Chapter 8 | The Media 287

Chapter 8

The Media

Figure 8.1 On August 8, 2015, activists for Black Lives Matter in Seattle commandeered presidential candidate
Bernie Sanders’ campaign rally in an effort to get their message out. (credit: modification of work by Tiffany Von
Arnim)

Chapter Outline
8.1 What Is the Media?
8.2 The Evolution of the Media
8.3 Regulating the Media
8.4 The Impact of the Media

Introduction
Democratic primary candidate Bernie Sanders arrived in Seattle on August 8, 2015, to give a speech
at a rally to promote his presidential campaign. Instead, the rally was interrupted—and eventually co-
opted—by activists for Black Lives Matter (Figure 8.1).1 Why did the group risk alienating Democratic
voters by preventing Sanders from speaking? Because Black Lives Matter had been trying to raise
awareness of the treatment of black citizens in the United States, and the media has the power to elevate
such issues.2 While some questioned its tactics, the organization’s move underscores how important the
media are to gaining recognition, and the lengths to which organizations are willing to go to get media
attention.3
Freedom of the press and an independent media are important dimensions of a liberal society and a
necessary part of a healthy democracy. “No government ought to be without censors,” said Thomas
Jefferson, “and where the press is free, no one ever will.”4 What does it mean to have a free news media?
What regulations limit what media can do? How do the media contribute to informing citizens and
monitoring politicians and the government, and how do we measure their impact? This chapter explores
these and other questions about the role of the media in the United States.
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8.1 What Is the Media?

Learning Objectives
By the end of this section, you will be able to:
• Explain what the media are and how they are organized
• Describe the main functions of the media in a free society
• Compare different media formats and their respective audiences

Ours is an exploding media system. What started as print journalism was subsequently supplemented
by radio coverage, then network television, followed by cable television. Now, with the addition of the
Internet, blogs and social media—a set of applications or web platforms that allow users to immediately
communicate with one another—give citizens a wide variety of sources for instant news of all kinds. The
Internet also allows citizens to initiate public discussion by uploading images and video for viewing,
such as videos documenting interactions between citizens and the police, for example. Provided we are
connected digitally, we have a bewildering amount of choices for finding information about the world. In
fact, some might say that compared to the tranquil days of the 1970s, when we might read the morning
newspaper over breakfast and take in the network news at night, there are now too many choices in
today’s increasingly complex world of information. This reality may make the news media all the more
important to structuring and shaping narratives about U.S. politics. Or the proliferation of competing
information sources like blogs and social media may actually weaken the power of the news media relative
to the days when news media monopolized our attention.

MEDIA BASICS
The term media defines a number of different communication formats from television media, which share
information through broadcast airwaves, to print media, which rely on printed documents. The collection
of all forms of media that communicate information to the general public is called mass media, including
television, print, radio, and Internet. One of the primary reasons citizens turn to the media is for news. We
expect the media to cover important political and social events and information in a concise and neutral
manner.
To accomplish its work, the media employs a number of people in varied positions. Journalists and
reporters are responsible for uncovering news stories by keeping an eye on areas of public interest, like
politics, business, and sports. Once a journalist has a lead or a possible idea for a story, he or she researches
background information and interviews people to create a complete and balanced account. Editors work
in the background of the newsroom, assigning stories, approving articles or packages, and editing content
for accuracy and clarity. Publishers are people or companies that own and produce print or digital media.
They oversee both the content and finances of the publication, ensuring the organization turns a profit and
creates a high-quality product to distribute to consumers. Producers oversee the production and finances
of visual media, like television, radio, and film.
The work of the news media differs from public relations, which is communication carried out to improve
the image of companies, organizations, or candidates for office. Public relations is not a neutral information
form. While journalists write stories to inform the public, a public relations spokesperson is paid to help an
individual or organization get positive press. Public relations materials normally appear as press releases
or paid advertisements in newspapers and other media outlets. Some less reputable publications, however,
publish paid articles under the news banner, blurring the line between journalism and public relations.

MEDIA TYPES
Each form of media has its own complexities and is used by different demographics. Millennials (currently
aged 18–33) are more likely to get news and information from social media, such as YouTube, Twitter, and

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Facebook, while baby boomers (currently aged 50–68) are most likely to get their news from television,
either national broadcasts or local news (Figure 8.2).

Figure 8.2 Age greatly influences the choice of news sources. Baby boomers are more likely to get news and
information from television, while members of generation X and millennials are more likely to use social media.

Television alone offers viewers a variety of formats. Programming may be scripted, like dramas or
comedies. It may be unscripted, like game shows or reality programs, or informative, such as news
programming. Although most programs are created by a television production company, national
networks—like CBS or NBC—purchase the rights to programs they distribute to local stations across the
United States. Most local stations are affiliated with a national network corporation, and they broadcast
national network programming to their local viewers.
Before the existence of cable and fiber optics, networks needed to own local affiliates to have access to
the local station’s transmission towers. Towers have a limited radius, so each network needed an affiliate
in each major city to reach viewers. While cable technology has lessened networks’ dependence on aerial
signals, some viewers still use antennas and receivers to view programming broadcast from local towers.
Affiliates, by agreement with the networks, give priority to network news and other programming chosen
by the affiliate’s national media corporation. Local affiliate stations are told when to air programs or
commercials, and they diverge only to inform the public about a local or national emergency. For example,
ABC affiliates broadcast the popular television show Once Upon a Time at a specific time on a specific day.
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Should a fire threaten homes and businesses in a local area, the affiliate might preempt it to update citizens
on the fire’s dangers and return to regularly scheduled programming after the danger has ended.
Most affiliate stations will show local news before and after network programming to inform local viewers
of events and issues. Network news has a national focus on politics, international events, the economy,
and more. Local news, on the other hand, is likely to focus on matters close to home, such as regional
business, crime, sports, and weather.5 The NBC Nightly News, for example, covers presidential campaigns
and the White House or skirmishes between North Korea and South Korea, while the NBC affiliate in
Los Angeles (KNBC-TV) and the NBC affiliate in Dallas (KXAS-TV) report on the governor’s activities or
weekend festivals in the region.
Cable programming offers national networks a second method to directly reach local viewers. As the name
implies, cable stations transmit programming directly to a local cable company hub, which then sends
the signals to homes through coaxial or fiber optic cables. Because cable does not broadcast programming
through the airwaves, cable networks can operate across the nation directly without local affiliates. Instead
they purchase broadcasting rights for the cable stations they believe their viewers want. For this reason,
cable networks often specialize in different types of programming.
The Cable News Network (CNN) was the first news station to take advantage of this specialized format,
creating a 24-hour news station with live coverage and interview programs. Other news stations quickly
followed, such as MSNBC and FOX News. A viewer might tune in to Nickelodeon and catch family
programs and movies or watch ESPN to catch up with the latest baseball or basketball scores. The Cable-
Satellite Public Affairs Network, known better as C-SPAN, now has three channels covering Congress, the
president, the courts, and matters of public interest.
Cable and satellite providers also offer on-demand programming for most stations. Citizens can purchase
cable, satellite, and Internet subscription services (like Netflix) to find programs to watch instantly,
without being tied to a schedule. Initially, on-demand programming was limited to rebroadcasting old
content and was commercial-free. Yet many networks and programs now allow their new programming
to be aired within a day or two of its initial broadcast. In return they often add commercials the user cannot
fast-forward or avoid. Thus networks expect advertising revenues to increase.6
The on-demand nature of the Internet has created many opportunities for news outlets. While early media
providers were those who could pay the high cost of printing or broadcasting, modern media require just
a URL and ample server space. The ease of online publication has made it possible for more niche media
outlets to form. The websites of the New York Times and other newspapers often focus on matters affecting
the United States, while channels like BBC America present world news. FOX News presents political
commentary and news in a conservative vein, while the Internet site Daily Kos offers a liberal perspective
on the news. Politico.com is perhaps the leader in niche journalism.
Unfortunately, the proliferation of online news has also increased the amount of poorly written material
with little editorial oversight, and readers must be cautious when reading Internet news sources. Sites
like Buzzfeed allow members to post articles without review by an editorial board, leading to articles of
varied quality and accuracy. The Internet has also made publication speed a consideration for professional
journalists. No news outlet wants to be the last to break a story, and the rush to publication often leads
to typographical and factual errors. Even large news outlets, like the Associated Press, have published
articles with errors in their haste to get a story out.
The Internet also facilitates the flow of information through social media, which allows users to instantly
communicate with one another and share with audiences that can grow exponentially. Facebook and
Twitter have millions of daily users. Social media changes more rapidly than the other media formats.
While people in many different age groups use sites like Facebook, Twitter, and YouTube, other sites
like Snapchat and Yik Yak appeal mostly to younger users. The platforms also serve different functions.
Tumblr and Reddit facilitate discussion that is topic-based and controversial, while Instagram is mostly
social. A growing number of these sites also allow users to comment anonymously, leading to increases in

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threats and abuse. The site 4chan, for example, was linked to the 2015 shooting at an Oregon community
college.7
Regardless of where we get our information, the various media avenues available today, versus years ago,
make it much easier for everyone to be engaged. The question is: Who controls the media we rely on?
Most media are controlled by a limited number of conglomerates. A conglomerate is a corporation made
up of a number of companies, organizations, and media networks. In the 1980s, more than fifty companies
owned the majority of television and radio stations and networks. Now, only six conglomerates control
most of the broadcast media in the United States: CBS Corporation, Comcast, Time Warner, 21st Century
Fox (formerly News Corporation), Viacom, and The Walt Disney Company (Figure 8.3).8 The Walt Disney
Company, for example, owns the ABC Television Network, ESPN, A&E, and Lifetime, in addition to
the Disney Channel. Viacom owns BET, Comedy Central, MTV, Nickelodeon, and VH1. Time Warner
owns Cartoon Network, CNN, HBO, and TNT, among others. While each of these networks has its own
programming, in the end, the conglomerate can make a policy that affects all stations and programming
under its control.

Figure 8.3 In 1983, fifty companies owned 90 percent of U.S. media. By 2012, just six conglomerates controlled the
same percentage of U.S. media outlets.

Conglomerates can create a monopoly on information by controlling a sector of a market. When a media
conglomerate has policies or restrictions, they will apply to all stations or outlets under its ownership,
potentially limiting the information citizens receive. Conglomerate ownership also creates circumstances
in which censorship may occur. iHeartMedia (formerly Clear Channel Media) owns music, radio, and
billboards throughout the United States, and in 2010, the company refused to run several billboard ads
for the St. Pete Pride Festival and Promenade in St. Petersburg, Florida. The festival organizers said the
content of two ads, a picture of same-sex couples in close contact with one another, was the reason the ads
were not run. Because iHeartMedia owns most of the billboards in the area, this limitation was problematic
for the festival and decreased awareness of the event. Those in charge of the festival viewed the refusal as
censorship.9
Newspapers too have experienced the pattern of concentrated ownership. Gannett Company, while also
owning television media, holds a large number of newspapers and news magazines in its control. Many of
these were acquired quietly, without public notice or discussion. Gannett’s 2013 acquisition of publishing
giant A.H. Belo Corporation caused some concern and news coverage, however. The sale would have
allowed Gannett to own both an NBC and a CBS affiliate in St. Louis, Missouri, giving it control over
programming and advertising rates for two competing stations. The U.S. Department of Justice required
Gannett to sell the station owned by Belo to ensure market competition and multi-ownership in St. Louis.10
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Link to Learning

If you are concerned about the lack of variety in the media and the market
dominance of media conglomerates, the non-profit organization, Free Press
(https://openstaxcollege.org/l/29freepressnet) , tracks and promotes open
communication.

These changes in the format and ownership of media raise the question whether the media still operate
as an independent source of information. Is it possible that corporations and CEOs now control the
information flow, making profit more important than the impartial delivery of information? The reality is
that media outlets, whether newspaper, television, radio, or Internet, are businesses. They have expenses
and must raise revenues. Yet at the same time, we expect the media to entertain, inform, and alert us
without bias. They must provide some public services, while following laws and regulations. Reconciling
these goals may not always be possible.

FUNCTIONS OF THE MEDIA

The media exist to fill a number of functions. Whether the medium is a newspaper, a radio, or a television
newscast, a corporation behind the scenes must bring in revenue and pay for the cost of the product.
Revenue comes from advertising and sponsors, like McDonald’s, Ford Motor Company, and other large
corporations. But corporations will not pay for advertising if there are no viewers or readers. So all
programs and publications need to entertain, inform, or interest the public and maintain a steady stream
of consumers. In the end, what attracts viewers and advertisers is what survives.
The media are also watchdogs of society and of public officials. Some refer to the media as the fourth estate,
with the branches of government being the first three estates and the media equally participating as the
fourth. This role helps maintain democracy and keeps the government accountable for its actions, even if a
branch of the government is reluctant to open itself to public scrutiny. As much as social scientists would
like citizens to be informed and involved in politics and events, the reality is that we are not. So the media,
especially journalists, keep an eye on what is happening and sounds an alarm when the public needs to
pay attention.11
The media also engages in agenda setting, which is the act of choosing which issues or topics deserve
public discussion. For example, in the early 1980s, famine in Ethiopia drew worldwide attention, which
resulted in increased charitable giving to the country. Yet the famine had been going on for a long time
before it was discovered by western media. Even after the discovery, it took video footage to gain the
attention of the British and U.S. populations and start the aid flowing.12 Today, numerous examples
of agenda setting show how important the media are when trying to prevent further emergencies or
humanitarian crises. In the spring of 2015, when the Dominican Republic was preparing to exile Haitians
and undocumented (or under documented) residents, major U.S. news outlets remained silent. However,
once the story had been covered several times by Al Jazeera, a state-funded broadcast company based in
Qatar, ABC, the New York Times, and other network outlets followed.13 With major network coverage came
public pressure for the U.S. government to act on behalf of the Haitians.14

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Insider Perspective

Christiane Amanpour on “What Should Be News?”

The media are our connection to the world. Some events are too big to ignore, yet other events, such as the
destruction of Middle Eastern monuments or the plight of foreign refugees, are far enough from our shores that
they often go unnoticed. What we see is carefully selected, but who decides what should be news?
As the chief international correspondent for CNN, Christiane Amanpour is one media decision maker (Figure
8.4). Over the years, Amanpour has covered events around the world from war to genocide. In an interview
with Oprah Winfrey, Amanpour explains that her duty, and that of other journalists, is to make a difference in the
world. To do that, “we have to educate people and use the media responsibly.”15 Journalists cannot passively
sit by and wait for stories to find them. “Words have consequences: the stories we decide to do, the stories we
decide not to do . . . it all matters.”16

Figure 8.4 Christiane Amanpour accepts the award for the Association for International Broadcasting’s
Personality of the Year on November 4, 2015. (credit: AIB (Association for International Broadcasting))

As Amanpour points out, journalists are often “on the cutting edge of reform,” so if they fail to shed light on
events, the results can be tragic. One of her biggest regrets was not covering the genocide in Rwanda in
1994, which cost nearly a million lives. She said the media ignored the event in favor of covering democratic
elections in South Africa and a war in Bosnia, and ultimately she believes the media failed the people. “If we
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don’t respect our profession and we see it frittering away into the realm of triviality and sensationalism, we’ll
lose our standing,” she said. “That won’t be good for democracy. A thriving society must have a thriving press.”
This feeling of responsibility extends to covering moral topics, like genocide. Amanpour feels there shouldn’t
be equal time given to all sides. “I’m not just a stenographer or someone with a megaphone; when I report,
I have to do it in context, to be aware of the moral conundrum. . . . I have to be able to draw a line between
victim and aggressor.”
Amanpour also believes the media should cover more. When given the full background and details of events,
society pays attention to the news. “Individual Americans had an incredible reaction to the [2004 Indian
Ocean] tsunami—much faster than their government’s reaction,” she said. “Americans are a very moral and
compassionate people who believe in extending a helping hand, especially when they get the full facts instead
of one-minute clips.” If the news fulfills its responsibility, as she sees it, the world can show its compassion and
help promote freedom.
Why does Amanpour believe the press has a responsibility to report all that they see? Are there situations in
which it is acceptable to display partiality in reporting the news? Why or why not?

Before the Internet, traditional media determined whether citizen photographs or video footage would
become “news.” In 1991, a private citizen’s camcorder footage showed four police officers beating an
African American motorist named Rodney King in Los Angeles. After appearing on local independent
television station, KTLA-TV, and then the national news, the event began a national discussion on police
brutality and ignited riots in Los Angeles.17 The agenda-setting power of traditional media has begun
to be appropriated by social media and smartphones, however. Tumbler, Facebook, YouTube, and other
Internet sites allow witnesses to instantly upload images and accounts of events and forward the link
to friends. Some uploads go viral and attract the attention of the mainstream media, but large network
newscasts and major newspapers are still more powerful at initiating or changing a discussion.
The media also promote the public good by offering a platform for public debate and improving citizen
awareness. Network news informs the electorate about national issues, elections, and international news.
The New York Times, Los Angeles Times, NBC Nightly News, and other outlets make sure voters can easily
find out what issues affect the nation. Is terrorism on the rise? Is the dollar weakening? The network
news hosts national debates during presidential elections, broadcasts major presidential addresses, and
interviews political leaders during times of crisis. Cable news networks now provide coverage of all these
topics as well.
Local news has a larger job, despite small budgets and fewer resources (Figure 8.5). Local government and
local economic policy have a strong and immediate effect on citizens. Is the city government planning on
changing property tax rates? Will the school district change the way Common Core tests are administered?
When and where is the next town hall meeting or public forum to be held? Local and social media provide
a forum for protest and discussion of issues that matter to the community.

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Figure 8.5 Meetings of local governance, such as this meeting of the Independence City Council in Missouri, are
rarely attended by more than gadflies and journalists. (credit: "MoBikeFed"/Flickr)

Link to Learning

Want a snapshot of local and state political and policy news? The magazine
Governing (https://openstaxcollege.org/l/29governing) keeps an eye on what is
happening in each state, offering articles and analysis on events that occur across
the country.

While journalists reporting the news try to present information in an unbiased fashion, sometimes the
public seeks opinion and analysis of complicated issues that affect various populations differently, like
healthcare reform and the Affordable Care Act. This type of coverage may come in the form of editorials,
commentaries, Op-Ed columns, and blogs. These forums allow the editorial staff and informed columnists
to express a personal belief and attempt to persuade. If opinion writers are trusted by the public, they have
influence.
Walter Cronkite, reporting from Vietnam, had a loyal following. In a broadcast following the Tet Offensive
in 1968, Cronkite expressed concern that the United States was mired in a conflict that would end in
a stalemate.18 His coverage was based on opinion after viewing the war from the ground.19 Although
the number of people supporting the war had dwindled by this time, Cronkite’s commentary bolstered
opposition. Like editorials, commentaries contain opinion and are often written by specialists in a field.
Larry Sabato, a prominent political science professor at the University of Virginia, occasionally writes his
thoughts for the New York Times. These pieces are based on his expertise in politics and elections.20 Blogs
offer more personalized coverage, addressing specific concerns and perspectives for a limited group of
readers. Nate Silver’s blog, FiveThirtyEight, focuses on elections and politics.

8.2 The Evolution of the Media

Learning Objectives
By the end of this section, you will be able to:
• Discuss the history of major media formats
• Compare important changes in media types over time
• Explain how citizens learn political information from the media
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The evolution of the media has been fraught with concerns and problems. Accusations of mind control,
bias, and poor quality have been thrown at the media on a regular basis. Yet the growth of communications
technology allows people today to find more information more easily than any previous generation. Mass
media can be print, radio, television, or Internet news. They can be local, national, or international. They
can be broad or limited in their focus. The choices are tremendous.

PRINT MEDIA
Early news was presented to local populations through the print press. While several colonies had printers
and occasional newspapers, high literacy rates combined with the desire for self-government made Boston
a perfect location for the creation of a newspaper, and the first continuous press was started there in 1704.21
Newspapers spread information about local events and activities. The Stamp Tax of 1765 raised costs for
publishers, however, leading several newspapers to fold under the increased cost of paper. The repeal of
the Stamp Tax in 1766 quieted concerns for a short while, but editors and writers soon began questioning
the right of the British to rule over the colonies. Newspapers took part in the effort to inform citizens of
British misdeeds and incite attempts to revolt. Readership across the colonies increased to nearly forty
thousand homes (among a total population of two million), and daily papers sprang up in large cities.22
Although newspapers united for a common cause during the Revolutionary War, the divisions that
occurred during the Constitutional Convention and the United States’ early history created a change.
The publication of the Federalist Papers, as well as the Anti-Federalist Papers, in the 1780s, moved the
nation into the party press era, in which partisanship and political party loyalty dominated the choice
of editorial content. One reason was cost. Subscriptions and advertisements did not fully cover printing
costs, and political parties stepped in to support presses that aided the parties and their policies. Papers
began printing party propaganda and messages, even publicly attacking political leaders like George
Washington. Despite the antagonism of the press, Washington and several other founders felt that freedom
of the press was important for creating an informed electorate. Indeed, freedom of the press is enshrined
in the Bill of Rights in the first amendment.
Between 1830 and 1860, machines and manufacturing made the production of newspapers faster and less
expensive. Benjamin Day’s paper, the New York Sun, used technology like the linotype machine to mass-
produce papers (Figure 8.6). Roads and waterways were expanded, decreasing the costs of distributing
printed materials to subscribers. New newspapers popped up. The popular penny press papers and
magazines contained more gossip than news, but they were affordable at a penny per issue. Over time,
papers expanded their coverage to include racing, weather, and educational materials. By 1841, some
news reporters considered themselves responsible for upholding high journalistic standards, and under
the editor (and politician) Horace Greeley, the New-York Tribune became a nationally respected newspaper.
By the end of the Civil War, more journalists and newspapers were aiming to meet professional standards
of accuracy and impartiality.23

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Figure 8.6 Benjamin Day (a) founded the first U.S. penny press, The Sun, in 1833. The Sun, whose front page from
November 26, 1834, is shown above (b), was a morning newspaper published in New York from 1833 to 1950.

Yet readers still wanted to be entertained. Joseph Pulitzer and the New York World gave them what they
wanted. The tabloid-style paper included editorial pages, cartoons, and pictures, while the front-page
news was sensational and scandalous. This style of coverage became known as yellow journalism. Ads
sold quickly thanks to the paper’s popularity, and the Sunday edition became a regular feature of the
newspaper. As the New York World’s circulation increased, other papers copied Pulitzer’s style in an effort
to sell papers. Competition between newspapers led to increasingly sensationalized covers and crude
issues.
In 1896, Adolph Ochs purchased the New York Times with the goal of creating a dignified newspaper
that would provide readers with important news about the economy, politics, and the world rather than
gossip and comics. The New York Times brought back the informational model, which exhibits impartiality
and accuracy and promotes transparency in government and politics. With the arrival of the Progressive
Era, the media began muckraking: the writing and publishing of news coverage that exposed corrupt
business and government practices. Investigative work like Upton Sinclair’s serialized novel The Jungle
led to changes in the way industrial workers were treated and local political machines were run. The
Pure Food and Drug Act and other laws were passed to protect consumers and employees from unsafe
food processing practices. Local and state government officials who participated in bribery and corruption
became the centerpieces of exposés.
Some muckraking journalism still appears today, and the quicker movement of information through the
system would seem to suggest an environment for yet more investigative work and the punch of exposés
than in the past. However, at the same time there are fewer journalists being hired than there used to
be. The scarcity of journalists and the lack of time to dig for details in a 24-hour, profit-oriented news
model make investigative stories rare.24 There are two potential concerns about the decline of investigative
journalism in the digital age. First, one potential shortcoming is that the quality of news content will
become uneven in depth and quality, which could lead to a less informed citizenry. Second, if investigative
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journalism in its systematic form declines, then the cases of wrongdoing that are the objects of such
investigations would have a greater chance of going on undetected.
In the twenty-first century, newspapers have struggled to stay financially stable. Print media earned $44.9
billion from ads in 2003, but only $16.4 billion from ads in 2014.25 Given the countless alternate forms of
news, many of which are free, newspaper subscriptions have fallen. Advertising and especially classified
ad revenue dipped. Many newspapers now maintain both a print and an Internet presence in order
to compete for readers. The rise of free news blogs, such as the Huffington Post, have made it difficult
for newspapers to force readers to purchase online subscriptions to access material they place behind a
digital paywall. Some local newspapers, in an effort to stay visible and profitable, have turned to social
media, like Facebook and Twitter. Stories can be posted and retweeted, allowing readers to comment and
forward material.26 Yet, overall, newspapers have adapted, becoming leaner—though less thorough and
investigative—versions of their earlier selves.

RADIO
Radio news made its appearance in the 1920s. The National Broadcasting Company (NBC) and the
Columbia Broadcasting System (CBS) began running sponsored news programs and radio dramas.
Comedy programs, such as Amos ’n’ Andy, The Adventures of Gracie, and Easy Aces, also became popular
during the 1930s, as listeners were trying to find humor during the Depression (Figure 8.7). Talk shows,
religious shows, and educational programs followed, and by the late 1930s, game shows and quiz shows
were added to the airwaves. Almost 83 percent of households had a radio by 1940, and most tuned in
regularly.27

Figure 8.7 The “golden age of radio” included comedy shows like Easy Aces, starring Goodman and Jane Ace (a),
and Amos ’n’ Andy, starring Freeman Gosden and Charles Correll, shown here celebrating their program’s tenth
anniversary in 1938 (b). These programs helped amuse families during the dark years of the Depression.

Not just something to be enjoyed by those in the city, the proliferation of the radio brought
communications to rural America as well. News and entertainment programs were also targeted to rural
communities. WLS in Chicago provided the National Farm and Home Hour and the WLS Barn Dance. WSM
in Nashville began to broadcast the live music show called the Grand Ole Opry, which is still broadcast
every week and is the longest live broadcast radio show in U.S. history.28

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As radio listenership grew, politicians realized that the medium offered a way to reach the public in
a personal manner. Warren Harding was the first president to regularly give speeches over the radio.
President Herbert Hoover used radio as well, mainly to announce government programs on aid and
unemployment relief.29 Yet it was Franklin D. Roosevelt who became famous for harnessing the political
power of radio. On entering office in March 1933, President Roosevelt needed to quiet public fears about
the economy and prevent people from removing their money from the banks. He delivered his first radio
speech eight days after assuming the presidency:
“My friends: I want to talk for a few minutes with the people of the United States about
banking—to talk with the comparatively few who understand the mechanics of banking, but
more particularly with the overwhelming majority of you who use banks for the making of
deposits and the drawing of checks. I want to tell you what has been done in the last few days,
and why it was done, and what the next steps are going to be.”30
Roosevelt spoke directly to the people and addressed them as equals. One listener described the chats as
soothing, with the president acting like a father, sitting in the room with the family, cutting through the
political nonsense and describing what help he needed from each family member.31 Roosevelt would sit
down and explain his ideas and actions directly to the people on a regular basis, confident that he could
convince voters of their value.32 His speeches became known as “fireside chats” and formed an important
way for him to promote his New Deal agenda (Figure 8.8). Roosevelt’s combination of persuasive rhetoric
and the media allowed him to expand both the government and the presidency beyond their traditional
roles.33

Figure 8.8 As radio listenership became widespread in the 1930s (a), President Franklin D. Roosevelt took
advantage of this new medium to broadcast his “fireside chats” and bring ordinary Americans into the president’s
world (b). (credit a: modification of work by George W. Ackerman; credit b: modification of work by the Library of
Congress)

During this time, print news still controlled much of the information flowing to the public. Radio news
programs were limited in scope and number. But in the 1940s the German annexation of Austria, conflict
in Europe, and World War II changed radio news forever. The need and desire for frequent news updates
about the constantly evolving war made newspapers, with their once-a-day printing, too slow. People
wanted to know what was happening, and they wanted to know immediately. Although initially reluctant
to be on the air, reporter Edward R. Murrow of CBS began reporting live about Germany’s actions from
his posts in Europe. His reporting contained news and some commentary, and even live coverage during
Germany’s aerial bombing of London. To protect covert military operations during the war, the White
House had placed guidelines on the reporting of classified information, making a legal exception to the
First Amendment’s protection against government involvement in the press. Newscasters voluntarily
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agreed to suppress information, such as about the development of the atomic bomb and movements of the
military, until after the events had occurred.34
The number of professional and amateur radio stations grew quickly. Initially, the government exerted
little legislative control over the industry. Stations chose their own broadcasting locations, signal strengths,
and frequencies, which sometimes overlapped with one another or with the military, leading to tuning
problems for listeners. The Radio Act (1927) created the Federal Radio Commission (FRC), which made the
first effort to set standards, frequencies, and license stations. The Commission was under heavy pressure
from Congress, however, and had little authority. The Communications Act of 1934 ended the FRC and
created the Federal Communications Commission (FCC), which continued to work with radio stations
to assign frequencies and set national standards, as well as oversee other forms of broadcasting and
telephones. The FCC regulates interstate communications to this day. For example, it prohibits the use of
certain profane words during certain hours on public airwaves.
Prior to WWII, radio frequencies were broadcast using amplitude modulation (AM). After WWII,
frequency modulation (FM) broadcasting, with its wider signal bandwidth, provided clear sound with less
static and became popular with stations wanting to broadcast speeches or music with high-quality sound.
While radio’s importance for distributing news waned with the increase in television usage, it remained
popular for listening to music, educational talk shows, and sports broadcasting. Talk stations began to gain
ground in the 1980s on both AM and FM frequencies, restoring radio’s importance in politics. By the 1990s,
talk shows had gone national, showcasing broadcasters like Rush Limbaugh and Don Imus.
In 1990, Sirius Satellite Radio began a campaign for FCC approval of satellite radio. The idea was to
broadcast digital programming from satellites in orbit, eliminating the need for local towers. By 2001, two
satellite stations had been approved for broadcasting. Satellite radio has greatly increased programming
with many specialized offerings, such as channels dedicated to particular artists. It is generally
subscription-based and offers a larger area of coverage, even to remote areas such as deserts and oceans.
Satellite programming is also exempt from many of the FCC regulations that govern regular radio stations.
Howard Stern, for example, was fined more than $2 million while on public airwaves, mainly for his
sexually explicit discussions.35 Stern moved to Sirius Satellite in 2006 and has since been free of oversight
and fines.

TELEVISION
Television combined the best attributes of radio and pictures and changed media forever. The first official
broadcast in the United States was President Franklin Roosevelt’s speech at the opening of the 1939
World’s Fair in New York. The public did not immediately begin buying televisions, but coverage of World
War II changed their minds. CBS reported on war events and included pictures and maps that enhanced
the news for viewers. By the 1950s, the price of television sets had dropped, more televisions stations were
being created, and advertisers were buying up spots.
As on the radio, quiz shows and games dominated the television airwaves. But when Edward R. Murrow
made the move to television in 1951 with his news show See It Now, television journalism gained its
foothold (Figure 8.9). As television programming expanded, more channels were added. Networks such
as ABC, CBS, and NBC began nightly newscasts, and local stations and affiliates followed suit.

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Chapter 8 | The Media 301

Figure 8.9 Edward R. Murrow’s move to television increased the visibility of network news. In The Challenge of
Ideas (1961) pictured above, Murrow discussed the Cold War between the Soviet Union and the United States
alongside films stars such as John Wayne.

Even more than radio, television allows politicians to reach out and connect with citizens and voters in
deeper ways. Before television, few voters were able to see a president or candidate speak or answer
questions in an interview. Now everyone can decode body language and tone to decide whether
candidates or politicians are sincere. Presidents can directly convey their anger, sorrow, or optimism
during addresses.
The first television advertisements, run by presidential candidates Dwight D. Eisenhower and Adlai
Stevenson in the early 1950s, were mainly radio jingles with animation or short question-and-answer
sessions. In 1960, John F. Kennedy’s campaign used a Hollywood-style approach to promote his image as
young and vibrant. The Kennedy campaign ran interesting and engaging ads, featuring Kennedy, his wife
Jacqueline, and everyday citizens who supported him.
Television was also useful to combat scandals and accusations of impropriety. Republican vice presidential
candidate Richard Nixon used a televised speech in 1952 to address accusations that he had taken money
from a political campaign fund illegally. Nixon laid out his finances, investments, and debts and ended
by saying that the only election gift the family had received was a cocker spaniel the children named
Checkers.36 The “Checkers speech” was remembered more for humanizing Nixon than for proving he
had not taken money from the campaign account. Yet it was enough to quiet accusations. Democratic vice
presidential nominee Geraldine Ferraro similarly used television to answer accusations in 1984, holding a
televised press conference to answer questions for over two hours about her husband’s business dealings
and tax returns.37
In addition to television ads, the 1960 election also featured the first televised presidential debate. By that
time most households had a television. Kennedy’s careful grooming and practiced body language allowed
viewers to focus on his presidential demeanor. His opponent, Richard Nixon, was still recovering from a
severe case of the flu. While Nixon’s substantive answers and debate skills made a favorable impression
on radio listeners, viewers’ reaction to his sweaty appearance and obvious discomfort demonstrated that
live television had the potential to make or break a candidate.38 In 1964, Lyndon B. Johnson was ahead
in the polls, and he let Barry Goldwater’s campaign know he did not want to debate.39 Nixon, who ran
for president again in 1968 and 1972, declined to debate. Then in 1976, President Gerald Ford, who was
behind in the polls, invited Jimmy Carter to debate, and televised debates became a regular part of future
presidential campaigns.40
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Link to Learning

Visit American Rhetoric (https://openstaxcollege.org/l/29americanrhet) for free

access to speeches, video, and audio of famous presidential and political speeches.

Between the 1960s and the 1990s, presidents often used television to reach citizens and gain support
for policies. When they made speeches, the networks and their local affiliates carried them. With few
independent local stations available, a viewer had little alternative but to watch. During this “Golden Age
of Presidential Television,” presidents had a strong command of the media.41
Some of the best examples of this power occurred when presidents used television to inspire and comfort
the population during a national emergency. These speeches aided in the “rally ’round the flag”
phenomenon, which occurs when a population feels threatened and unites around the president.42 During
these periods, presidents may receive heightened approval ratings, in part due to the media’s decision
about what to cover.43 In 1995, President Bill Clinton comforted and encouraged the families of the
employees and children killed at the bombing of the Oklahoma City Federal Building. Clinton reminded
the nation that children learn through action, and so we must speak up against violence and face evil acts
with good acts.44
Following the terrorist attacks in New York and Washington on September 11, 2001, President George
W. Bush’s bullhorn speech from the rubble of Ground Zero in New York similarly became a rally. Bush
spoke to the workers and first responders and encouraged them, but his short speech became a viral
clip demonstrating the resilience of New Yorkers and the anger of a nation.45 He told New Yorkers, the
country, and the world that Americans could hear the frustration and anguish of New York, and that the
terrorists would soon hear the United States (Figure 8.10).

Figure 8.10 Presidents Clinton and Bush were both called upon to calm the people after mass killings. In April 1996,
President Bill Clinton and First Lady Hillary Rodham Clinton lay flowers at the site of the former Alfred P. Murrah
federal building just before the one-year anniversary of the Oklahoma City bombing (a). Three days after the terrorist
attacks of 9/11 brought down the World Trade Center in New York City, George W. Bush declares to the crowd, “I can
hear you! The rest of the world hears you! And the people . . . and the people who knocked these buildings down will
hear all of us soon!” (b)

Following their speeches, both presidents also received a bump in popularity. Clinton’s approval rating
rose from 46 to 51 percent, and Bush’s from 51 to 90 percent.46

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NEW MEDIA TRENDS

The invention of cable in the 1980s and the expansion of the Internet in the 2000s opened up more options
for media consumers than ever before. Viewers can watch nearly anything at the click of a button, bypass
commercials, and record programs of interest. The resulting saturation, or inundation of information, may
lead viewers to abandon the news entirely or become more suspicious and fatigued about politics.47 This
effect, in turn, also changes the president’s ability to reach out to citizens. For example, viewership of
the president’s annual State of the Union address has decreased over the years, from sixty-seven million
viewers in 1993 to thirty-two million in 2015.48 Citizens who want to watch reality television and movies
can easily avoid the news, leaving presidents with no sure way to communicate with the public.49 Other
voices, such as those of talk show hosts and political pundits, now fill the gap.
Electoral candidates have also lost some media ground. In horse-race coverage, modern journalists analyze
campaigns and blunders or the overall race, rather than interviewing the candidates or discussing their
issue positions. Some argue that this shallow coverage is a result of candidates’ trying to control the
journalists by limiting interviews and quotes. In an effort to regain control of the story, journalists begin
analyzing campaigns without input from the candidates.50 The use of social media by candidates provides
a countervailing trend. President Trump’s hundreds of election tweets are the stuff of legend. These tweets
kept his press coverage up, although they also were problematic for him at times. The final days of the
contest saw no new tweets from Trump as he attempted to stay on message.

Milestone

The First Social Media Candidate

When president-elect Barack Obama admitted an addiction to his Blackberry, the signs were clear: A new
generation was assuming the presidency.51 Obama’s use of technology was a part of life, not a campaign
pretense. Perhaps for this reason, he was the first candidate to fully embrace social media.
While John McCain, the 2008 Republican presidential candidate, focused on traditional media to run his
campaign, Obama did not. One of Obama’s campaign advisors was Chris Hughes, a cofounder of Facebook.
The campaign allowed Hughes to create a powerful online presence for Obama, with sites on YouTube,
Facebook, MySpace, and more. Podcasts and videos were available for anyone looking for information about
the candidate. These efforts made it possible for information to be forwarded easily between friends and
colleagues. It also allowed Obama to connect with a younger generation that was often left out of politics.
By Election Day, Obama’s skill with the web was clear: he had over two million Facebook supporters, while
McCain had 600,000. Obama had 112,000 followers on Twitter, and McCain had only 4,600.52
Are there any disadvantages to a presidential candidate’s use of social media and the Internet for campaign
purposes? Why or why not?

The availability of the Internet and social media has moved some control of the message back into
the presidents’ and candidates’ hands. Politicians can now connect to the people directly, bypassing
journalists. When Barack Obama’s minister, the Reverend Jeremiah Wright, was accused of making
inflammatory racial sermons in 2008, Obama used YouTube to respond to charges that he shared Wright’s
beliefs. The video drew more than seven million views.53 To reach out to supporters and voters, the White
House maintains a YouTube channel and a Facebook site, as did the recent Republican Speaker of the
House of Representatives, John Boehner.
Social media, like Facebook, also placed journalism in the hands of citizens: citizen journalism occurs
when citizens use their personal recording devices and cell phones to capture events and post them on
the Internet. In 2012, citizen journalists caught both presidential candidates by surprise. Mitt Romney was
taped by a bartender’s personal camera saying that 47 percent of Americans would vote for President
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Obama because they were dependent on the government.54 Obama was recorded by a Huffington Post
volunteer saying that some Midwesterners “cling to guns or religion or antipathy to people who aren’t like
them” due to their frustration with the economy.55 More recently, as Donald Trump was trying to close
out the fall 2016 campaign, his musings about having his way with women were revealed on the infamous
Billy Bush Access Hollywood tape. These statements became nightmares for the campaigns. As journalism
continues to scale back and hire fewer professional writers in an effort to control costs, citizen journalism
may become the new normal.56
Another shift in the new media is a change in viewers’ preferred programming. Younger viewers,
especially members of generation X and millennials, like their newscasts to be humorous. The popularity
of The Daily Show and The Colbert Report demonstrate that news, even political news, can win young
viewers if delivered well.57 Such soft news presents news in an entertaining and approachable manner,
painlessly introducing a variety of topics. While the depth or quality of reporting may be less than ideal,
these shows can sound an alarm as needed to raise citizen awareness (Figure 8.11).58

Figure 8.11 In June 2009, Stephen Colbert of The Colbert Report took his soft news show on the road, heading to
Iraq for a week. During the first episode, Colbert interviewed Ray Odierno, commanding general of the coalition
forces stationed in Iraq. (credit: The U.S. Army)

Viewers who watch or listen to programs like John Oliver’s Last Week Tonight are more likely to be
aware and observant of political events and foreign policy crises than they would otherwise be.59 They
may view opposing party candidates more favorably because the low-partisan, friendly interview styles
allow politicians to relax and be conversational rather than defensive.60 Because viewers of political
comedy shows watch the news frequently, they may, in fact, be more politically knowledgeable than
citizens viewing national news. In two studies researchers interviewed respondents and asked knowledge
questions about current events and situations. Viewers of The Daily Show scored more correct answers than
viewers of news programming and news stations.61 That being said, it is not clear whether the number of
viewers is large enough to make a big impact on politics, nor do we know whether the learning is long
term or short term.62

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Get Connected!

Becoming a Citizen Journalist

Local government and politics need visibility. College students need a voice. Why not become a citizen
journalist? City and county governments hold meetings on a regular basis and students rarely attend. Yet
issues relevant to students are often discussed at these meetings, like increases in street parking fines, zoning
for off-campus housing, and tax incentives for new businesses that employ part-time student labor. Attend
some meetings, ask questions, and write about the experience on your Facebook page. Create a blog to
organize your reports or use Storify to curate a social media debate. If you prefer videography, create a
YouTube channel to document your reports on current events, or Tweet your live video using Periscope or
Meerkat.
Not interested in government? Other areas of governance that affect students are the university or college’s
Board of Regents meetings. These cover topics like tuition increases, class cuts, and changes to student
conduct policies. If your state requires state institutions to open their meetings to the public, consider attending.
You might be the one to notify your peers of changes that affect them.
What local meetings could you cover? What issues are important to you and your peers?

8.3 Regulating the Media

Learning Objectives
By the end of this section, you will be able to:
• Identify circumstances in which the freedom of the press is not absolute
• Compare the ways in which the government oversees and influences media programming

The Constitution gives Congress responsibility for promoting the general welfare. While it is difficult to
define what this broad dictate means, Congress has used it to protect citizens from media content it deems
inappropriate. Although the media are independent participants in the U.S. political system, their liberties
are not absolute and there are rules they must follow.

MEDIA AND THE FIRST AMENDMENT

The U.S. Constitution was written in secrecy. Journalists were neither invited to watch the drafting, nor
did the framers talk to the press about their disagreements and decisions. Once it was finished, however,
the Constitution was released to the public and almost all newspapers printed it. Newspaper editors also
published commentary and opinion about the new document and the form of government it proposed.
Early support for the Constitution was strong, and Anti-Federalists (who opposed it) argued that their
concerns were not properly covered by the press. The eventual printing of The Federalist Papers, and the
lesser-known Anti-Federalist Papers, fueled the argument that the press was vital to American democracy.
It was also clear the press had the ability to affect public opinion and therefore public policy.63
The approval of the First Amendment, as a part of the Bill of Rights, demonstrated the framers’ belief that
a free and vital press was important enough to protect. It said:
“Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free
exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; or the right of the people
peaceably to assemble, and to petition the government for a redress of grievances.”
This amendment serves as the basis for the political freedoms of the United States, and freedom of the
press plays a strong role in keeping democracy healthy. Without it, the press would not be free to alert
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citizens to government abuses and corruption. In fact, one of New York’s first newspapers, the New York
Weekly Journal, began under John Peter Zenger in 1733 with the goal of routing corruption in the colonial
government. After the colonial governor, William Cosby, had Zenger arrested and charged with seditious
libel in 1835, his lawyers successfully defended his case and Zenger was found not guilty, affirming the
importance of a free press in the colonies (Figure 8.12).

Figure 8.12 In defending John Peter Zenger against charges of libel against colonial governor William Cosby,
Andrew Hamilton argued that a statement is not libelous if it can be proved. (credit: modification of work by the
Library of Congress)

The media act as informants and messengers, providing the means for citizens to become informed and
serving as a venue for citizens to announce plans to assemble and protest actions by their government.
Yet the government must ensure the media are acting in good faith and not abusing their power. Like the
other First Amendment liberties, freedom of the press is not absolute. The media have limitations on their
freedom to publish and broadcast.
Slander and Libel
First, the media do not have the right to commit slander, speak false information with an intent to harm
a person or entity, or libel, print false information with an intent to harm a person or entity. These acts
constitute defamation of character that can cause a loss of reputation and income. The media do not have
the right to free speech in cases of libel and slander because the information is known to be false. Yet on
a weekly basis, newspapers and magazines print stories that are negative and harmful. How can they do
this and not be sued?
First, libel and slander occur only in cases where false information is presented as fact. When editors or
columnists write opinions, they are protected from many of the libel and slander provisions because they
are not claiming their statements are facts. Second, it is up to the defamed individual or company to bring
a lawsuit against the media outlet, and the courts have different standards depending on whether the
claimant is a private or public figure. A public figure must show that the publisher or broadcaster acted in
“reckless disregard” when submitting information as truth or that the author’s intent was malicious. This
test goes back to the New York Times v. Sullivan (1964) case, in which a police commissioner in Alabama
sued over inaccurate statements in a newspaper advertisement.64 Because the commissioner was a public
figure, the U.S. Supreme Court applied a stringent test of malice to determine whether the advertisement
was libel; the court deemed it was not.

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Chapter 8 | The Media 307

A private individual must make one of the above arguments or argue that the author was negligent in not
making sure the information was accurate before publishing it. For this reason, newspapers and magazines
are less likely to stray from hard facts when covering private individuals, yet they can be willing to
stretch the facts when writing about politicians, celebrities, or public figures. But even stretching the truth
can be costly for a publisher. In 2010, Star magazine published a headline, “Addiction Nightmare: Katie
Drug Shocker,” leading readers to believe actress Katie Holmes was taking drugs. While the article in the
magazine focuses on the addictive quality of Scientology sessions rather than drugs, the implication and
the headline were different. Because drugs cause people to act erratically, directors might be less inclined
to hire Holmes if she were addicted to drugs. Thus Holmes could argue that she had lost opportunity
and income from the headline. While the publisher initially declined to correct the story, Holmes filed a
$50 million lawsuit, and Star’s parent company American Media, Inc. eventually settled. Star printed an
apology and made a donation to a charity on Holmes’ behalf.65

Classified Material
The media have only a limited right to publish material the government says is classified. If a newspaper
or media outlet obtains classified material, or if a journalist is witness to information that is classified,
the government may request certain material be redacted or removed from the article. In many instances,
government officials and former employees give journalists classified paperwork in an effort to bring
public awareness to a problem. If the journalist calls the White House or Pentagon for quotations on a
classified topic, the president may order the newspaper to stop publication in the interest of national
security. The courts are then asked to rule on what is censored and what can be printed.
The line between the people’s right to know and national security is not always clear. In 1971, the Supreme
Court heard the Pentagon Papers case, in which the U.S. government sued the New York Times and the
Washington Post to stop the release of information from a classified study of the Vietnam War. The Supreme
Court ruled that while the government can impose prior restraint on the media, meaning the government
can prevent the publication of information, that right is very limited. The court gave the newspapers the
right to publish much of the study, but revelation of troop movements and the names of undercover
operatives are some of the few approved reasons for which the government can stop publication or
reporting.
During the second Persian Gulf War, FOX News reporter Geraldo Rivera convinced the military to embed
him with a U.S. Army unit in Iraq to provide live coverage of its day-to-day activities. During one of the
reports he filed while traveling with the 101st Airborne Division, Rivera had his camera operator record
him drawing a map in the sand, showing where his unit was and using Baghdad as a reference point.
Rivera then discussed where the unit would go next. Rivera was immediately removed from the unit and
escorted from Iraq.66 The military exercised its right to maintain secrecy over troop movements, stating
that Rivera’s reporting had given away troop locations and compromised the safety of the unit. Rivera’s
future transmissions and reporting were censored until he was away from the unit.

MEDIA AND FCC REGULATIONS

The liberties enjoyed by newspapers are overseen by the U.S. court system, while television and radio
broadcasters are monitored by both the courts and a government regulatory commission.
The Radio Act of 1927 was the first attempt by Congress to regulate broadcast materials. The act was
written to organize the rapidly expanding number of radio stations and the overuse of frequencies. But
politicians feared that broadcast material would be obscene or biased. The Radio Act thus contained
language that gave the government control over the quality of programming sent over public airwaves,
and the power to ensure that stations maintained the public’s best interest.67
The Communications Act of 1934 replaced the Radio Act and created a more powerful entity to monitor
the airwaves—a seven-member Federal Communications Commission (FCC) to oversee both radio and
telephone communication. The FCC, which now has only five members (Figure 8.13), requires radio
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stations to apply for licenses, granted only if stations follow rules about limiting advertising, providing a
public forum for discussion, and serving local and minority communities. With the advent of television,
the FCC was given the same authority to license and monitor television stations. The FCC now also
enforces ownership limits to avoid monopolies and censors materials deemed inappropriate. It has no
jurisdiction over print media, mainly because print media are purchased and not broadcast.

Figure 8.13 In November 2013, the leadership of the FCC included (from left to right) Ajit Pai, Mignon Clyburn,
Chairman Tom Wheeler, Jessica Rosenworcel, and Michael O’Rielly. (credit: Federal Communications Commission)

Link to Learning

Concerned about something you heard or viewed? Would you like to file a complaint
about an obscene radio program or place your phone number on the Do Not Call
list? The FCC (https://openstaxcollege.org/l/29fccgov) oversees each of these.

To maintain a license, stations are required to meet a number of criteria. The equal-time rule, for instance,
states that registered candidates running for office must be given equal opportunities for airtime and
advertisements at non-cable television and radio stations beginning forty-five days before a primary
election and sixty days before a general election. Should WBNS in Columbus, Ohio, agree to sell Senator
Marco Rubio thirty seconds of airtime for a presidential campaign commercial, the station must also sell all
other candidates in that race thirty seconds of airtime at the same price. This rate cannot be more than the
station charges favored commercial advertisers that run ads of the same class and during the same time
period.68 More importantly, should Fox5 in Atlanta give Bernie Sanders five minutes of free airtime for an
infomercial, the station must honor requests from all other candidates in the race for five minutes of free
equal air time or a complaint may be filed with the FCC.69 In 2015, Donald Trump, when he was running
for the Republican presidential nomination, appeared on Saturday Night Live. Other Republican candidates
made equal time requests, and NBC agreed to give each candidate twelve minutes and five seconds of air
time on a Friday and Saturday night, as well as during a later episode of Saturday Night Live.70

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Chapter 8 | The Media 309

The FCC does waive the equal-time rule if the coverage is purely news. If a newscaster is covering a
political rally and is able to secure a short interview with a candidate, equal time does not apply. Likewise,
if a news programs creates a short documentary on the problem of immigration reform and chooses to
include clips from only one or two candidates, the rule does not apply.71 But the rule may include shows
that are not news. For this reason, some stations will not show a movie or television program if a candidate
appears in it. In 2003, Arnold Schwarzenegger and Gary Coleman, both actors, became candidates in
California’s gubernatorial recall election. Television stations did not run Coleman’s sitcom Diff’rent Strokes
or Schwarzenegger’s movies, because they would have been subject to the equal time provision. With 135
candidates on the official ballot, stations would have been hard-pressed to offer thirty-minute and two-
hour time slots to all.72 Even the broadcasting of the president’s State of the Union speech can trigger the
equal-time provisions. Opposing parties in Congress now use their time immediately following the State
of the Union to offer an official rebuttal to the president’s proposals.73
While the idea behind the equal-time rule is fairness, it may not apply beyond candidates to supporters of
that candidate or of a cause. Hence, there potentially may be a loophole in which broadcasters can give free
time to just one candidate’s supporters. In the 2012 Wisconsin gubernatorial recall election, Scott Walker’s
supporters were allegedly given free air time to raise funds and ask for volunteers while opponent Tom
Barrett’s supporters were not.74 According to someone involved in the case, the FCC declined to intervene
after a complaint was filed on the matter, saying the equal-time rule applied only to the actual candidates,
and that the case was an instance of the now-dead fairness doctrine.75 The fairness doctrine was instituted
in 1949 and required licensed stations to cover controversial issues in a balanced manner by providing
listeners with information about all perspectives on any controversial issue. If one candidate, cause, or
supporter was given an opportunity to reach the viewers or listeners, the other side was to be given a
chance to present its side as well. The fairness doctrine ended in the 1980s, after a succession of court
cases led to its repeal by the FCC in 1987, with stations and critics arguing the doctrine limited debate of
controversial topics and placed the government in the role of editor.76
The FCC also maintains indecency regulations over television, radio, and other broadcasters, which limit
indecent material and keep the public airwaves free of obscene material.77 While the Supreme Court has
declined to define obscenity, it is identified using a test outlined in Miller v. California (1973).78 Under
the Miller test, obscenity is something that appeals to deviants, breaks local or state laws, and lacks
value.79 The Supreme Court determined that the presence of children in the audience trumped the right
of broadcasters to air obscene and profane programming. However, broadcasters can show indecent
programming or air profane language between the hours of 10 p.m. and 6 a.m.80
The Supreme Court has also affirmed that the FCC has the authority to regulate content. When a George
Carlin skit was aired on the radio with a warning that material might be offensive, the FCC still censored it.
The station appealed the decision and lost.81 Fines can range from tens of thousands to millions of dollars,
and many are levied for sexual jokes on radio talk shows and nudity on television. In 2004, Janet Jackson’s
wardrobe malfunction during the Super Bowl’s half-time show cost the CBS network $550,000.
While some FCC violations are witnessed directly by commission members, like Jackson’s exposure at
the Super Bowl, the FCC mainly relies on citizens and consumers to file complaints about violations
of equal time and indecency rules. Approximately 2 percent of complaints to the FCC are about radio
programming and 10 percent about television programming, compared to 71 percent about telephone
complaints and 15 percent about Internet complaints.82 Yet what constitutes a violation is not always clear
for citizens wishing to complain, nor is it clear what will lead to a fine or license revocation. In October
2014, parent advocacy groups and consumers filed complaints and called for the FCC to fine ABC for
running a sexually charged opening scene in the drama Scandal immediately after It’s the Great Pumpkin,
Charlie Brown—without an ad or the cartoon’s credits to act as a buffer between the very different types of
programming.83 The FCC did not fine ABC.
The Telecommunications Act of 1996 brought significant changes to the radio and television industries. It
dropped the limit on the number of radio stations (forty) and television stations (twelve) a single company
could own. It also allowed networks to purchase large numbers of cable stations. In essence, it reduced
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competition and increased the number of conglomerates. Some critics, such as Common Cause, argue
that the act also raised cable prices and made it easier for companies to neglect their public interest
obligations.84 The act also changed the role of the FCC from regulator to monitor. The Commission
oversees the purchase of stations to avoid media monopolies and adjudicates consumer complaints against
radio, television, and telephone companies.

Finding a Middle Ground

Watch Dog or Paparazzi?

We expect the media to keep a close eye on the government. But at what point does the media coverage cross
from informational to sensational?
In 2012, former secretary of state Hillary Clinton was questioned about her department’s decisions regarding
the U.S. consulate in Benghazi, Libya. The consulate had been bombed by militants, leading to the death of an
ambassador and a senior service officer. It was clear the United States had some knowledge that there was a
threat to the consulate, and officials wondered whether requests to increase security at the consulate had been
ignored. Clinton was asked to appear before a House Select Committee to answer questions, and the media
began its coverage. While some journalists limited their reporting to Benghazi, others did not. Clinton was
hounded about everything from her illness (dubbed the “Benghazi-flu”) to her clothing to her facial expressions
to her choice of eyeglasses.85 Even her hospital stay was questioned.86 Some argued the expanded coverage
was due to political attacks on Clinton, who at that time was widely perceived to be the top contender for the
Democratic presidential nomination in 2016.87 Republican majority leader Kevin McCarthy later implied that
the hearings were an attempt to make Clinton look untrustworthy.88 Yet Clinton was again brought before the
House Select Committee on Benghazi as late as October 2015 (Figure 8.14).

Figure 8.14 On October 22, 2015, the House Select Committee on Benghazi listened to testimony from
former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton for close to eleven hours.

This coverage should lead us to question whether the media gives us the information we need, or the
information we want. Were people concerned about an attack on U.S. state officials working abroad, or did
they just want to read rumors and attacks on Clinton? Did Republicans use the media’s tendency to pursue a
target as a way to hurt Clinton in the polls? If the media gives us what we want, the answer seems to be that
we wanted the media to act as both watchdog and paparazzi.
How should the press have acted in this case if it were behaving only as the watchdog of democracy?

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MEDIA AND TRANSPARENCY

The press has had some assistance in performing its muckraking duty. Laws that mandate federal and
many state government proceedings and meeting documents be made available to the public are called
sunshine laws. Proponents believe that open disagreements allow democracy to flourish and darkness
allows corruption to occur. Opponents argue that some documents and policies are sensitive, and that the
sunshine laws can inhibit policymaking.
While some documents may be classified due to national or state security, governments are encouraged to
limit the over-classification of documents. The primary legal example for sunshine laws is the Freedom of
Information Act (FOIA), passed in 1966 and signed by President Lyndon B. Johnson. The act requires the
executive branch of the U.S. government to provide information requested by citizens and was intended
to increase openness in the executive branch, which had been criticized for hiding information. Citizens
wishing to obtain information may request documents from the appropriate agencies, and agencies may
charge fees if the collection and copying of the requested documentation requires time and labor.89
FOIA also identifies data that does not need to be disclosed, such as human resource and medical
records, national defense records, and material provided by confidential sources, to name a few.90 Not all
presidents have embraced this openness, however. President Ronald Reagan, in 1981, exempted the CIA
and FBI from FOIA requests.91 Information requests have increased significantly in recent years, with U.S.
agencies receiving over 700,000 requests in 2014, many directed to the Departments of State and Defense,
thus creating a backlog.92

Link to Learning

Want to request a government document but unsure where to start? If the agency is
a part of the U.S. government, the Freedom of Information Act
(https://openstaxcollege.org/l/29foiagov) portal will help you out.

Few people file requests for information because most assume the media will find and report on important
problems. And many people, including the press, assume the government, including the White House,
sufficiently answers questions and provides information about government actions and policies. This
expectation is not new. During the Civil War, journalists expected to have access to those representing
the government, including the military. But William Tecumseh Sherman, a Union general, maintained
distance between the press and his military. Following the publication of material Sherman believed to be
protected by government censorship, a journalist was arrested and nearly put to death. The event spurred
the creation of accreditation for journalists, which meant a journalist must be approved to cover the White
House and the military before entering a controlled area. All accredited journalists also need approval by
military field commanders before coming near a military zone.93
To cover war up close, more journalists are asking to travel with troops during armed conflict. In 2003,
George W. Bush’s administration decided to allow more journalists in the field, hoping the concession
would reduce friction between the military and the press. The U.S. Department of Defense placed fifty-
eight journalists in a media boot camp to prepare them to be embedded with military regiments in Iraq.
Although the increase in embedded journalists resulted in substantial in-depth coverage, many journalists
felt their colleagues performed poorly, acting as celebrities rather than reporters.94
The line between journalists’ expectation of openness and the government’s willingness to be open has
continued to be a point of contention. Some administrations use the media to increase public support
during times of war, as Woodrow Wilson did in World War I. Other presidents limit the media in order to
limit dissent. In 1990, during the first Persian Gulf War, journalists received all publication material from
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the military in a prepackaged and staged manner. Access to Dover, the air force base that receives coffins
of U.S. soldiers who die overseas, was closed. Journalists accused George H. W. Bush’s administration
of limiting access and forcing them to produce bad pieces. The White House believed it controlled the
message.95 The ban was later lifted.
In his 2008 presidential run, Barack Obama promised to run a transparent White House.96 Yet once in
office, he found that transparency makes it difficult to get work done, and so he limited access and
questions. In his first year in office, George W. Bush, who was criticized by Obama as having a closed
government, gave 147 question-and-answer sessions with journalists, while Obama gave only 46. Even
Helen Thomas, a long-time liberal White House press correspondent, said the Obama administration tried
to control both information and journalists (Figure 8.15).97

Figure 8.15 President Barack Obama and White House correspondent Helen Thomas set aside their differences
over transparency to enjoy cupcakes in honor of their shared birthday on August 4, 2009.

Because White House limitations on the press are not unusual, many journalists rely on confidential
sources. In 1972, under the cloak of anonymity, the associate director of the Federal Bureau of
Investigation, Mark Felt, became a news source for Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein, political reporters
at the Washington Post. Felt provided information about a number of potential stories and was Woodward’s
main source for information about President Richard Nixon’s involvement in a series of illegal activities,
including the break-in at Democratic Party headquarters in Washington’s Watergate office complex.
The information eventually led to Nixon’s resignation and the indictment of sixty-nine people in his
administration. Felt was nicknamed “Deep Throat,” and the journalists kept his identity secret until 2005.98
The practice of granting anonymity to sources is sometimes referred to as reporter’s privilege. Fueled by
the First Amendment’s protection of the press, journalists have long offered to keep sources confidential
to protect them from government prosecution. To illustrate, as part of the investigation into the outing
of Valerie Plame as a CIA officer, New York Times reporter Judith Miller was jailed for refusing to reveal
“Scooter” Libby, Vice President Dick Cheney’s chief of staff, as her confidential government source.99
Reporter’s privilege has increased the number of instances in which whistleblowers and government
employees have given journalists tips or documents to prompt investigation into questionable government
practices. Edward Snowden’s 2013 leak to the press regarding the U.S. government’s massive internal
surveillance and tapping program was one such case.
In 1972, however, the Supreme Court determined that journalists are not exempt from subpoenas and that
courts could force testimony to name a confidential source. Journalists who conceal a source and thereby
protect him or her from being properly tried for a crime may spend time in jail for contempt of court. In the
case of Branzburg v. Hayes (1972), three journalists were placed in contempt of court for refusing to divulge
sources.100 The journalists appealed to the Supreme Court. In a 5–4 decision, the justices determined that
freedom of the press did not extend to the confidentiality of sources. A concurring opinion did state that

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the case should be seen as a limited ruling, however. If the government needed to know a source due to a
criminal trial, it could pursue the name of that source.101
More recently, the Supreme Court refused to hear an appeal from New York Times journalist James Risen,
who was subpoenaed and ordered to name a confidential source who had provided details about a U.S.
government mission designed to harm Iran’s nuclear arms program. Risen was finally released from the
subpoena, but the battle took seven years and the government eventually collected enough other evidence
to make his testimony less crucial to the case.102 Overall, the transparency of the government is affected
more by the executive currently holding office than by the First Amendment.

8.4 The Impact of the Media

Learning Objectives
By the end of this section, you will be able to:
• Identify forms of bias that exist in news coverage and ways the media can present biased coverage
• Explain how the media cover politics and issues
• Evaluate the impact of the media on politics and policymaking

In what ways can the media affect society and government? The media’s primary duty is to present us
with information and alert us when important events occur. This information may affect what we think
and the actions we take. The media can also place pressure on government to act by signaling a need for
intervention or showing that citizens want change. For these reasons, the quality of the media’s coverage
matters.

MEDIA EFFECTS AND BIAS

Concerns about the effects of media on consumers and the existence and extent of media bias go back to the
1920s. Reporter and commentator Walter Lippmann noted that citizens have limited personal experience
with government and the world and posited that the media, through their stories, place ideas in citizens’
minds. These ideas become part of the citizens’ frame of reference and affect their decisions. Lippmann’s
statements led to the hypodermic theory, which argues that information is “shot” into the receiver’s mind
and readily accepted.103
Yet studies in the 1930s and 1940s found that information was transmitted in two steps, with one person
reading the news and then sharing the information with friends. People listened to their friends, but not
to those with whom they disagreed. The newspaper’s effect was thus diminished through conversation.
This discovery led to the minimal effects theory, which argues the media have little effect on citizens and
voters.104 By the 1970s, a new idea, the cultivation theory, hypothesized that media develop a person’s
view of the world by presenting a perceived reality.105 What we see on a regular basis is our reality. Media
can then set norms for readers and viewers by choosing what is covered or discussed.
In the end, the consensus among observers is that media have some effect, even if the effect is subtle.
This raises the question of how the media, even general newscasts, can affect citizens. One of the ways
is through framing: the creation of a narrative, or context, for a news story. The news often uses frames
to place a story in a context so the reader understands its importance or relevance. Yet, at the same time,
framing affects the way the reader or viewer processes the story.
Episodic framing occurs when a story focuses on isolated details or specifics rather than looking broadly
at a whole issue. Thematic framing takes a broad look at an issue and skips numbers or details. It looks
at how the issue has changed over a long period of time and what has led to it. For example, a large,
urban city is dealing with the problem of an increasing homeless population, and the city has suggested
ways to improve the situation. If journalists focus on the immediate statistics, report the current percentage
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of homeless people, interview a few, and look at the city’s current investment in a homeless shelter,
the coverage is episodic. If they look at homelessness as a problem increasing everywhere, examine the
reasons people become homeless, and discuss the trends in cities’ attempts to solve the problem, the
coverage is thematic. Episodic frames may create more sympathy, while a thematic frame may leave the
reader or viewer emotionally disconnected and less sympathetic (Figure 8.16).

Figure 8.16 Civil war in Syria has led many to flee the country, including this woman living in a Syrian refugee camp
in Jordan in September 2015. Episodic framing of the stories of Syrian refugees, and their deaths, turned government
inaction into action. (credit: Enes Reyhan)

Link to Learning

For a closer look at framing and how it influences voters, read “How the Media
Frames Political Issues” (https://openstaxcollege.org/l/29scotlondoness) , a
review essay by Scott London.

Framing can also affect the way we see race, socioeconomics, or other generalizations. For this reason, it is
linked to priming: when media coverage predisposes the viewer or reader to a particular perspective on a
subject or issue. If a newspaper article focuses on unemployment, struggling industries, and jobs moving
overseas, the reader will have a negative opinion about the economy. If then asked whether he or she
approves of the president’s job performance, the reader is primed to say no. Readers and viewers are able
to fight priming effects if they are aware of them or have prior information about the subject.

COVERAGE EFFECTS ON GOVERNANCE AND CAMPAIGNS

When it is spotty, the media’s coverage of campaigns and government can sometimes affect the way
government operates and the success of candidates. In 1972, for instance, the McGovern-Fraser reforms
created a voter-controlled primary system, so party leaders no longer pick the presidential candidates.

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Now the media are seen as kingmakers and play a strong role in influencing who will become the
Democratic and Republican nominees in presidential elections. They can discuss the candidates’ messages,
vet their credentials, carry sound bites of their speeches, and conduct interviews. The candidates with the
most media coverage build momentum and do well in the first few primaries and caucuses. This, in turn,
leads to more media coverage, more momentum, and eventually a winning candidate. Thus, candidates
need the media.
In the 1980s, campaigns learned that tight control on candidate information created more favorable media
coverage. In the presidential election of 1984, candidates Ronald Reagan and George H. W. Bush began
using an issue-of-the-day strategy, providing quotes and material on only one topic each day. This strategy
limited what journalists could cover because they had only limited quotes and sound bites to use in their
reports. In 1992, both Bush’s and Bill Clinton’s campaigns maintained their carefully drawn candidate
images by also limiting photographers and television journalists to photo opportunities at rallies and
campaign venues. The constant control of the media became known as the “bubble,” and journalists were
less effective when they were in the campaign’s bubble. Reporters complained this coverage was campaign
advertising rather than journalism, and a new model emerged with the 1996 election.106
Campaign coverage now focuses on the spectacle of the season, rather than providing information about
the candidates. Colorful personalities, strange comments, lapse of memories, and embarrassing revelations
are more likely to get air time than the candidates’ issue positions. Donald Trump may be the best example
of shallower press coverage of a presidential election. Some argue that newspapers and news programs
are limiting the space they allot to discussion of the campaigns.107 Others argue that citizens want to see
updates on the race and electoral drama, not boring issue positions or substantive reporting.108 It may
also be that journalists have tired of the information games played by politicians and have taken back
control of the news cycles.109 All these factors have likely led to the shallow press coverage we see today,
sometimes dubbed pack journalism because journalists follow one another rather than digging for their
own stories. Television news discusses the strategies and blunders of the election, with colorful examples.
Newspapers focus on polls. In an analysis of the 2012 election, Pew Research found that 64 percent of
stories and coverage focused on campaign strategy. Only 9 percent covered domestic issue positions; 6
percent covered the candidates’ public records; and, 1 percent covered their foreign policy positions.110
For better or worse, coverage of the candidates’ statements get less air time on radio and television, and
sound bites, or clips, of their speeches have become even shorter. In 1968, the average sound bite from
Richard Nixon was 42.3 seconds, while a recent study of television coverage found that sound bites had
decreased to only eight seconds in the 2004 election.111 The clips chosen to air were attacks on opponents
40 percent of the time. Only 30 percent contained information about the candidate’s issues or events.
The study also found the news showed images of the candidates, but for an average of only twenty-five
seconds while the newscaster discussed the stories.112
This study supports the argument that shrinking sound bites are a way for journalists to control the story
and add their own analysis rather than just report on it.113 Candidates are given a few minutes to try to
argue their side of an issue, but some say television focuses on the argument rather than on information.
In 2004, Jon Stewart of Comedy Central’s The Daily Show began attacking the CNN program Crossfire for
being theater, saying the hosts engaged in reactionary and partisan arguing rather than true debating.114
Some of Stewart’s criticisms resonated, even with host Paul Begala, and Crossfire was later pulled from the
air.115
The media’s discussion of campaigns has also grown negative. Although biased campaign coverage dates
back to the period of the partisan press, the increase in the number of cable news stations has made
the problem more visible. Stations like FOX News and MSNBC are overt in their use of bias in framing
stories. During the 2012 campaign, seventy-one of seventy-four MSNBC stories about Mitt Romney were
highly negative, while FOX News’ coverage of Obama had forty-six out of fifty-two stories with negative
information (Figure 8.17). The major networks—ABC, CBS, and NBC—were somewhat more balanced,
yet the overall coverage of both candidates tended to be negative.116
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Figure 8.17 Media coverage of campaigns is increasingly negative, with cable news stations demonstrating more
bias in their framing of stories during the 2012 campaign.

Due in part to the lack of substantive media coverage, campaigns increasingly use social media to relay
their message. Candidates can create their own sites and pages and try to spread news through supporters
to the undecided. In 2012, both Romney and Obama maintained Facebook, Twitter, and YouTube accounts
to provide information to voters. Yet, on social media, candidates still need to combat negativity, from
both the opposition and supporters. Stories about Romney that appeared in the mainstream media were
negative 38 percent of the time, while his coverage in Facebook news was negative 62 percent of the time
and 58 percent of the time on Twitter.117 In the 2016 election cycle, both party nominees heavily used
social media. Donald Trump’s scores of tweets became very prominent as he tweeted during Clinton’s
convention acceptance speech and sometimes at all hours of the night. Clinton also used Twitter, but less
so than Trump, though arguably staying better on message. Trump tended to rail on about topics and at
one point was even drawn into a Twitter battle with Senator Elizabeth Warren (D-MA). Hillary Clinton
also used Facebook for longer messages and imaging.
Once candidates are in office, the chore of governing begins, with the added weight of media attention.
Historically, if presidents were unhappy with their press coverage, they used personal and professional
means to change its tone. Franklin D. Roosevelt, for example, was able to keep journalists from printing
stories through gentleman’s agreements, loyalty, and the provision of additional information, sometimes
off the record. The journalists then wrote positive stories, hoping to keep the president as a source. John F.
Kennedy hosted press conferences twice a month and opened the floor for questions from journalists, in
an effort to keep press coverage positive.118
When presidents and other members of the White House are not forthcoming with information, journalists
must press for answers. Dan Rather, a journalist for CBS, regularly sparred with presidents in an effort
to get information. When Rather interviewed Richard Nixon about Vietnam and Watergate, Nixon was
hostile and uncomfortable.119 In a 1988 interview with then-vice president George H. W. Bush, Bush
accused Rather of being argumentative about the possible cover-up of a secret arms sale with Iran:

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Rather: I don’t want to be argumentative, Mr. Vice President.

Bush: You do, Dan.
Rather: No—no, sir, I don’t.
Bush: This is not a great night, because I want to talk about why I want to be president, why
those 41 percent of the people are supporting me. And I don’t think it’s fair to judge my whole
career by a rehash of Iran. How would you like it if I judged your career by those seven minutes
when you walked off the set in New York? 120
Cabinet secretaries and other appointees also talk with the press, sometimes making for conflicting
messages. The creation of the position of press secretary and the White House Office of Communications
both stemmed from the need to send a cohesive message from the executive branch. Currently, the White
House controls the information coming from the executive branch through the Office of Communications
and decides who will meet with the press and what information will be given.
But stories about the president often examine personality, or the president’s ability to lead the country,
deal with Congress, or respond to national and international events. They are less likely to cover the
president’s policies or agendas without a lot of effort on the president’s behalf.121 When Obama first
entered office in 2009, journalists focused on his battles with Congress, critiquing his leadership style and
inability to work with Representative Nancy Pelosi, then Speaker of the House. To gain attention for his
policies, specifically the American Recovery and Reinvestment Act (ARRA), Obama began traveling the
United States to draw the media away from Congress and encourage discussion of his economic stimulus
package. Once the ARRA had been passed, Obama began travelling again, speaking locally about why the
country needed the Affordable Care Act and guiding media coverage to promote support for the act.122
Congressional representatives have a harder time attracting media attention for their policies. House and
Senate members who use the media well, either to help their party or to show expertise in an area, may
increase their power within Congress, which helps them bargain for fellow legislators’ votes. Senators and
high-ranking House members may also be invited to appear on cable news programs as guests, where
they may gain some media support for their policies. Yet, overall, because there are so many members
of Congress, and therefore so many agendas, it is harder for individual representatives to draw media
coverage.123
It is less clear, however, whether media coverage of an issue leads Congress to make policy, or whether
congressional policymaking leads the media to cover policy. In the 1970s, Congress investigated ways to
stem the number of drug-induced deaths and crimes. As congressional meetings dramatically increased,
the press was slow to cover the topic. The number of hearings was at its highest from 1970 to 1982, yet
media coverage did not rise to the same level until 1984.124 Subsequent hearings and coverage led to
national policies like DARE and First Lady Nancy Reagan’s “Just Say No” campaign (Figure 8.18).
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Figure 8.18 First Lady Nancy Reagan speaks at a “Just Say No” rally in Los Angeles on May 13, 1987 (a). The Drug
Abuse Resistance Education (D.A.R.E.) is an anti-drug, anti-gang program founded in 1983 by a joint initiative of the
Los Angeles Police Department and the Los Angeles Unified School District.

Later studies of the media’s effect on both the president and Congress report that the media has a stronger
agenda-setting effect on the president than on Congress. What the media choose to cover affects what the
president thinks is important to voters, and these issues were often of national importance. The media’s
effect on Congress was limited, however, and mostly extended to local issues like education or child
and elder abuse.125 If the media are discussing a topic, chances are a member of Congress has already
submitted a relevant bill, and it is waiting in committee.

COVERAGE EFFECTS ON SOCIETY

The media choose what they want to discuss. This agenda setting creates a reality for voters and politicians
that affects the way people think, act, and vote. Even if the crime rate is going down, for instance, citizens
accustomed to reading stories about assault and other offenses still perceive crime to be an issue.126
Studies have also found that the media’s portrayal of race is flawed, especially in coverage of crime and
poverty. One study revealed that local news shows were more likely to show pictures of criminals when
they were African American, so they overrepresented blacks as perpetrators and whites as victims.127 A
second study found a similar pattern in which Latinos were underrepresented as victims of crime and as
police officers, while whites were overrepresented as both.128 Voters were thus more likely to assume that
most criminals are black and most victims and police officers are white, even though the numbers do not
support those assumptions.
Network news similarly misrepresents the victims of poverty by using more images of blacks than
whites in its segments. Viewers in a study were left believing African Americans were the majority
of the unemployed and poor, rather than seeing the problem as one faced by many races.129 The
misrepresentation of race is not limited to news coverage, however. A study of images printed in national
magazines, like Time and Newsweek, found they also misrepresented race and poverty. The magazines
were more likely to show images of young African Americans when discussing poverty and excluded the
elderly and the young, as well as whites and Latinos, which is the true picture of poverty.130
Racial framing, even if unintentional, affects perceptions and policies. If viewers are continually presented
with images of African Americans as criminals, there is an increased chance they will perceive members
of this group as violent or aggressive.131 The perception that most recipients of welfare are working-age
African Americans may have led some citizens to vote for candidates who promised to reduce welfare
benefits.132 When survey respondents were shown a story of a white unemployed individual, 71 percent
listed unemployment as one of the top three problems facing the United States, while only 53 percent did
so if the story was about an unemployed African American.133

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Word choice may also have a priming effect. News organizations like the Los Angeles Times and the
Associated Press no longer use the phrase “illegal immigrant” to describe undocumented residents. This
may be due to the desire to create a “sympathetic” frame for the immigration situation rather than a
“threat” frame.134
Media coverage of women has been similarly biased. Most journalists in the early 1900s were male, and
women’s issues were not part of the newsroom discussion. As journalist Kay Mills put it, the women’s
movement of the 1960s and 1970s was about raising awareness of the problems of equality, but writing
about rallies “was like trying to nail Jell-O to the wall.”135 Most politicians, business leaders, and other
authority figures were male, and editors’ reactions to the stories were lukewarm. The lack of women in the
newsroom, politics, and corporate leadership encouraged silence.136
In 1976, journalist Barbara Walters became the first female coanchor on a network news show, The ABC
Evening News. She was met with great hostility from her coanchor Harry Reasoner and received critical
coverage from the press.137 On newspaper staffs, women reported having to fight for assignments to well-
published beats, or to be assigned areas or topics, such as the economy or politics, that were normally
reserved for male journalists. Once female journalists held these assignments, they feared writing about
women’s issues. Would it make them appear weak? Would they be taken from their coveted beats?138
This apprehension allowed poor coverage of women and the women’s movement to continue until women
were better represented as journalists and as editors. Strength of numbers allowed them to be confident
when covering issues like health care, childcare, and education.139

Link to Learning

The Center for American Women in Politics (https://openstaxcollege.org/l/

29cawprutgers) researches the treatment women receive from both government
and the media, and they share the data with the public.

The media’s historically uneven coverage of women continues in its treatment of female candidates. Early
coverage was sparse. The stories that did appear often discussed the candidate’s viability, or ability to win,
rather than her stand on the issues.140 Women were seen as a novelty rather than as serious contenders
who needed to be vetted and discussed. Modern media coverage has changed slightly. One study found
that female candidates receive more favorable coverage than in prior generations, especially if they are
incumbents.141 Yet a different study found that while there was increased coverage for female candidates,
it was often negative.142 And it did not include Latina candidates.143 Without coverage, they are less likely
to win.
The historically negative media coverage of female candidates has had another concrete effect: Women
are less likely than men to run for office. One common reason is the effect negative media coverage
has on families.144 Many women do not wish to expose their children or spouses to criticism.145 In
2008, the nomination of Sarah Palin as Republican candidate John McCain’s running mate validated this
concern (Figure 8.19). Some articles focused on her qualifications to be a potential future president or
her record on the issues. But others questioned whether she had the right to run for office, given she had
young children, one of whom has developmental disabilities.146 Her daughter, Bristol, was criticized for
becoming pregnant while unmarried.147 Her husband was called cheap for failing to buy her a high-priced
wedding ring.148 Even when candidates ask that children and families be off-limits, the press rarely honors
the requests. So women with young children may wait until their children are grown before running for
office, if they choose to run at all.
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Figure 8.19 When Sarah Palin found herself on the national stage at the Republican Convention in September
2008, media coverage about her selection as John McCain’s running mate included numerous questions about her
ability to serve based on personal family history. Attacks on candidates’ families lead many women to postpone or
avoid running for office. (credit: Carol Highsmith)

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Key Terms

agenda setting the media’s ability to choose which issues or topics get attention

beat the coverage area assigned to journalists for news or stories

citizen journalism video and print news posted to the Internet or social media by citizens rather than the
news media

cultivation theory the idea that media affect a citizen’s worldview through the information presented

digital paywall the need for a paid subscription to access published online material

equal-time rule an FCC policy that all candidates running for office must be given the same radio and
television airtime opportunities

fairness doctrine a 1949 Federal Communications Commission (FCC) policy, now defunct, that required
holders of broadcast licenses to cover controversial issues in a balanced manner

framing the process of giving a news story a specific context or background

Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) a federal statute that requires public agencies to provide certain
types of information requested by citizens

hypodermic theory the idea that information is placed in a citizen’s brain and accepted

indecency regulations laws that limit indecent and obscene material on public airwaves

libel printed information about a person or organization that is not true and harms the reputation of the
person or organization

mass media the collection of all media forms that communicate information to the general public

minimal effects theory the idea that the media have little effect on citizens

muckraking news coverage focusing on exposing corrupt business and government practices

party press era period during the 1780s in which newspaper content was biased by political partisanship

priming the process of predisposing readers or viewers to think a particular way

prior restraint a government action that stops someone from doing something before they are able to do
it (e.g., forbidding someone to publish a book he or she plans to release)

public relations biased communication intended to improve the image of people, companies, or
organizations

reporter’s privilege the right of a journalist to keep a source confidential

slander spoken information about a person or organization that is not true and harms the reputation of
the person or organization

soft news news presented in an entertaining style

sunshine laws laws that require government documents and proceedings to be made public

yellow journalism sensationalized coverage of scandals and human interest stories

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Summary

8.1 What Is the Media?

The media encompass all communications that transmit facts or information to citizens and includes
the mass media in print and on the radio, television, and Internet. Television takes many forms, such
as local, network, cable, or satellite. Historically, programming was transmitted from networks to local
stations and broadcast via the airwaves, while fiber-optic cables now allow for national programming
to transmit directly. Technological advances allow on-demand and streaming access for programming,
leading to changes in advertising and scheduling practices. Conglomerates are large media corporations
that own many stations and other companies; therefore, they can create a monopoly and decrease the flow
of information to the public. The media serves to entertain the public, watch for corruption, set the national
agenda, and promote the public good. In each of these roles, the media informs the public about what is
happening and signals when citizens should act.

8.2 The Evolution of the Media

Newspapers were vital during the Revolutionary War. Later, in the party press era, party loyalty governed
coverage. At the turn of the twentieth century, investigative journalism and muckraking appeared, and
newspapers began presenting more professional, unbiased information. The modern print media have
fought to stay relevant and cost-efficient, moving online to do so.
Most families had radios by the 1930s, making it an effective way for politicians, especially presidents, to
reach out to citizens. While the increased use of television decreased the popularity of radio, talk radio
still provides political information. Modern presidents also use television to rally people in times of crisis,
although social media and the Internet now offer a more direct way for them to communicate. While
serious newscasts still exist, younger viewers prefer soft news as a way to become informed.

8.3 Regulating the Media

While freedom of the press is an important aspect of the Bill of Rights, this freedom is not absolute and may
be regulated by the U.S. government. The press cannot libel or slander individuals or publish information
about troop movements or undercover operatives. The Federal Communications Commission can enforce
limits on television and radio programming by fining or revoking licenses. Broadcast material cannot be
obscene, and indecent programs can be broadcast only between 10 p.m. and 6 a.m. Stations must also give
political candidates equal time for advertising and interviews.
The media help governments maintain transparency. Sunshine laws require some governments and
government agencies to make meeting documents public. Some presidents have encouraged journalists
and allowed questioning while others have avoided the press. Lack of openness by government officials
leads journalists to use confidential sources for important or classified information. The Supreme Court
does not give the press complete freedom to keep sources confidential, though the government can choose
whom it prosecutes for hiding sources.

8.4 The Impact of the Media

Writers began to formally study media bias in the 1920s. Initially, the press was seen as being able to place
information in our minds, but later research found that the media have a minimal effect on recipients.
A more recent theory is that the media cultivates our reality by presenting information that creates our
perceptions of the world. The media does have the ability to frame what it presents, and it can also prime
citizens to think a particular way, which changes how they react to new information.
The media’s coverage of electoral candidates has increasingly become analysis rather than reporting.
Sound bites from candidates are shorter. The press now provides horse-race coverage on the campaigns
rather than in-depth coverage on candidates and their positions, forcing voters to look for other sources,
like social media, for information. Current coverage of the government focuses more on what the president
does than on presidential policies. Congress, on the other hand, is rarely affected by the media. Most topics
discussed by the media are already being discussed by members of Congress or its committees.

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Chapter 8 | The Media 323

The media frame discussions and choose pictures, information, and video to support stories, which may
affect the way people vote on social policy and in elections.

Review Questions

1. A local station that broadcasts national 9. Muckraking occurs when newspapers

network programming is called a(an) ________ ________.
station. a. investigate problems in government and
a. affiliate business
b. cable b. investigate actions of celebrities
c. digital c. print sensational news on the front page to
d. network sell papers
d. print more editorials and opinion pieces to
2. Cable programming is often ________. sell papers
a. local
b. national 10. Radio quiz shows and comedy shows were
c. network most popular in the ________.
d. sports a. 1900s
b. 1930s
3. A conglomerate is a corporation that ________. c. 1970s
a. owns all television news stations in a state d. 1990s
b. owns many businesses and media networks
c. owns only radio stations 11. Television news became a regular feature
d. owns only televisions and newspapers during ________ due to the public’s demand for
________ to explain current events.
4. When acting as an agenda setter, the media a. WWI; images and maps
________. b. Great Depression; charts and tables
a. decides which issues deserve public c. WWII; images and maps
attention d. Vietnam War; charts and tables
b. covers presidential campaigns equally
c. reports on corruption in government 12. Why did Franklin D. Roosevelt’s fireside
d. brings in advertising revenue for the media chats help the president enact his policies?
corporation
13. How have modern presidents used television
5. How can conglomerates censor information? to reach out to citizens?

6. In what ways is media responsible for 14. Why is soft news good at reaching out and
promoting the public good? educating viewers?

7. Why is social media an effective way to spread 15. In which circumstance would the courts find
news and information? libel?
a. A reporter uses a source that incorrectly
8. Newspapers during the Revolutionary War states a celebrity is using drugs.
period tended to ________. b. A columnist writes his opinion about
a. give fake news and sensationalize stories whether an actor is hiding a drug problem.
b. unite the colonists and provide information c. A television reporter delivers a story about
about the British increased drug use at the local college.
c. print party propaganda d. A reporter writes that local college students
d. attack colonial politicians are drug dealers but has no sources.
324 Chapter 8 | The Media

16. The Supreme Court determined that the right 21. Which of the following is an example of
of the press to print classified material ________. episodic framing?
a. is obsolete, and the press may never print a. a story on drug abuse that interviews
classified material addicts and discusses reasons for addiction
b. is partial, and the press may print classified and government responses to help addicts
material only if it does not compromise b. a story on how drug abuse policy has
troops or covert operatives changed since 1984
c. is complete, and the press may print c. a story on candidates’ answers to a drug
anything it likes question in a debate
d. has not yet been defined d. a story detailing arguments against needle
exchange programs
17. The Federal Communications Commission
oversees the programming of which entities? 22. According to research, why might a woman
a. television decide not to run for office?
b. television and radio a. She feels the work is too hard.
c. television, radio, and satellite b. She fears her positions will be covered too
d. television, radio, satellite, and cable closely by the press.
c. She fears the media will criticize her family.
18. Which of the following is a reasonable d. She fears the campaign will be too
exception to the Freedom of Information Act? expensive.
a. medical records for government employees
b. budget for the Department of Labor 23. Media coverage of a race tends to ________.
c. minutes from a president’s cabinet meeting a. accurately portray all races equally
d. transcript of meetings between Department b. accurately portray whites and blacks as
of State negotiators and Russian trade victims
negotiators c. overrepresent whites and the elderly as
poor
19. Why is it a potential problem that the equal- d. overrepresent African Americans as poor
time rule does not apply to candidates’
supporters? 24. How might framing or priming affect the way
a reader or viewer thinks about an issue?
20. Under what circumstances might a journalist
be compelled to give up a source? 25. Why would inaccurate coverage of race and
gender affect policy or elections?

Critical Thinking Questions

26. In what ways can the media change the way a citizen thinks about government?

27. In what ways do the media protect people from a tyrannical government?

28. Should all activities of the government be open to media coverage? Why or why not? In what
circumstances do you think it would be appropriate for the government to operate without transparency?

29. Have changes in media formats created a more accurate, less biased media? Why or why not?

30. How does citizen journalism use social media to increase coverage of world events?

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Chapter 8 | The Media 325

Suggestions for Further Study

Baum, Matthew A. 2003. Soft News Goes to War: Public Opinion and American Foreign Policy in the New Media
Age. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
Baum, Matthew A., and Philip B. K. Potter. 2015. War and Democratic Constraint: How the Public Influences
Foreign Policy. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
Cohen, Jeffrey. 2008. The Presidency in the Era of 24-Hour News. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
Eshbaugh-Soha, Matthew, and Jeffrey Peake. 2011. Breaking through the Noise: Presidential Leadership, Public
Opinion, and the News. Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press.
Fellow, Anthony R. 2013. American Media History. Boston: Cengage.
Graber, Doris A., and Johanna L. Dunaway. 2014. Mass Media and American Politics. Thousand Oaks, CA:
CQ Press.
PIyengar, Shanto. 2016. Media Politics: A Citizen’s Guide, 3rd ed. New York: W. W. Norton.
Iyengar, Shanto, and Donald R. Kinder. 2010. News That Matters: Television and American Opinion. Chicago:
University Of Chicago Press.
Lawless, Jennifer L., and Richard L. Fox. 2010. It Still Takes A Candidate: Why Women Don’t Run for Office.
Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Malecha, Gary, and Daniel J. Reagan. 2011. The Public Congress: Congressional Deliberation in a New Media
Age. New York: Routledge.
Media Matters (http://mediamatters.org/).
Media Research Center (http://www.mrc.org/).
Patterson, Thomas. 2013. Informing the News: The Need for Knowledge-Based Journalism. New York: Vintage.
Politifact (http://www.politifact.com/).
Rozell, Mark, and Jeremy Mayer. 2008. Media Power, Media Politics. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield.
West, Darrell M. 2013. Air Wars. Thousand Oaks, CA: CQ Press.