3. A brief summary is in John Lynch, Spain Under th

America, 1598-1700 (New York: Oxford University Press
"American Trade: Contraction and Crisis."

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 360 PHILIPPINE STUDIES

sharpened the inchoate sen

in the later American inde
Two other groups encour
ity: the expelled Jews fro
secret societies, especially,
for their expulsion and, f
tion, never really became
contact with other Jews e
ments by means of cove
oughly acquainted with th
powerful group that fome
merchants in Amsterdam
subversive writings whi
America, and at times pa
clergy.5
Another source of separatist plans was freemasonry. First intro-
duced into Spain in 1726, by 1748 it had 800 members in Cadiz, which
was the gateway to and from the Americas. Under Charles III, free-
masonry enjoyed the most ample freedom. The leading political and
social figures of the period were members of the lodges, and they
succeeded in obtaining from the king limitations on the authority of
the Inquisition. It was therefore not surprising that three years later,
in 1751, the American Inquisition had its first case against a French
surgeon in Lima, Perú, who admitted that in that city there were at
least forty initiates of freemasonry.6
These factors, which on occasion worked together, fomented the
dissatisfaction or, at least, the sense of a separate criollo identity in
the eighteenth century. A historian described this identity and dis-

4. The literature on the expulsion of the Jesuits from the Spanish dominions and their
subsequent suppression as a religious order is abundant. As a start, see Magnus Morner
(ed.), The Expulsion of the Jesuits from latin America (New York; Alfred A. Knopf, 1965); -
For the problem of the native clergy in the Philippines, see Horacio de la Costa, S.J. and
John N. Schumacher, S.J., The Filipino Clergy: Historical Studies and Future Perspectives
(Quezon Qty: Loyola Papers Board of Editors, 1979); John N. Schumacher, S.J., Father
Burgos: Priest and Nationalist (Quezon Qty: Ateneo de Manila University Press, 1972);
Antolin V. Uy, S.V.D., The State of the Church in the Philippines, 1850-1875 (Tagaytay Qty:
Divine Word Seminary, 1984).
5. Vicens Vives, Historia de España , 408-89.
6. See among others, Jose Antonio Ferrer Benimeli, S.J. Masonería e inquisición en
Latinoamerica durante el siglo XVIII (Caracas: Universidad Católica Andres Bello, 1973);
Masonería , Iglesia e Ilustración. Un conflicto ideologico, politico, religioso (Madrid: Fundación
Universitaria Española, 1976-1979)); La Masonería despues del concilio (Barcelona, 1968);
Josef Stimpfle, "L'impossible Cohabitation entre l'Eglise Catholique et la Franc-
Masonerie," La Pensee Catholique 226 (198 7): 64-75.

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ENLIGHTENMENT AND REVOLUTION 361

satisfaction as the "primary element" which

can revolutionary wars. If one adds to th
ized during this period, one can appreciate
for the American wars of independence.
Two principal political theories were being
ers and writers opposed to the absolute e
power: the "populist," and the "contractual.
populist theories taught that public authori
siastical and the civil power. Both aimed
the common good of the community, the p
members, and salvation in the life to co
harmony between the two powers, the civi
the ecclesiastical. State authority, however,
of human freedom and justice. Otherwise
On the other hand, the Suarezian doctrine
ppwer was rooted in the community, and
despotically. If it were, the people had the
the tyrant. This is the famous doctrine of r
to the Jesuit Francisco Suarez (1548-1617)
pressed by another Jesuit, Juan de Mariana
Regis Institutione ad Philippum III (1589).8
The contractual doctrine of state powe
Calvinist Philippe Du Plessy-Mornay (1549
known Vindiciae contra tyrannos (1679). Ro
not impose absolute norms or decisions. In
ruler was under contract to his people.
expected to govern justly, the community
to obey him. Public authority was delegated
people. If abused, the people could legitimat
the ruler. This "right to resist" was justifie
public authority.
Contractualism reappeared in one form
seventeenth-century English revolution. Ear
(c. 1320-84) had refused to pay the royal ta
land (1199-1216) had promised to the po
sons, and when summoned to court, the En
among others, that because sovereignty b
king could not make promises unilaterally i

7. Thomas Aquinas, De re gim, princ. 1.6; In 2 sent. 44,

65, 3 ad lum.
8. Francisco Suarez, De diaritate, disp. 13; Defensio fidei 6, 4, 7 a. Juan de Mariana, S.J.,
De Rege et Regis Institutione ad Philippum III (1589), ch. VI.

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 362 PHILIPPINE STUDIES

out its consent.9 Later

Cromwell (1599-1688) held
it declared that all state p
the people could right
Constitution and a Parliam
sion of monopolies, the
dues, and a share in the
This was the inspiration
Two Governments (1690) a
its contents were not orig
them. From Locke, it pas
in 1776 and the French D
lated into Spanish by An
widespread acceptance all
the South American revo
nineteenth century, two
standing political theori
cans that they were on
to the people, and the
exercised.
Doubtless, the South American revolution had its peculiarities.
Bourbon Spain had already begun to introduce colonial reforms, but
they were based on outmoded principles of authority: economic
protectionism, political paternalism, racial assimilation, and Catholi-
cism. The entire program was galling to the American intellectuals
who, conscious now of who they were, demanded the treatment they
thought they deserved.
Technically, Spain did not rule an empire. The Spanish colonies
were "kingdoms" dynastically united under one Crown. But when
in 1807 Napoléon Buonaparte (1769-1821) ousted the legitimate king,
Charles IV (1788-1808), the Spaniards rose in revolt, introducing for
the first time what we know as "guerrilla" (minor war) tactics. In
the Americas, however, it occasioned a seminationalist and semimon-
archist resistance against the new Napoleonic order. American lead-
ership traditionally reserved for peninsular Spaniards was assumed
by the American-born Spaniards, the criollos. It was in defense of
the old legitimacy that the smouldering hostility between the penin-

9. See among others, George M. Trevelyan, England in the Age of Wy cliff (London,
1899), or any other good history of England.
10. Antonio N arino, a man of wide literary tastes, eventually amassed a private
library and owned a small printing press. See Enciclopedia universal ilustrada Europeo-
americana (Espasa-Cal pe), XXXVII, 1104-1106.

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ENLIGHTENMENT AND REVOLUTION 363

sulars and the criollos flared into open war

dom against the French invader in Spain wa
ment for freedom from the Spanish coloni

THE PHILIPPINE EXPERIENCE

How did this affect the Filipinos? The id

government was not new to them. But i
alternative for the Filipino propagandist
nineteenth century once it was clear that
the reforms they were peacefully deman
much later than the South American pol
fore, seeks an explanation for, first, this
of just exactly how the Enlightenment i
paign for reforms, if at all.
Because of the distance and the lack of
the Philippines, Spanish migration here
America. Besides, the few Spaniards w
Manila to invest in the galleon trade, an
provinces. But by the last quarter of
economic boom in the Philippines led to
distinct from the old hereditary principa
political role as representatives of the ce
mainly as recruiters for the hated polo
of the cédula , a role which victimized t
burse any deficit in the expected revenue
they were no longer the economic lea
respected by their constituents because of
despised by the nouveaux riches who
political power. The latter sent their s
learning in Manila or abroad. Eventual
sophistication in their dress, and attitude
in Spanish. Their ideal was a new Filipiniz
that of the ordinary indio, except that b
maintained their ties with the Church, u
with Spanish liberalism in the peninsu
Thus one finds the paradoxical situati
no position in the colonial government p
industrial growth. They were the same o
Hispanization in their lives and identit
They invoked the law, for the Philipp
province and its inhabitants had been pu
with the peninsulars.

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364 PHILIPPINE STUDIES

But the law was one thin

Spaniards the indios were
social ladder. In the Phili
passed, and peninsulars we
ippine-born military car
officers. And the Philippi
the foreign-born missiona
tory phrase was used, hijo
A minor episode dramat
was held in Spain to show
benign rule. Placed on ex
peninsulars were living
types of the races Spain h
criollos or Chinese mesti
race. Then they realized t
or Tagalogs, Bicolanos, V
Spaniards, and with thei
man rights.11 From then
did not appear impossibl
studying the Philippine r
How influential were the
separatist movement? Le
ation. One of the curious
philosophes toward Spain
treatment for the indigen
(1474-1566), a former enc
Indian Dominican friar, h
conquistadores to discredi
and put it under Church c
the indigenous races wer
as fodder for the leyend
inhumanity, etc.12 In the

11. John N. Schumacher, S.J., T

dad, 1973).
12. Literature on Fray Bartolom
Lewis Hanke and Manuel Gimene
liografia critica (Santiago dé Ch
Brevísima relación de la detruickm
This, together with the sketches
about the Spanish colonial progr
a deposed secretary of the Spani
Spain. See Romulo D. Carbia, His
1944); Sverker Anderson, La Leyen
Julian Juderias, La Leyenda negr

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ENLIGHTENMENT AND REVOLUTION 365

eign authors picked up the Spanish black lege

ent purpose, namely, to discredit religion, in
lar power over the Church. But, partly be
had imbibed the political doctrine of the sc
of the principles of the gospel, the Spanis
efforts to treat the indigenous Americans hu
in the famous Recopilación de leyes de los r
comprehensive collection of royal decrees for
the colonies. In other words, right from th
policy, despite its shortcomings, was not a
the natives, as Spain's enemies portrayed it
with the Christian tradition of respect for t
Americas, there was what historians today ca
for the native Americans. That is why Enligh
easy welcome in South America because th
pared for them. They were not a novelty. T
that these ideas of freedom, justice, equalit
gized the people into war, appeared not on
rational deduction , but also confirmed by the
fessional states as the new North American
clerical France created by Napoleon.
This doctrine was brought across the Paci
Casas, Fray Domingo de Salazar, the first b
Still not fully studied, the Salazar theory i
despoiling a man, the gospel perfected what h
words, the freedom, the right to rule thems
were not to be denied the indigenous trib
certain conditions were fulfilled. The Spani
Filipinos only on condition that it promote
Christ, a view legalized by the Spanish patron
That is why, according to Rizal, at the time
the later 300 years, the indigenous tribes h
government. The Spaniards treated the peo
abuses by Spanish encomenderos, Spanish f
them. Native troops fought side by side with

13. Jose S. Arcilla, S.J., "Christian Missions to China an

Studies 31 (1983): 468-76; John L. Phelan, 'Some Ideologic
the Philippines," The Americas 13 (1957): 221-39; Lucio Gu
O.P., Primer Obispo de Filipinas (1512-1594). Trabajo M
y Filipinas (1512-1594). Trabajo Misional y Civilizador en
Phüippiniana Sacra 12 (19 77): 514-68; "Labor Evangeliza
Salazar en Filipinas/' XIII (1978): 430-96; "Domingo de Sala
Humanization in the Conquest of the Philippines (1579

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366 PHILIPPINE STUDIES

ment offices were even o

the nineteenth century t
went to Spain, the exce
soured the Englightenm
liberal anticlericalism per
intoxicated the Filipino e
by Blumentritt, Rizal, fo
. . . the Philippines was a la
Spaniards, friars, officials,
body and soul. In Madrid,
atheists speaking freely
shedding his blood. He fou
He did not see the fight
clericals. He saw, on the co
conservatives] were many
Observing all this, a feeli
compared the difference e
the motherland and the the

This was precisely the

larization of the parishe
the expulsion of the Jesu
there been enough secular
been no problem. But, fir
parishes - in order to con
Philippine-born clergy m
the South American wars
Mexico, the Madrid gov
events in the Philippines,
pine-born priests. Parish
the friars.
We need not repeat the
Frs. Pelaéz and Burgos, an
sufficiently well known.
Throughout this polemic
to personal attacks, but li
justice, and natural or in
and legal tradition. It w
personal shortcomings of
suspicious orthodoxy or
outmoded claims of rac
admiration for the nobl

14. Escritos de ]ose Rizal (EJR)

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ENUGHTENMENT AND REVOLUTION 367

Daniel Defoe's Robinson Crusoe (1719) and ot

If the charges against the Filipino clergy w
not to deprive them of their parishes, but
impose stricter norms for priestly ordinat
So far, the problem was within the Churc
catapulted Burgos into the public eye, an
ment kept him under surveillance. Gover
(1869-71), anticlerical because he was a liberal, ordered the censor-
ship of the mail, not only of Burgos, but of other prominent figures
in Manila. When Burgos was finally implicated in the Cavite mutiny,
the death sentence imposed by the military tribunal received imme-
diate confirmation from Izquierdo, the new Governor General, noto-
rious in Philippine history for his refusal to show the trial records to
the Archbishop. But, historians agree, the public execution of three
very probably innocent priests spelled the doom of the Spanish gov-
ernment in the Philippines.15
The sequel is well known. GOMBURZA, an internal problem of
Church discipline, had repercussions outside of the Church. As Rizal
later admitted, had it not been for 1872, he would have become
a Jesuit, and, instead of Noli me tangere , would have written the
opposite.16

JOSE RIZAL

Rizal is without doubt the greatest protagonist for

Filipino rights and equality before the law. A pro
schools in his country, his contact with liberal rat
reoriented his life. Befriended by the leading anti
up the external practices of the religion of his yo
authors he most admired was Voltaire, who served b
logical and artistic inspiration. He even urged de
French in order to be able to read the works of V
conteur et philosophe of the Enlightenment.17 Among
at least, those preserved in the manuscript section o
Library (Chicago) - several depict Voltaire. Later

15. Leandro Tomo Sauz, "The Cavite Mutiny: Five Unknown

Arcilla, S. J., ed., Understanding the Noli: Its Historical Context and liter
Gty: Phoenix Publishing, 1988), pp. 45-56; 1872, trans. Antonio M
torical Conservation Society, 1973).
16. Rizal to Mariano Ponce, 18 April 1889: EJR, II, 3, 1, 356.
17. Rizal wrote to del Pilar, . . you will be able to read the
Voltaire, whose beautiful, simple, and correct style is admirable b
mony with his manner of thinking." EJR III, 2, 1, 274.

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 368 PHILIPPINE STUDIES

Dapitan and using ration

his former spiritual guide
unconvinced of the claims
going his plan at the tim
Bracken.
What were Rizal' s ideas which historians say planted a separatist
attitude among his readers? By his time, Rizal wrote, relations be-
tween Spaniards and Filipinos needed to be changed.18 The traditional
master-subject relationship between the two belonged to the past. To
continue that would be counterproductive. The question was whether
Spain would be willing to direct this change, or, by neglect, leave
the initiative to the Filipinos, and risk a violent revolution. Change
from above would always be peaceful, but no one could guarantee
that change from below would be bloodless.
Spain had no choice actually, Rizal claimed. In Rizal' s words, not
only were the Filipinos despised, but they were insulted, denied the
basic human capacity to reason so that they did not have even the
ability to commit crime. They were described as brutes, mere muscles
without brains! And, during the secularization campaign, and espe-
cially after the Spanish-American revolution, the government carried
out an outmoded program of insult and degradation. Discrimination
against native-born Filipinos was official policy. Parishes were taken
from Filipino priests, not because they were inept, or heretical, but
simply because they were Filipino. Legally equal to the peninsulars,
the Filipino ilustrados , hispanized, well educated, many of them loyal
to the Catholic Church, were despised by the peninsulars. And so,
as in South America earlier, the Filipino criollos found themselves
pitted against the peninsulars. This gave birth to their sense of being
different, and at the same time gave them a sense of oneness among
themselves. They no longer considered themselves as Tagalogs, or
Visayans, or Bicolanos, but Filipinos. What physical and legal abuse
could not effect, psychological abuse did. Thus was born the Philip-
pine nation.
But still it was hoped Spain would change its mind. Revolution
could still be avoided. Spain could continue in her benighted ways
and abuse the Filipinos in one of four ways: brutalize the Filipinos,
impoverish them, stop them from increasing in numbers, or divide
in order to conquer them. None would succeed, Rizal thought. The
more Spain brutalized or kept the Filipinos ignorant, the greater the
possibility of a violent reaction. For it would not be the wealthy, the

18. Jose Rizal, Filipinos dentro de cien anos (Manila, 1922).

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ENUGHTENMENT AND REVOLUTION 369

contented, or the educated, but the poor, t

who would risk anything to effect a chang
against all odds, the Filipinos had succeeded
in cases even better than the Spaniards.
increasing? Perhaps, Rizal wrote, this c
Caucasians, but not the Malays. How many
battles for and with the Spaniards had take
the population had increased! Divide and
Rizal' s time. Previously, military units were
their own, the Visayan troops to llocos, th
the Bicolanos to the Tagalog area. But, inste
they came to realize they had the same gri
one common adversary. Instead of dividing
them into a people.
Repression, then, was imprudent. Quot
favorite authors, Rizal wrote that every in
a greater counter-pressure, a greater head
mination of the Filipinos to win equality w
share in their own government. It was no l
reforms should be introduced, but what th
It is here that Rizal clearly stands head
the other propaganda writers. For while th
approached the matter positively and wro
Spaniards needed to reform. The Spaniards,
dom of speech and representation in the
oceans from each other, these two measure
legislation. There were many others, but
mind. Rizal advocated a total moral regener
without which they did not deserve self-ru
he refused to think of violent revolution a
The Filipinos needed two basic social vir
gencia . Economia, that is, making the best
for no nation has all the resources it needs
mutual give and take. For if the people w
they should be ready for it. Democracy
government by dialogue, not that one's o
the rest, but to arrive at a consensus for t
not easy, and the Filipinos, an extremely s
by hard discipline and education to coope
Exactly how many read Rizal will never b
10 percent of the population knew Spani
as in the French philosophes, confidence in

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 370 PHILIPPINE STUDIES

dreamed of educating his

use their minds properly.
as Fr. Florentino in the Fil

I do not mean to say that o

sword; the sword counts ver
say that we must win our fr
and enhancing the dignity
good, what is great, to the p
us less tolerant of tyranny
Spain would be the first to

The number of those w

he moved his readers to ac
colonial government. But t
to be rid of him; his frien
for example, did not leav
to lead a revolution. But
Rizal wanted rather to pre
self-rule.
One must note that Rizal was convinced the friars should not
meddle with the education, or even with the government of the
people. Clearly influenced by the rationalism of the Enlightenment,
he had lost respect for the friars in the Philippines, and was willing
to let them continue in the country, provided they limited themselves
to purely evangelical work.

THE MAKING OF A REVOLUTION

Four things are needed for a revolution t

perceived solution, a leader, and the means
tionary plan. We can trace two of the el
change: a complaint, namely, the unequa
Filipinos; and a perceived solution, name
by the propagandists best expressed by Riz
the Filipinos. Besides, one must note that,
are self-liquidating. Even the most egoistic
of colonies develops the latter. In time, th
mother country, as was the case of the
America.

19. Jose Rizal, El filibusterismo. Tr. Leon Ma Guerrero (London, 1969), p. 297.

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ENUGHTENMENT AND REVOLUTION 371

Will the home government, then, grant f

has developed? This was the underlying
movement. It was occasioned by an ecclesias
the anticlerical liberalism spawned by th
Spain. To the end, Rizal refused to accept
solution. But at one given moment, fortu
pectedly converged, and a leader arose w
wise would have been an aimless outburs
Andres Bonifacio, though not personal
present during the organization of Rizal's Li
Rizal's exile aborted the Liga, Bonifacio
Although not an intellectual, we know that
the French revolution and Rizal's novels. But
man inspired by Bonifacio, had the gift of
Ang dapat mabatid ng mga Tagalog, that w
of the influence of the Englightenment on
pine revolution. The Katipunan, he wrote
. . . pursues a great and important object: to u
of the Filipinos by means of a sincere oath in
have the strength to tear the thick veil that
order that the true road to Reason and Enligh

And in Bonifacio's "What the Filipinos

What, then, must we do? The sun of reason th
shows to our eyes that have long been blinded
follow: by its light we can see the claws of cr
death. Reason tells us that we cannot expect a
insults, more and more slavery. Reason tells u
hoping for the promised prosperity that will
materialize. Reason tells us to be united in sen
purposes, in order that we may have the stre
combating the prevailing evils in our country
It is now time for the light of truth to shi

On 26 December 1896, the military court

crimes of "founding illegal associations and
ing to rebellion, the first being a necessary
of the second. . . ." In the judgment of th

20. In Teodoro A. Agoncillo, The Revolt of the Masses

Katipunan (Quezon City: University of the Philippines
21. Ibid., pp. 92-93.
22. Ibid.

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 372 PHILIPPINE STUDIES

provided the inspiration an

to rise in arms against the
personal participation in th
was sentenced to die before
A recent book, however, hi
enough to understand the
at the revolution "from ab
writes, we should also look
odology of structuralism, Ile
that it was the traditional v
Passion and death that gave
express their inner sentim
themselves with Christ, a
confident that, like Christ,
their suffering. In other wo
the leaders would not have found the followers to mount a revolu-
tion if the latter had not been motivated - not necessarily by the
Enlightenment but by their Christian values.
Scholars disagree on how valid this method is in historical research,
and I shall not join this debate. But we get a glimpse into some of
the followers' mentality from the acts of the trial of Rizal. He was
implicated in the uprising because, without his knowledge or con-
sent, the captured insurgents admitted using his portrait and his name
as a rallying point. At least, certainly, two important members of the
Katipunan, Emilio Jacinto and Jose Turiano Santiago, ended speeches
with almost identical words: "Long live the Philippines! Long Live
Liberty! Long live Dr. Rizal!" As the court sentence expressed it,
Jose Rizal Mercado is the principal organizer and the very soul of the
Philippine insurrection; the author of associations, periodicals and books
dedicated to the cultivation and dissemination of ideas instigating
the people to rebellion and sedition; and the supreme head of the re-
volution.26

23. The Trial of Rizal, trans. Horacio de la Costa, S.J. (Manila: Ateneo de Manila
University Press, 1961), 137.
24. Reynaldo C. lieto, Pasyon and Revolution. Popular Movements in the Philippines,
1840-1910 (Quezon Gty: Ateneo de Manila University Press, 1979). See also Milagros
C. Guerrero, "Understanding Philippine Revolutionary Mentality," Philippine Studies 29
(1981): 240-56; Reynaldo C lieto, "Critical Issues in 'Understanding Philippine Revolu-
tionary Mentality"," Phūippme Studies 30 (1982): 92-119.
25. Rene 8. J avellana, S.J. (ed., annot., tr.) Casaysayan ruing Pasyong Mahal ni Jesucris-
tong Panginoon Natin na Sulat Jpag-alab nang Puso nang Sinomang Babosa (Quezon City:
Ateneo de Manila University Press, 1988).
26. See note 20 above.

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ENUGHTENMENT AND REVOLUTION 373

CONCLUSION

We know that, although the Katipunan aim

the colonial government, an unforeseen i
events. The discovery of their plot left B
choice but to fight. But revolutions do not
preparatory period, often unnoticed, always
of arms. Like the South American wars, a m
pine Revolution certainly was the sufferi
less than ideal government. Against this
upholding the dignity of the human person
the missionaries, though perhaps in cases
the people had no voice and were resigned t
be made conscious of their situation. Above
an ideal, the courage and confidence that
As a friend enthusiastically wrote to Rizal af
everyone else felt and knew but was afra
said openly.27 The court, then, was right, b
reason. Rizal, a man clearly influenced by
the spokesman of the oppressed and silent Fi
a voice - and not only a voice, but the r
violently if necessary.

27. Perhaps the reaction to the Noli which Rizal most

tritt who had written that the novel was like a stone aim
mit Herzblut and speaks to the heart. Similarly appr
Vicente Garcia, a native-born Filipino priest and doct
work was a piece of literature and should be judged ac
religion, but only its abuses. Several close friends sent

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