RELIGIOUS RITUALS AND THEIR SOCIOECONOMIC IMPLICATIONS IN PHILIPPINE

SOCIETY
Author(s): RICHARD ARENS
Source: Philippine Sociological Review , January - April, 1959, Vol. 7, No. 1/2 (January -
April, 1959), pp. 34-45
Published by: Philippine Sociological Society

Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/43498117

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34 PHILIPPINE SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW

RELIGIOUS RITUALS AND THEIR SOCIO-

ECONOMIC IMPLICATIONS IN
PHILIPPINE SOCIETY

By RICHARD ARENŠ

The invitation of the Philippine Sociological Society to speak before

this Forum on "Religious Rituals and their Socio-economic Implications in
Philippine Society" is a challenge and welcome opportunity to reflect on
my research data taken in Leyte and Samar from 1953 to 1957. Like
so many of my well-educated friends in Leyte and Samar you too might
doubt that rituals are still a reality and influence in modern Filipino so-
ciety. After four years of field work in the Eastern Visayas I am con-
vinced of this influence.

The interpretation I give to these phenomena is based on field-data

from the East Visayas. Both the scanty information about and my con-
tact with the other Christian regions in the Philippines show a similar
pattern and therefore generalizations based on information from the Visa-
yas might express a general pattern for the rest of the Philippines.
Although the data on which the generalizations and interpretations
and suggestions are based can hardly be questioned, because they have been
carefully collected and checked right on the spot, it is the interpretation
which is open to criticism and discussion in this Forum.
Venturing from the safe ground of objective reporting and description
of the data gathered in field research to the task of interpreting them is
an assignment the social scientist has sometimes to accept in order to
promote progress. And it is progress that a young Filipino nation wants,
progress in the cultural as well as in the economic field. I was informed
by the steering committee of this Convention that one aim of this meeting
is to show the National Government that in its improvement programs
for the rural areas some factors have been overlooked or not given enough
attention.
At this stage of development some of our social and economic projects
are blocked and ineffective, because our rural population is emotionally
and intellectually not yet prepared for this kind of progress. It needs
guidance and education.
The community school tries a new approach in order to come close
to the masses, but even the community school is not very effective in bringing
about a change in the attitude of our rural people. Why? Maybe, be-
cause our approach is still too much patterned after a Western outlook;
we lack understanding of the motivating forces of our rural people and
therefore our appeal does not ring true to them. Every public school
teacher can give you his frustrating story.
The same complaint comes from our shistosomiasis project in Leyte.
World-known medical scientists try to develop the most effective cure for
this shistosomiasis disease, but they need the co-operation of the rural
people and quite often they are irresponsive. These scientists were so
desperate that in 1954 and thereafter they called sociologists and anthro-

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 January - April, 1959 35

pologists to study the customs

find the right way of appro
when I visited the schistosom
making an interesting cemen
that they were going to build
barrio. The toilets were cons
them. Two months thereaft
ficer was highly impressed ho
not even the slightest smell w
this inspector became suspicious
that' not one of the newly co
were kept only for inspection
continued their old method.
A few months ago I received a letter from the Shistosomiasis Control
Project :
"I have recently read some of your social-anthropological studies
in the Philippine Journal of Science and as I am very interested, I would
be extremely grateful for whatever reprints you have available. It seems
to me that if we are to succeed at the "barrio-level" we shall have to
know a great deal more of the beliefs and motivations of the people than we
here at present do."
Signed
World Health Organization Senior Adviser.

The right motivation is important for all phases of progress, cultural

and economical. If you want to industrialize this agrarian country you
need new motivations, new attitudes, a new mentality. Let me give you
another example. It is not enough to put a first class- modern factory in
a rural area with the expectation to have a cheap, very cooperative, first
class labor force. You might be highly disappointed. An industrial work-
er has to be educated, has to be motivated in order to fit into the new
picture. I had just arrived in the Philippines when we hired a farmer
with his carabao to plow our sportsgrounds. The farmer worked hard.
One day we gave him an additional remuneration, because he had done a
good job and to encourage him to continue in this way. But the result
was, our good farmer did not show up the following day. When we
sent the boy over to fetch him, the farmer was enjoying himself over a
pitcher of tuba. He invited the boy to drink and said he would come
after two days, because the extra remuneration would last that long.
This man surely knows how to relax and to live, but with the same habit
he would not make a good industrial worker. An entirely new mentality
is needed.

To bring a desired change in the attitudes of the masses one has

first to know their basic motivations, hopes and fears. It seems to me
that these motivations, hopes and fears are best projected in the many
rituals still practised throughout the islands. The mentality projected in
these rituals and myths is inherited by large segments of the rural pop-
ulation and through the influence of our maids on the younger generations,
this mentality is even found among our city population.
So let me shortly discuss: What kind of mentality do the rituals
project ? What are the basic fears, hopes , and drives of our rural popula -

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36 PHILIPPINE SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW

tion? How did the rituals satisfy some basic

role of rituals in rural society? How can
forces be utilized in modern society? The
I will try to answer.
Comparing my field notes from the Ea
material from other parts of the Philippine
and Oceania, it seems safe to say that th
Animistic Worship as these countries me
farmer made offerings to the sun and moon
as the Gods who gave him rice. He offer
them during the planting season and again
or another during the harvest season.
Hand in hand with nature worship went
ship. The farmer considered his dead anc
ers before him as the guardians of his field
spirits "encantados" lived in the fields prot
therefore worshipped them too. Encanta
plexion. According to the belief today in Le
tados are spirits who live like men with t
and selected places. They come out of th
and appear to men. If offended they may
cified by sacrifices which consist of a brow
food has to be brought close to the place w
posed to live.
Out of this animistic worship a variety o
agricultural rituals, for planting and harves
fishing rituals; hunting rituals; rituals for
curing the sick.
Four hundred years of Catholic influence have Christianized and
altered some of the practices through the addition of prayers, the use
of Christian symbols and a shift of emphasis from nature symbols as
powerful magical instruments to God the author of all blessing.
In the Philippines we experience again the ability of the Catholic
Church. To accommodate itself to various conditions, deep rooted and
cherished practices from times immemorial, long before Christianity came
to Philippine shores, are not entirely discarded, but given a new meaning.
As the Mediterranean World was responsible for introducing the feast days
of Christmas and Easter on days formerly devoted to pagan worship,
as Germany introduced the "Feuerweihe" on Holy Saturday in Roman
Liturgy, so the Philippine rice farmer through his deep rooted Catholic
faith by changing the the meaning of old symbols of nature worship may
eventually introduce new liturgical forms for the Oceanic World of Rice
Culture.

What kind of mentality do the animistic rituals project? As to the

mentality expressed in the original rituals, I mean to say those rituals
which were purely animistic in nature and not influenced by Christianity,
I think they resulted from a sentiment of fear and anxiety. - Man felt
that he was surrounded by inimical forces which he was unable to fight
like sickness, death, sorrow, desperation, evil. No friend could efficiently
help in the encounter of these forces. This fear which comes from the

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 January - April, 1959 37

depth of human existence is a po

realities - realities over which man has no control. In this fear man took
refuge in all kinds of objects which in ordinary life were useless, even
ridiculous, like stones, bones, feathers, paper, rubber etc. These objects
received their power through suggestion. In the selection of these objects
a naive symbolism can be found. Most familiar is the application of the
principle that "like produces like." Let me give an example of the objects
and symbols used in Camote planting. The farmer brings along a human
hair, because the hair symbolizes roots, and the more roots the camote
plant develops the better. She carries also a stone signifying the ex-
pected weight of the camote. Another symbolic meaning of the stone
is to make the roots resist heavy rain and corruption; or to resist and
vines of the camote plant. Once infested by the insects, the yield of
the crop is small. In other places sugar and honey are added in the
planting ceremony to make the camote sweet and tasty. A spoonful of
sand is placed to the first plant to make the camote as plentiful as the
sand.

The farmers of Barugo do not permit skinny and weak people to plant
camote, instead they prefer stout persons and pregnant women. The
custom of piggy-back riding in the planting ceremony is known throughout
Leyte and Samar, as it is with the other symbols so far described.
In one barrio of Tacloban - San Jose - the unique practice prevails
of stripping before the first planting. It is the belief that planting in
the nude makes the skin of the camote thin. In addition, the planters
put babies on their backs hoping that the camote will have fruits in bunches.
Since the camote has many colours, like yellow, violet, orange, and mostly
white, the babies are dressed in the colour one wishes the camote to get.
At the actual planting the dresses are taken off from the babies and placed
near a "bobon" (a hole prepared for camote planting). This practice,
however, is not common throughout the barrios of Tacloban; it is rather
the exception and the writer could not find any other place in Leyte
and Samar where this practice prevails.
Instead of children riding on the back, in Carigara an old man rides
on the back of another man who does the first planting. Both cross the
fingers, hoping that the fruits will overlap in the same way.
In Catarman (Northwest - Samar) to the symbols already mentioned
in camote planting a carabao horn and cat's paw are still added. Both
are hung in the extreme corner of the field for protection against wild
animals and rats.

After the planting has been done, the planters are prohibited in Dulag
to touch things having fibers, for example rope. It is the belief that the
camote would develop strong fibers and therefore be less useful for con-
sumption. All this symbolism is rather naive and simple.
Man used these rituals as a valve to release the threatening impact
of the evil influences. They created a feeling of security and protection.
Big landowners in Leyte who themselves do not practise the rituals any
longer and feel it is a kind of superstition, told me, we have to permit our
tenants to perform these rituals otherwise they feel insecure, unhappy and
their efficiency in work decreases.

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38 PHILIPPINE SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW

One of these landowners also told me: "Once I asked a tenant to

cut down a big tree at the corner of a field. For a long time my com
mand was not followed, even after repeated orders. When I finally go
angry over this laziness, the tenant told me: "There are encantados in
the tree, they would get angry at me and my family, they would ha
us". I said, "Foolishness, cut that tree." But the tenant was not willing
When he saw that I was angry, he asked: "May I tell the spirits, t
it is your command, to cut the tree?" I said: "Go ahead, and tell t
spirits what you want, but cut that tree." "So the tenant went, and i
loud voice he warned the encantados to move out, that he had to cut
the tree - their habitat - on orders of the landlord. He asked them not
to get angry at him and his family, because he was following orders, they
should settle their grudge with me (the landlord). Thereafter he cut the
tree."

This fear of spirits is deep rooted in the uneducated rural population

and influences their working efficiency.
Another reason for the rituals is the desire to control the environ-
ment, to master the force of nature. This explains also the wide use
of amulets and talismans in Philippine society. The general term for
this power in the Visayan dialect is Anting- Anting. For classification
purposes one might divide the Anting-Anting into amulets and talismans.
Amulets have preventive force by protecting the bearer against witch-
craft, sickness, accidents etc. Talismans on the other hand bring good
luck or transmit new qualities. One should not press this difference
too much because the line of distinction is fluctuating and sometimes
there might be difficulty in classifying the magical power, because it is
at the same time preventive and brings good luck. But in the folkbelief
there is such a distinction and even different words are used for talismans
and amulets. The expression for talisman is "sangod", or "saot" ; for amulets
"pancontra," or "sumpa" which means protection, or "Hapin sa lawas"
which means covering the body.
Some of the common amulets in the East Visayas are:
(1) The Anti-Barang Amulet. It is either a diamond or a crocodile
tooth (tango hin buaya). A Barangan is a person with magical power to
injure the faces of their fellowmen. How threatening this belief in aswangs
and barangans can be is recorded monthly in our newspapers. Just re-
cently I read in the Republic Daily } Cebu, Dec. 9, 1958 the follow-
ing story: "A stick of dynamite was hurled last Sunday night into the house
of a Camotes resident who was being suspected of witchery, the blast killing
his wife and critically injuring him and their four children. The dynamite
went through the window, blowing this house of the 58 years old suspected
witch to smithereens. The deafening explosion was heard in that town
about 11 o'clock Sunday night.
The barrio lieutenant reportedly admitted to P.C. investigators that
he instigated the attempt at wholesale murder in the belief that Venancio
was practising witchcraft which, he believed, had brought illness to his
son. The kind of witchery imputed to Venancio is known locally as "ba-
ran".

2) Anti-Aswang Amulet. In a cute little bag, called "carmen" some-

times heart-shaped, one can find bones, hair, feathers, rubber and "oracion".

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January - April, 1959 39

3) Anti-Cahoyiion Amulet. Cah

and trees. As protection agains
Mercury is in use.
4) Anti-Thief Amulet. A skull
cemetery. Whenever said person
th hous in his absence. Should
approach the house, all loose thi
to folk belief - will start to dan
frightened and leave.
Some of the common Talisma
stated amulets are protective in
luck or transmit certain new qu
bring the desired result, but mi
Talismans are abundant in kin
human desires, hopes and expec
talisman. The talisman is ordin
found accidentally. Let me sho
comes into being. A well-to-d
on his farm. Near the well was
crawling out. By the time the
entirely cast off. The snake qu
man went home and kept the cast
Several days later when the s
river he happened to lift a ston
and molted there. He again plac
the night, without telling any
Nito nga Bugtong (a kind of pl
is used in making strings), a
the shrimp to the Tango hin
became the ijian's Anting-Ant
related: "Whenever there is a w
livery, I tie this cord around
just like the snake and the shr
baby will at once be born."
I will give a short list of talis
also reveal the hopes, desires an
1 . Talismans for gambling. Th
are always carried by the person
with two little tails bring luck
2. Talismans for Invulnerabili
is a collection of pictures of th
3. Talismans for Invisibilit
was buried on Good Friday on
near the Church door, b) The k
night from the cemetery, c) T
4. Talismans for strength. Bo
one of the highest goods and
strength which is in the posse
possible to gain ownership of

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40 PHILIPPINE SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW

rat vomits a mutya stone. The person

stone, should pick it up fast and swa
5 . Love potions. Love plays a powe
tions are known by all nations and th
This is not the place to go into detail
in the audience might be interested
of mine in the Journal of Far Eas
and Talismans in Leyte and Samar." One charm I might give here:
The lover who cannot gain the attention of the girl or vice versa, has
to abstain from a bath for at least a week. He should not even wash
his face. After a week a bath is taken and the dirt of the body is
gathered into a "garapa" (bottle). Thereafter food is prepared, pref
ably Suman. Suman is Malacket rice either salted or sweetened and wr
ped in a banana leaf. Some of the bottled content has to be mixed wit
the food and is to be given to the girl unknowingly. After a while th
girl is expected to respond to the advances of the lover.
Some general observations with regard to the phenomenon Antin
Anting . Ordinarily amulets and talismans are magically potent in the
selves, but additional power is often achieved depending upon cert
rites and the secrecy observed. Talking about its possession and pow
destroys the effectiveness.
An interesting phenomenon is the combination of animistic practic
with Christian prayers and beliefs in the use of amulets and talisman
In many amulets and talismans I found the so-called "oracion". This is
quite often a mutilated Latin prayer. The parish priest of Allen (Sama
in whose district the oracions are still widely used explained to
the distorted prayers in the following way: People ask the sacristan t
copy a prayer form the Missale Romanům or Rituale Romanům, especia
prayers used against certain sickness, calamities etc. The sacristan mig
misspell a word, or his handwriting might be poor. People then memor
the prayers as written by the sacristan in Latin, but because they do n
understand the meaning some words or syllables are contracted or omitt
After a while these prayers are again copied from memory and in th
way a spurious "Latin" oracion comes into existence which is hardly in
telligible - but is believed to be a powerful Anting-Anting.
Other sacred objects are also in danger to be used as Anting-Anting
The parish priests in Biliran Island told me, they have to remove
altar stone after mass held in a barrio, because the people would try t
secure a piece from it as a powerful Anting-Anting . This attitude
explained through the fact, that the barrios, which through all the c
turies received only a sprinkling of Christian doctrine, remain the stro
holds of animistic practices and beliefs. From here belief in the powe
of amulets and talismans found its way time and time again into tow
and cities, which in general have a better Christian instruction, althou
in the last fifty years religious instruction was forbidden or at least v
much discouraged in public schools.
A naive and primitive symbolism is connected with amulets and
talismans. Their material or incantation mostly has a directly symbolical
relation to the results expected: The sharp beak and the claws of the
kingfisher bring luck to the gambler in the cockpit; the lizard with a

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 January - April, 1959 41

double tail brings luck in th

skin of the snake and the sh
Amulets and talismans bel
which established a primitiv
Even if one doubts the phy
psychological effects. Amule
feeling of superiority. So b
clearer one has only to rem
and evil men, like the Barag
All sicknesses were regarde
The tambalan served in thi
a specially gifted person to a
and property came. Throug
was counteracted. Through
the category of defense to a
self-esteem and gave still gr
and talismans satisfied a basi
The material so far presen
a culture pattern which rea
is still an overt reality in ou
among our town and city p
An evaluation of these bel
into account the positive an
Positive Aspects of Ritua
gave the people a psychologi
ing and menacing powers of
security which is so necessary for healthy living. Although it was a
word of "make belief" it nevertheless served its purpose and kept the
people conditioned for work.
The rituals with their corresponding celebrations created a happy
atmosphere at the time of planting and harvesting. This happy mood
(especially noticed during rice planting and harvesting, at which time
community help is needed) increased by good meals, singing, dancing, etc.,
brought the cooperation of neighbors for work. This cooperation and help
which was remunerated only in kind was of special importance to a cash-
short society. - The attraction to join in planting and harvesting rice is
still so great today that maids in towns and cities ask for leave to be home
for this occasion.

The singing during rice planting and harvesting kept the people in a
definite work rhythm and increased work-efficiency. In some places in
Leyte and Samar special guitarists are present who by their playing keep
the working spirit high. We see that the background music in American
and European factories is not a new invention; it has long been practised
in the Philippines for work-efficiency.
The rituals had also disciplinary, controlling influence on society
and safeguarded material resources. Take for example one part of the
Corn Ritual in Dulag. When the corn starts to bear fruit, "Awog"
is placed in the center of the field. This is to refrain other people from
stealing the young corn. The people believe that after placing the "awog,"

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 42 PHILIPPINE SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW

only the owner can get the corn w

steals and eats the corn he either b
There are plenty of similar prote
tective rituals have a double effect
owner and fear to the offender. P
way. In the absence of a police force in primitive society the Rituals
served therefore as a law enforcing agency.
Another positive aspect of the rituals is the fact that they suggest
and symbolize certain desired actions. Thus in riceplanting the "para-
tiking" (master of ceremonies) plants seven rows of seven rice seedlings
in a very fast manner; thereafter he jumps a few meters while joyfully
exclaiming "ahoy." This is done with the intention that those who fol-
low him in planting will be fast (Tacloban, Julita).
In harvesting rice the master of ceremonies has to be careful not to
drop any ear because that symbolizes waste and it is feared that the workers
who do the harvesting will also waste much rice. Here we see the ritual
performing an impressive educational function, in creating certain atti-
tudes important for economic efficiency, namely, to work fast and con-
tinuously and second to preserve the raw material and not to squander
it.

Besides the emotional and educating effects of the rituals there might
be also deep insight in the forces of nature. For example the many herbs
used by the tambalan in curing his patients maybe as successful, and even
more so, than his psychological scothing effect on the patient. - In the same
way the smoking ceremonies of crops during critical times might keep dan-
gerous insects away. But these investigations I must leave to our natural
scientists.

Most of these positive features of the rituals belong to an earlier stage

of economical and cultural development. Some of these aspects have out-
grown their usefulness in modern society, whereas other might be used
with slight changes as a motivation force.
Negative Aspects of Rituals: The negative features of the rituals
are quite considerable under modern circumstances. It is not so much
the amount of time spent on the rituals nor the material used in the
sacrifices which are sometimes said to be detrimental to the economy.
With the exception of the quite expensive sacrifice made to cure the sick,
these elements of waste of time or money are negligible, and all these
expenses are compensated by the good emotional, uplifting and consoling
effects of the ritual.

As I see it, it is the attitude, the belief created through these

rituals - as if failure and success in economic life depend on the rituals -
which blocks genuine progress. New methods in fertilizing fields, crop
rotation, checking of disease by scientific procedure, these methods are not
used, because this is not "the custom". A genuine inquiry into the causes
of crop failure is neglected - it is simplified, but also stupified by the pri-
mitive response - such and such a ritual was neglected or this ritual has to
be performed.
Take for example the barrio people from the town of Burauwen in
Leyte. Should the rice in one part of the field not grow well, the owner
calls a tambalan. The farmer believe that in that particular corner of

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 January - April, 1959 43

the field a spirit got angry and

therefore, securing the help of
and apologizes to the spirit, tr
also apologizes to the souls of t
for his having neglected them.
Sometimes even good land is
food sent out into the field
regarded in Abuyog as a bad "O
do not favor his intention to
I was not able to establish how
I need not go into more detai
rituals, because most of the neg
tence that it is the "animistic b
our rural population which slo
forests and fields are inhabited
the outcome of the crop and th
sacrifices; the belief that thro
talismans success and failure ca
creates an unhealthy climate fo
principles involved in those ma
which do not encourage genuin
block therefore scientific imp
that "like produce like" which
bolism used in rituals: the far
of sugar cane in camote planti
be as big as the stone and as
other symbolic expressions base
duces like."
If we do not overcome this "animistic belief" in our rural population
and if we do not educate and channel their attitudes and motivations
properly the remaining animistic practices will greatly handicap the eco-
nomic development of the country-side.
What is now the proper way of educating our rural population for
cultural and economic progress? The public school system made itself
the advance guard of community development in the Philippines. I think
this was a right move for the rural areas. There is no other govern-
ment agency which reaches to the grassroot level of our population into
the most distant barrios like the public school teacher. With heroism and
great sacrifice some of our devoted public school teachers maintain those
educational outposts. In the Graduate School I often had the oppor-
tunity to discuss with teachers their problems and disappointments with
the educational outcome in the rural areas. The problem is not only one.
There is the problem of the proper medium of instruction for different
grade levels; the problem of how much education; the problem of drop-
outs, because of poverty and lack of motivation and understanding; the
problem of the right curriculum for the rural areas. All these problems
have come to the attention of public school authorities and they have
experimented in different ways to find a proper solution. To discuss these
problems does not belong to my topic, but one crucial problem belongs
to my topic today and this problem has never been tackled by public
school authorities, they are even afraid to approach it. This problem

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44 PHILIPPINE SOCIOLOGICAL REVIEW

is the religious education of our bar

instruction and knowledge which ke
of superstitious beliefs and practice.
The Filipino is religious by natur
expression and celebrations. Any soc
who has had contact with barrio peo
the president of the organization "Wor
tries to uplift the barrio people thr
we go the people ask us: "Help us to build a chapel, that we can have
mass and celebrate our Fiesta." - When solid religious instruction is lacking
people turn to surrogates, rituals, amulets and talismans. They even create
their own religious movement which often ends in outlaw organizations.
In Samar I had the opportunity to study the Pullahanes movement. The
leader was always a kind of religious leader, believed to have magical power
( Anting- Anting ) . Even at the beginning of 1957 a new unlawful move-
ment was spreading in Northern Samar which originated from and gained
followers among the illiterates and religiously neglected natives.
A similar movement called "Watawat" has been gaining strength in
the Bicol Regions. In March and again in April 1957 I pointed this cult
to the P.C. Intelligence Division in Manila. Maybe you are aware that
only in December 1958 this movement erupted violently. I report here
from the Manila Bulletin, Tuesday, Dec. 23, 1958, p. 5:
Government troops in four Bicol provinces started last night rounding
up members of a religious sect and a guerilla outfit to prevent a regional
revolution and simultaneous attack on military and government installa-
tions. ... In his revelations the captured member of the raiding party dis-
closed of a night conference of 100 ranking Watawat officials at the
Watawat chapel wherein detailed plans were discussed.
All these movements which have erupted several times in the Philip-
pines are known as the "Colorum Movements" and have this in common:
that their driving force is an ill-directed religious desire and a strong
belief in the magical power of their leader.
This shows more than ever the necessity of educating the distant bar-
rio people in religion as well as in intellect. The only person who can
continuously and intelligently do this work is the public school teacher who
is already on the spot.
In this way Europe built its great Christian culture which was the
carrier of modern civilization. Through religious instruction in schools the
United States laid the moral fiber for its nation-building. It was only in
the later part of the 19th Century that through the slogan "separation of
Church and State" this was changed.
It was tragic that under 50 years of Protestant Colonial rule the
Philippines was forced to cancel religious instruction in public schools.
Through this a religious vacuum was created and the old animistic be-
liefs again received a stronger foothold in the rural areas, whereas the
towns and cities are swept by a wave of crime and immorality, because
the strongest motivating forces for good citizenship are lacking - the re-
ligious foundation of life-ideals.

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 January - April, 1959 45

To remedy this situation,

needed. The community sc
will not be able to eradicat
movements. Nor is the Chu
school teacher to make its gre
ening the moral fiber, by di
people in the right channe
of a morally strong, physic
Philippines.
Let us hope that our enli
need of our rural populati
joint cooperation of schoo
Nation.

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