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The Project Gutenberg eBook of Cabinet Portrait
Gallery of British Worthies. Volume I
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Title: Cabinet Portrait Gallery of British Worthies. Volume I

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*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK CABINET

PORTRAIT GALLERY OF BRITISH WORTHIES. VOLUME I ***
 THE

CABINET PORTRAIT GALLERY

OF

BRITISH WORTHIES.
VOLUME I.
 LONDON:
CHARLES KNIGHT & CO., LUDGATE
STREET.

1845.

LONDON: WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, STAMFORD

STREET.

Transcriber's Note: Footnotes and Errata

are placed at the end of this file.
 CONTENTS.

Page
HENRY II. 5
ROGER BACON 38
EDWARD III. 58
WICLIFFE 94
CHAUCER 120
WILLIAM OF WYKEHAM 145
CABINET PORTRAIT GALLERY

OF

BRITISH WORTHIES.
 Top

Among the histories of eminent kings, that of our Henry II. is one
of the most remarkable both in its beginning and its end, both in the
character of the man and in his fortunes; and, mostly tragic as the
annals of human ambition are, there are few such histories that
exemplify more impressively the instability and vanity of all earthly
greatness.
Nature and fortune joined to make him great. The son of Matilda,
daughter of the English king Henry I., he was through that descent,
after the death of his grandfather, the undoubted male
representative of William the Conqueror, the founder of the reigning
English dynasty, and as such the legitimate heir, at least after his
mother, both of the crown of England and of the dukedom of
Normandy, the older acquisition of his heroic race. His grandmother,
the wife of Henry I., was Matilda, daughter of Queen Margaret of
Scotland, herself the daughter of Edward the Outlaw, in the veins of
whose descendants now flowed the main stream of the blood of
Egbert and Alfred and the old Saxon royal line. His father, whom his
mother had married in 1127, two years after the death of her first
husband, the Emperor Henry V., by whom she had no issue, was
Geoffrey Earl of Anjou, surnamed Plantagenet, from his assuming as
his ensign, and wearing on the crest of his helmet, a sprig of broom
(in French plante genêt); whose father, Earl Fulk, had immediately
before this marriage resigned to him all his French possessions and
honours, upon being himself elected to the throne of Jerusalem, in
which he was succeeded, on his death in 1143, by Baldwin III., his
son by a second marriage. Henry was the eldest son of Geoffrey and
the empress, and was born at Le Mans, the capital of his father's
county of Maine, in March 1133, about two years and nine months
before the death of his grandfather King Henry.
Yet it is remarkable that each of these several advantages of
descent which were thus united in his person was accompanied by
some defect or drawback, as if in order that there might remain as
much for him to do for himself as had been done for him by the
accident of his birth. His Saxon lineage gave him no claim to call
himself the heir of the old race of English kings while there existed
male descendants of his great-grandmother, Queen Margaret of
Scotland, whose son David the First was now seated on the throne
of that country, and was undoubtedly the true representative of King
Edmund Ironside and the Saxon royal line. Even between him and
his legal right by inheritance to the English sceptre of the Conqueror
there stood his mother, to whom and not to her son it was that
Henry I. had made his barons swear fealty as his successor. Nor did
he on the death of his father obtain more than a qualified right to
the earldom of Anjou, Geoffrey having directed in his will that he
should resign it to his next brother Geoffrey if he should ever come
into the possession of the English crown, and having also made his
bishops and barons take an oath that they would not suffer his body
to be buried till Henry should have sworn to perform whatever the
will might be found to enjoin; which, accordingly, though with much
reluctance, he did. Geoffrey died on the 10th of September, 1151, in
his forty-first year, being younger than his wife the empress, who
had long ceased to be an object of his affections, by seven or eight
years.
Ere this, however, his son, styled by the French, Henry Fitz-
Empress (that is, son of the empress), had passed through other
changes of position and fortune. On the death of his grandfather, in
December 1135, the English throne had been usurped by Stephen of
Blois, whose mother Adela was a daughter of the Conqueror: she
had been married to the Earl of Blois, by whom she had four sons,
of whom Stephen was the third. In the course of the contest that
ensued between Stephen and Matilda, young Henry was in the latter
part of the year 1142 entrusted by his father to Robert, Earl of
Glocester, his mother's illegitimate brother and faithful partisan, and
was by him brought over to England. They landed, the boy and his
uncle, about the middle of November, at Wareham in Dorsetshire, a
town and castle belonging to the earl, but now held by the king's
troops. The garrison, however, agreed to surrender to Glocester, who
had brought with him from the continent a force of three or four
hundred knights, if they should not be relieved within three weeks;
and soon after, upon being informed from Stephen that he had no
intention of relieving them, they gave up the place. Matilda had
never, since she landed in England three years before, been in such
peril as she was in at this moment—not even when, in the summer
of the preceding year, she was surprised in London by Stephen's
queen, and only saved herself by springing into her saddle from the
table at which she was dining—nor a few weeks after when flying
from Winchester, early on a Sunday morning, she and her escort
were overtaken by the enemy at Stourbridge, and, while the Earl of
Glocester and all the rest were either taken prisoners or slain, she
made her way, attended by a single follower, to Luggershall, and
thence, after a rest of a few hours, by getting again upon horseback
and continuing her rapid flight, to the castle of Devizes. She was
now shut up in the castle of Oxford, which Stephen besieged with
his whole army, disregarding in the meantime every other object,
and determined to effect its reduction either by force or famine. All
hope seemed to be gone; but, after she had endured the greatest
privations, on the night of the 20th of December, she left the castle
by a postern gate, with four knights, crossed the Thames, which was
frozen over, and reached Abingdon on foot, having walked all the
way through a deep snow, and having been enabled to escape the
notice of the enemy, some accounts say, in part by herself and her
attendants having clothed themselves in white linen. At Abingdon
she took horse, and rode to Wallingford Castle. Hither a few days
after the Earl of Glocester, having started as soon as he heard the
news, brought her her son. The sight of the boy, says an old
chronicler, made her forget all her toils and dangers, and think all
she had suffered nothing. Matilda, with all her haughtiness of
temper, was not without other good qualities, besides her share in
the intrepidity and tough invincible spirit of her race; if prosperity
made her insolent and tyrannical, she bore adversity admirably; and
to her son she was from the first to the last the best of mothers, not
only in the affection she bore him, but in all other respects. Henry
was soon after this carried to Bristol, and "continued there four
years," says Lord Lyttelton, "under the care of his uncle, who trained
him up in such exercises as were most proper to form his body for
war, and in those studies which might embellish and strengthen his
mind. The Earl of Glocester himself had no inconsiderable tincture of
learning, and was the patron of all who excelled in it; qualities rare
at all times in a nobleman of his high rank, but particularly in an age
when knowledge and valour were thought incompatible, and not to
be able to read was a mark of nobility. This truly great man broke
through that cloud of barbarous ignorance, and, after the example of
his father King Henry, enlarged his understanding and humanized his
mind by a commerce with the muses, which he assiduously
cultivated, even in courts and camps, showing by his conduct how
useful it was both to the statesman and general. The same love of
science and literature he likewise infused into his nephew, who
under his influence began to acquire what he never afterwards lost,
an ardour for study and a knowledge of books not to be found in
any other prince of those times. Indeed the four years he now
passed in England laid the foundation of all that was afterwards
most excellent in him; for his earliest impressions were taken from
his uncle, who, not only in learning but in all other perfections—in
magnanimity, valour, prudence, and all moral virtues,—was the best
example that could be proposed to his imitation."[1] Henry's father,
who after a long contest had now acquired complete possession of
Normandy, recalled his son from England in the latter part of the
year 1146; and in the beginning of November of that year, very soon
after he had parted with his nephew, the Earl of Glocester was
carried off by a fever. This was to his sister the empress the loss of
her right hand. "Courage and resentment," we quote again Lord
Lyttelton's account, "still combated in her heart with despair; nor
was it without the greatest and most painful reluctance that she
gave way to the necessity of leaving a country over which she had
so long expected to reign. But, in less than four months after the
death of her brother, seeing no possibility of supporting her party,
and fearing to fall into the hands of her enemy, she was constrained
to abandon England and go into Normandy, to live with a husband
whom she never had loved, and who did not love her, but was
generous or prudent enough to receive her with kindness in this
decline of her fortune, when her pride was humbled by her sorrow.
Nevertheless, he retained to himself the dominion of that duchy, as
he had held it in her absence; that is, without any dependence upon
her. Instead of submitting to this, she would perhaps have stayed in
England, and buried herself under the ruins of her own greatness, if
the anguish of her mind had not been soothed by the hope that
Prince Henry, her son, might, when he should attain to an age of
maturity, be able to revenge her on Stephen, and recover the crown
which she had lost. Her whole care was therefore employed upon his
education. She laboured to inspire him with thoughts as high as her
own; to give him an ardour for glory, an ambition for empire, and a
spirit of conquest. His genius was very suitable for such instructions;
but the fire he drew from her was happily tempered with the lessons
of prudence and humanity which he had been taught in England by
his uncle; and which his father, a prince of great discretion and
judgment, continued to fix in his mind."[2]
 Henry remained in Normandy till the year 1149. Meanwhile his
friends in England had been gradually recovering heart and strength;
and it was arranged that the young prince, whom, although as yet
only sixteen, they now looked to as their head, should show himself
among them. From this time his mother may be regarded as having
withdrawn her pretensions in his favour; no express act of
resignation ever took place, but both she and her husband (for
Geoffrey also gave up something in abandoning the hope of a crown
for his wife) were too much attached to their son, and too sensible,
besides, of the present state of circumstances, and of what the
exigency demanded, to stand in his way. He landed early in the year
at the head of a considerable force, probably at Wareham, marched
through the western counties, where he was joined by the Earl of
Chester, the Earl of Hereford, and other barons; and made his way
to his great-uncle King David of Scotland, who had been for some
time in possession of the three northern counties of
Northumberland, Cumberland, and Westmoreland, and whom he
found at the head of an army in the town of Carlisle. During the
festivities of Whitsuntide, which were distinguished on this occasion
by extraordinary magnificence, Henry received the honour of
knighthood from his uncle; but he had no opportunity of gaining his
spurs, a disappointment which vexed him the more that Stephen's
son Eustace, who had been knighted about the same time, had been
already put by his father in command of a military force, with which
he was ravaging the lands of some of the very barons who were now
lying in idleness with their retainers at Carlisle.
It must apparently have been during this visit that Henry met with
his first mistress, so famous in song and story, the beautiful
Rosamund de Clifford. Of the two sons which she bore to him it is
known that the younger, Geoffrey, was older than Henry, his first-
born by his queen, and also that he was nearly twenty when he was
made Bishop of Lincoln in 1173; he was therefore probably born in
1153; and his elder brother William, surnamed Long-sword, who,
having married the daughter and heiress of the Earl of Salisbury,
succeeded to the estates and title of his father-in-law, may have
been born in 1150. Both of them were educated along with Henry's
legitimate sons: William survived till 1226; and Geoffrey, who
resigned his bishopric in 1182, and was then made Lord Chancellor
by his father, to whom he steadily adhered in all fortunes, became in
the next reign Archbishop of York, but resigned that see also in
1207, after holding it for about six years, and died in 1212. As for
their mother, who was daughter of Walter de Clifford, a baron of
Herefordshire, it is hardly necessary to say that there is no
foundation for the story of the labyrinth in which she was concealed
by her royal lover at Woodstock, and of her being discovered and
forced to drink poison by Queen Eleanor, which has made her so
renowned in popular romance. It is known that she spent her last
years in the nunnery of Godstow, near Oxford, which she was
probably induced to select for her retreat from her father having
been a benefactor to that house: there she is said to have lived a life
of devotion and penitence; but all that is known as to the time of her
death is, that it took place before that of her father, and he was still
alive in 1165.
Henry, finding that nothing could be done at present in England,
returned, in the beginning of the year 1150, to Normandy; and soon
after that duchy was resigned to him by his father, the French king
Louis VII. (Le Jeune) having come thither in the autumn of this year,
according to an agreement among all the parties concerned, and as
feudal sovereign formally delivered it up to the young prince,
reserving to himself, as the price of his compliance, the border
district called the Vexin, which had always been a subject of
contention between the dukes of Normandy and the kings of France.
Some months afterwards, indeed, Louis, repenting of what he had
thus done, made an attempt to wrest the fief again out of the hands
of the Angevin prince, with the view of transferring it to Stephen's
son, Eustace; but upon Henry showing a bold front, and a
determination to defend his own, he soon desisted, and the quarrel
was settled by his abandoning Eustace, and by Henry coming to
Paris and renewing his homage there. This then was Henry's first
acquisition. His next was that of the three earldoms of Anjou,
Touraine, and Maine, into which he came into possession by the
death of his father about a year after. This was not long in being
followed by another, for which he was still more directly or materially
indebted to King Louis than he had been for his duchy of Normandy.
That well-meaning but somewhat weak monarch had long been
dissatisfied with his queen, Eleanor, or, as she is more commonly
called in the chronicles of the time, Alienor or Aanor, daughter and
heiress of William, Duke of Guienne or Aquitaine and Earl of Poitou,
countries extending along the whole of the western coast of France,
from the Loire to the Pyrenees, which her marriage, celebrated
immediately after her father's death, in the year 1137, when she was
only sixteen, had annexed to the French crown. It seems amazing
that any considerations should have blinded Louis to the impolicy of
allowing possessions of such extent and importance, constituting
more than a third of his kingdom, to pass out of his hands after he
had once got hold of them; yet so it was; he had been tormented by
feelings of jealousy ever since Eleanor had been with him, in the
year 1148, in the Holy Land, where he imagined she had had a
variety of intrigues both with Christian and infidel lovers; she on her
part had come to look with contempt upon her husband, the
character of whose mind seemed in her eyes to make him fitter for
being a monk than a king; and the end was that in the beginning of
the year 1152 she submitted to a divorce, or rather their marriage
was dissolved by mutual consent; for, although at the council of
bishops which assembled at Beaujency-sur-Loire to take the matter
into consideration, and before which Eleanor made her appearance,
Louis asked for a divorce on the plea of his suspicions of her fidelity,
the council pronounced no opinion upon that point, but simply
declared the marriage to have been null from the beginning, on the
common and convenient ground of the consanguinity of the parties,
who were fourth cousins, the canons of the Church forbidding
marriage, without a previous dispensation from the pope, even
between persons related within the seventh degree. The scandalous
chronicles of the time affirm that Eleanor had already, before her
separation from her husband, given way to a passion for young
Henry Plantagenet, whom indeed she had seen at the French court
on two recent occasions; first when he came, as just related, to
renew his homage for the duchy of Normandy, and again when he
returned soon after to receive investiture of the earldoms he
inherited from his father. They at least were not long in finding out
one another after she was at liberty to dispose of herself. The
nullification of Eleanor's marriage with Louis immediately produced
two consequences; it bastardized two daughters that she had borne
to him, and, as we have already intimated, it severed from the
French crown the extensive dominions forming her inheritance. It
was natural that she should now return to her own country, and
accordingly she set out for Poitou as soon as the council had
pronounced its sentence. But there were several aspirants to the rich
prize which Louis had resigned or cast away, notwithstanding that he
is said to have assured himself that she would never get another
husband, declaring that her behaviour had made her too infamous
for the poorest gentleman in his dominions to be willing to marry
her. When she reached Blois, she received proposals from the young
Thibaud, Earl of Blois, who had just succeeded to that fief on the
death of his father, the elder brother of King Stephen; and, when
she declined his suit, it is affirmed that he formed a design of
detaining her, and compelling her to marry him by force, which she
only escaped by being warned of it and taking her departure in the
middle of the night for Tours. Here another danger of the same kind
met her. Henry Plantagenet's younger brother Geoffrey had been left
by his father only the castles of Chinon and Loudon in Touraine, and
that of Mirabeau in Anjou, with their dependencies, and he could
hardly therefore, even with his dubious prospect of succeeding at
some future time to the chief possessions of his family, flatter
himself that if he should set about wooing the Duchess of Aquitaine
in the common fashion he would, in present circumstances, have
much chance of success. But either not being aware of or
disregarding his brother's pretensions, and thinking that such an
opportunity of making his fortune was not likely again to present
itself, he also, like Thibaud of Blois, resolved to try force, and posted
himself at a port on the Loire, called Le Port de Piles, by which he
supposed that Eleanor would pass, for the purpose of waylaying her
and carrying her off. She received intelligence of his scheme,
however, and, changing her route, got safe to her own town of
Poitiers. From this she sent to Henry, then in Normandy, to tell him
of her arrival, and of the perils through which she had made her
way. He instantly set out to join her, taking with him only a few
attendants, and travelling so as to attract as little observation as
possible; and they were married on Whitsunday (May the 18th), not
quite six weeks after Eleanor's separation from Louis. Henry was not
yet twenty years of age, and his bride was full thirty; "but with a
good share of beauty," observes Lord Lyttelton, "and more of
vivacity, she had still youth enough to gain the heart of a young
man, though not to preserve it very long." His lordship nevertheless
declines affirming that Henry was really in love,—that his acceptance
of Eleanor's offer of her hand was prompted by any other passion
than his ambition. There were certainly some strong considerations
to be got over, apart altogether from their difference in age.
Thus was Henry already lord of nearly the half of France. From
the situation of his previous possessions, he was of all the vassals of
the French crown the one whom a union with Eleanor was fitted the
most to aggrandize. As the duchy of Normandy, which he derived
from or through his mother, was conterminous on the south with his
three paternal earldoms of Anjou, Touraine, and Maine, so his wife's
states of Poitou and Guienne lay immediately to the south of these
last, the whole forming an unbroken continuation of territory
extending from the English Channel to the Pyrenees. To these
acquisitions, maternal, paternal, and matrimonial, he soon added
another much more splendid than any or all of them, which he may
be said to have mainly won for himself by his own right hand. For a
brief space he was detained on the continent by having to take arms
against a formidable confederacy organized by King Louis, who had
now at length opened his eyes, and turned them with amazement
and consternation upon his youthful vassal, suddenly become his
rival and almost his equal, and had got his own brother the Earl of
Dreux, Henry's brother Geoffrey, Eleanor's other disappointed suitor
the Earl of Blois, and King Stephen's son Eustace, to join him in an