Transportation Research Part A 131 (2020) 219–227

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Transportation Research Part A

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India’s shift from mass transit to MaaS transit: Insights from Kochi
T
Mitashi Singh
Centre for Science and Environment, Core 6A, India Habitat Centre, Lodhi Road, New Delhi 110003, India

A R T IC LE I N F O ABS TRA CT

Keywords: Kochi is the first Indian city to take concrete action on multimodal integration. The city is shifting
Kochi Metro from the recently hyped mass transit-based mobility to Mobility as a Service (MaaS), by weaving
Mass transit traditionally dominant transport modes – water ferry, auto-rickshaw and city bus along with the
Mobility as a Service newly operational Kochi Metro Rail into one service fabric. This paper explores the case of Kochi
Multimodal integration
based on the core characteristics of MaaS and attempts to understand how the new system is
Intermediate public transport
different from the traditional system post the multimodal integration anchored by Kochi Metro
Rail Limited. The case reveals that Kochi’s ‘MaaS’ model has fostered several systemic and
functional changes in the city public transport. Institutional rearrangement, inclusion of actors,
recognition to informal transport service, upgradation and re-organisation of resources for op-
erational efficiency, solution of territorial conflicts - these are a few of the positive changes. The
paper highlights MaaS’s ability to augment mobility governance and service provision specific to
developing nations’ context. It also projects a learning curve for other Indian cities to prioritise a
MaaS strategy over construction of mass transit in isolation.

1. Introduction

Transport is the second largest energy consuming sector after Industry in India (Government of India, 2015). End-use energy
demand in the transport sector will grow fastest among the five sectors – agriculture, buildings, cooking, industry and transport – at
an annually compounded growth rate of 5.7 percent between 2017 and 2042, according to Energy and Emissions scenarios developed
by the Government of India (Thambi et al., 2018). More than two-thirds of this demand will be met from fossil fuels, while small
vehicle segment (cars, scooters and motorcycles) will continue to contribute substantially. It is worth taking note that the Govern-
ment of India has launched an array of initiatives to bend the energy demand curve towards a low carbon and efficient mobility
trajectory. However, the initiatives remain inadequate to cohesively address the several emerging mobility issues in the country. This
paper largely discusses the following three issues:

i. Priority towards ‘output’ over ‘outcome’: Government of India had announced support to rail-based mass transit systems in cities
with a population of over two million (Ministry of Urban Development, 2012). After gauging the acceptance of the service among
the public, the support was extended to cities with million-plus population also (Ministry of Urban Development, 2014). As a
result, over 50 Indian cities are now constructing new capital-intensive metro rail systems without exploring much about in-
tegrating them with and strengthening existing transport systems (Centre for Science and Environment, 2017; Urban Mass Transit
Company, 2016). Eleven of these new metro rail systems are operational, and all are facing financial constraints, both in op-
erations and network expansion (Sood, 2019). State governments prefer metro rail systems to increase the economic attrac-
tiveness of cities and decarbonize urban transport by inducing a shift away from private motorized travel. However, urban

E-mail address: mitashi90@gmail.com.

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.tra.2019.09.037

Available online 03 October 2019

0965-8564/ © 2019 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
M. Singh Transportation Research Part A 131 (2020) 219–227

transport needs attention beyond constructing metro rails. For instance, Delhi Metro is the flagship rail-based mass transit system
in the country with an expansive operational network of 327 km and 236 stations (Delhi Metro Rail Corporation Ltd, 2017). Since
its operationalization in 2003, number of registered vehicles has more than doubled. The roads remain congested – average travel
speed in Delhi is 26 km per hour (kmph), which drops to 8 kmph on arterial roads during peak hours, according to a June 2017
study (Government of National Capital Territory of Delhi, 2010). Consequently, Delhi faces alarming pollution levels – annual
mean Air Quality Index for the city remained between Very Poor (301–400) and Severe (401–500) in 2017 (Roychowdhury and
Puri, 2017; Central Pollution Control Board, 2018). Such a scenario can be attributed to the inadequate attention given to the city
bus service, last mile connectivity and lack of integration between land use and transport planning.
ii. Disregard to indigenous transport resources: Mobility in Indian cities is complex. Apart from private vehicles and public
transport modes, it comprises of intermediate public transport (IPT) modes. IPT or informal transport or paratransit are inter-
changeably used terms native to the global south. IPT can include auto rickshaw, cycle rickshaw, e-rickshaw, seven-seater vans,
mini-buses and (privately run) buses, that are instrumental in providing first or last mile connection to mainstream public
transport. IPT in India predates any public transport intervention and bears traditional significance. It is more ingrained in
mobility practices of the masses as compared to other modes. For instance, informal transport constitutes 11.5% of the total daily
trips in Delhi and 24% of metro rail trips depend on cycle rickshaw for feeder services (Government of National Capital Territory
of Delhi, 2010; Kumar et al., 2015). However, in contrast to its potential, IPT is not recognized to be included in mobility planning
and strategies.
iii. Emergence of disruptive mobility: Smartphone and internet penetration have been rapid in the case of India (Taylor, 2016).
Transportation is among the top three industries with the highest adoption rates in sharing economy (Ernst and Young, 2015). As
a result, digital platforms are actively banking upon different transport modes (bus, car and IPT) to offer alternative travel
options, such as Shuttl, Uber, Ola, Ola Auto, Jugnoo, Rapido, Bikxie, etc. Public acceptance to these platforms is evident from a
soaring demand. For instance, car fleet sales (by taxi aggregators) formed 9 percent of domestic passenger vehicle sales in 2016
and are projected to reach 15–17 percent by 2020 (Thakkar, 2017). While it is early to draw the conclusion that sharing economy
leaves an adverse impact, considering the inclination towards car-centric digital platforms, there is a need to recognise the new
patterns of mobility and tap on their potential by internalising them in mainstream public transport.

The multi-fold mobility challenge in India ranges from curbing private motorisation and expanding public transport services in a
less capital-intensive manner to the inclusion of wider public travel behaviour (IPT and digitally powered mobility) in policies. A
Mobility as a Service (MaaS) approach provides opportunity to address all these issues comprehensively.
Kochi, a city in the southern state of Kerala, is working on integrating informal transport with public transport under a project
titled ‘Seamless Transportation for Kochi’. It relies heavily on Information and Communication Technology. This paper documents
how the city has shifted from fragmented public transport services to a wider MaaS approach.
The study used individual as well as Focus Group Interviews (FGI) in phases to determine the challenges and impact of transi-
tioning under the project. The first phase was conducted in December 2017 and the last in May 2018. Key stakeholders were
identified as - Kochi Metro Rail Limited (KMRL), six private bus operator companies, auto rickshaw drivers, and taxi drivers.
Qualitative data were collected from the interviews with these stakeholders. The study intended to use a mixed methods approach,
however, operational integration of all the planned modes has not commenced yet, which disables quantification of user and non-user
perception on the platform. Therefore, the paper is largely drawn on empirical observations in an attempt to highlight the capacity of
MaaS approach to bring operational and structural changes in the mobility landscape.
The paper is organised in three sections. The first section provides a background on Kochi and mobility issues in the city. It is
followed by a section discussing the analysis on city’s transition to a MaaS model. This section includes institutional integration of
service providers, and its (likely) impact on public transport operations is discussed through a ‘before’ and ‘after’ comparison. The last
section summarises the analysis and concludes the study.

2. Kochi and its need to establish a low carbon mobility landscape

The transport geography of Kochi (formerly Cochin) is mainly characterised by an organic network of arterial corridors and
narrow by-lanes spread across an archipelago. Strategic location on the Western coast of India and rich history of spice trade has
embedded remarkable economic and cultural significance in Kochi. Today, Kochi is an important naval base, port city, commercial
capital and the nerve centre of trade and commerce of Kerala. Population of the Greater Cochin Development Area stands at 2.1
million (Greater Cochin Development Authority, 2018).
Ernakulam district, with Kochi as the urban centre, is the most urbanised district in Kerala. It has 68.1 percent of its population is
urban in comparison with India’s 31.15 percent (Greater Cochin Development Authority, 2018; Census of India, 2011). Ernakulam
also has the highest annual per capita income among the 14 districts of Kerala with an annual growth rate of 7.88 percent according
to 2016 figures (Government of Kerala, 2017). This economic significance plays a key role in Government of India’s acknowl-
edgement of Kochi for further infrastructural investment. For instance, Kochi is one of the first 20 cities to be selected under India’s
Smart Cities Mission and first Tier-II city to receive a mass transit system, the Kochi Metro (Ministry of Urban Development, 2014).
Rise in working class population and increasing disposable income has improved access to private vehicles (Government of
Kerala, 2017). This has reached a point where personal motorized vehicles (two-wheelers and cars) constitute a phenomenal 79 per
cent of the total vehicles on the road (Urban Mass Transit Company, 2016). This behaviour is in contrast to the scenario in developed
cities and countries, wherein the younger generation is shifting away from personal vehicle ownership (McDonald, 2015; Delbosc and

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M. Singh Transportation Research Part A 131 (2020) 219–227

Fig. 1. Modal share in Kochi; Source: Comprehensive Mobility Plan for Kochi (Company, 2016).

Currie, 2013).
The magnitude of growth in the number of registered vehicles in Kerala can be demonstrated by its annual growth rate of over 10
percent in the last two decades. According to 2015–16 figures, of the 10 million vehicles in Kerala, 15.37 per cent are in Ernakulam –
the highest of all districts (Government of Kerala, 2017). Today, the streets of Kochi are dominated by two-wheelers as shown in
Fig. 1.
The unprecedented growth of number of vehicles has resulted in growing issue of traffic congestion and road accidents
(Government of Kerala, 2017). A traffic study conducted jointly by a Delhi-based transport consulting firm and Kochi Metro Rail
Limited revealed the average speed of private vehicles remains below 23.87 kmph during peak hours (Urban Mass Transit Company,
2016). These issues raise concern over increase in travel time and loss of productive hours for the city. Further, constrained geo-
graphy is the primary reason for limited public transport penetration in Kochi. As a result, modal share for public transport is
constantly on the decline as shown in Fig. 2.

3. Kochi’s shift to MaaS

In 2014, Government of India had announced the provision of a rail-based mass transit system in all two-million plus population
cities (Ministry of Urban Development, 2014). Kochi is the first city in this bracket to receive a mass rail transit system, namely Kochi
Metro. Kochi Metro Rail Limited (KMRL) is a 50:50 equity joint venture between Government of India and Government of Kerala that
is constructing and operating Kochi Metro (Kochi Metro, 2018). Kochi Metro is planned in three phases, with a stretch of first phase
commencing operations in June 2017. Phase I line comprises of a 25 km corridor with 22 stations, of which 16 stations are op-
erational currently.
Kochi Metro can be acclaimed to be a milestone in mobility practices in the city. Soon after operationalisation of the mass transit
system, ‘Seamless Transportation for Kochi’ project was launched by KMRL. It is a multimodal integration project that follows Avoid-
Shift-Improve (ASI) framework suggested by Dalkmann and Brannigan (2007). ‘Avoid’ refers to managing the transport demand and
reducing the need to travel by improving the overall efficiency of transport system such as land use and transport integration. ‘Shift’
instruments aim at enabling users to choose low carbon modes over energy consuming modes such as cars and two wheelers.
‘Improve’ strategies focus at increasing energy efficiency of transport modes by intervening in vehicle technology and alternative
energy use.
While mass transit is central to this project, the ASI framework promises a cohesive and efficient approach by addressing more
than transit based transportation. In the same line, KMRL has taken several initiatives to ‘re-construct’ the entire public transport
system. It is therefore essential to establish how far this ‘re-construction’ conforms to the definition of MaaS. Jittrapirom et al. (2017)
suggest a set of core characteristics based on the literature review on definitions of MaaS and research on relevant innovative mobility

Fig. 2. Public Transport's mode share decrease from 2001; Source: Comprehensive Mobility Plan for Kochi (Company, 2016).

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Table 1
Conformity of Kochi’s public transport system to MaaS.
Core Characteristic Description

Integration of transport modes Kochi Metro’s multimodal integration project aims to shift users away from carbon-intensive travel by uplifting the service
level for Kochi Metro, city bus, auto rickshaw, feeder bus, boat service, city taxi and non-motorized transport comprising
of bicycling and pedestrian walkways, while operating in conjunction with each other.
One platform Kochi One is a digital public transport platform designed for the city of Kochi under the multimodal integration project. It
can be attributed as a mobility ecosystem built on interactions between different groups of actors, namely end users, public
transport authority and mobility service providers, which take place on a digital platform. Kochi One comprises of a Smart
Card and a mobile app of the same name. The Mobile app allows the user to plan their journey across modes like buses,
auto rickshaws, water jetties and metro feeders along with Kochi Metro.
Multiple actors/service providers Kochi Metro and Feeder service: Feeder routes have been identified perpendicular to the Phase I metro line and for a
coverage of 1.5 to two km. The routes will be introduced with feeder mini-buses.
Private bus operators: About 1000 buses registered with seven Limited Liability Partnerships (LLP) and associations of
private bus operators are formalised. Moreover, nearly 700 buses have been installed with GPS.
State-run bus service: About 400 buses are run by the Kerala Urban Road Transport Corporation. These buses will be
operated together with private buses using an integrated bus time table.
Auto rickshaw drivers and unions: A district level coordination committee including several auto rickshaw drivers’
unions has been constituted and registrations to the committee have been open since June 2018. Registered auto
rickshaws will be installed with GPS and card-reading facility for Kochi One app.
In addition, about 300 auto rickshaw drivers are identified for feeder service to provide first and last mile connectivity to
and from Kochi Metro.
Water jetty service: Nine boats have been installed with GPS to generate data feed for streamlining water jetty
schedule. An Inland Water Transport (IWT) project comprising of 38 passenger jetties and 78 boats is being implemented
on 16 routes since July 2016 (Goyal, 2017).
Public bike sharing service: About 50 bicycles have been provided at eight docking stations across Kochi city.
Tariff option Kochi One allows users to ‘pay-as-you-go’ post purchase of the card from Metro Stations for INR 150. First recharge is for
INR 200 minimum, subsequent recharge can be done from INR 100 and above, and one can do transactions of upto INR
10,000 per month, or upto INR100,000 per month if the tax ID is submitted.
Use of technologies The Kochi One card uses chip-card technology involving a combination of open loop card system, Radio Frequency
Identification Devices (RFID) and Quick Response Codes (QR Codes) to collect fares from the users minimising the need for
cash transactions. The card includes an e-wallet based on Europay that can be used for retail as well. Kochi One app
functions on mobile internet network (WiFi, 3G, 4G, LTE) and allows user to plan their journey and e-ticketing.
Demand orientation Kochi One places user demand at the core of mobility service. It attempts to provide a transport solution that is most suited
to the user by generating a best mix of transport modes and efficient journey planning.
Registration requirement Kochi One requires users to register with the platform to access different services. One registration is valid for a single
individual. This association of the user with the platform provides opportunities for further improvisation of services
inherently based on user needs.
Personalization Kochi One offers users the ability to personalize their trips and overall mobility experience. The app is designed to be
intuitive based on the user profile, travel history and expressed preferences. This ensures the user’s requirements and
expectations are met effectively and efficiently.
Customization The facility to tailor trips and not be pushed to travel in a specific way adds cognitive value to the mobility system.
Multimodal integration has not taken-off as of now in Kochi, however, the scope for customization adds to the
attractiveness of Kochi One.

services and ideas (Jittrapirom et al., 2017). Table 1 introduces and discusses the several initiatives taken by KMRL as per these core
characteristics of MaaS.
As observed from the table above, the multimodal integration project executed by KMRL has enabled a shift from a mass transit
dominated system to a larger and diverse MaaS ecosystem. The new MaaS ecosystem integrates about eight transport modes in-
cluding pedestrian infrastructure and brings diverse actors i.e. transport service providers, governing body and users together. It
utilizes a digital platform titled ‘Kochi One’ to enable increased use of public, intermediate public and non-motorised transport.
Further sections discuss how Kochi has been able to shift to this new mobility ecosystem and highlight various changes the mobility
system has undergone in the process. These changes can be acclaimed as the strengths of a MaaS approach in Indian context.

3.1. Enablement of a unified transport governance

Effective transport governance is critical in competing with the private car option. Kochi acknowledges this notion and has
initiated process for a common operational and administrative structure for all urban transport modes. A Unified Metropolitan
Transport Authority (UMTA) is undergoing parliamentary procedure to become the statutory body for transport planning and im-
plementation in the metropolitan Kochi. The need originally stemmed from the National Urban Transport Policy of India and a
Government of Kerala Order that makes multimodal integration a prerequisite for commissioning of Kochi Metro (Ministry of Urban
Development, 2014; Government of Kerala, 2018).
Current transport governance is a centralised model, wherein State Transport Undertaking (STU) – Kerala State Road Transport
Corporation – is the key regulatory agency. STUs are responsible for state-level operation and management of public bus transport in
India. In order to be effective, public transport service requires adequate finance, infrastructure, cohesion with urban form and most
importantly – plans to execute and enable these requisites at city level. The centralised approach of STUs, has reduced capacity to

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plan and implement mobility services for a city. There is ample evidence to the failure of STUs to cater to the rapidly transforming
city public transport demand, which is the case for KSRTC as well (Singh, 2017).
UMTA adopts a decentralised approach that brings opportunity to define appropriate utilisation of different transport modes and
facilitate responsive mobility services in the city. KMRL is the interim UMTA for Kochi metropolitan area. It has already set a vision
for sustainable mobility in Kochi and is executing it through integrated planning and project implementation, such as the multi-modal
integration project.

3.2. Institutional inclusion of IPT modes

The city bus service in Kochi is provided jointly by Kerala State Road Transport Corporation (KSRTC) and private operators. About
1000 private buses operate on 276 routes originating from and/or terminating in Kochi. On the other hand, there are 600 buses run
by KSRTC, of which 400 were added in 2005 in order to renew bus operations and curtail the falling ridership (Urban Mass Transit
Company, 2016).
It is interesting to note that the larger portion of city bus service is formed by the private buses, while no strategy has been in place
to manage their operations. According to the Motor Vehicles Act (1988), origin-destination, bus routes and schedule are proposed by
bus operators and Regional Transport Offices (KSRTC) only adhere to the same. Issues such as haywire schedule, inefficient routing,
irrational distribution of bus route permits (more operators on profitable routes), ‘penny wars’ among bus drivers operating on the
same routes, obsolete fleet, lack of safety, pollution, as well as declining reliability and overall user experience have been prevalent.
These concerns have resulted in hardship for bus operators as well.
A MaaS approach has triggered formalisation of individual bus operators by registering them with Limited Liability Partnerships
(LLP) and private societies. There are five LLPs and two operators’ associations, such as Kochi Wheelz, Private Bus Owners’
Association, Private Bus Operators’ Organization, etc. in Kochi. Further, UMTA has constituted a Kochi Metropolitan Transport Co-
operative (KMTC) for bus operators that encompasses both public and private bus operations. KMTC is an agency that will plan for an
integrated route network, bus timetable, fare and ticketing system.
Auto rickshaws are an integral part of mobility in Kochi like any other Indian city due to their high availability, cheap fare and
ease of access. Auto rickshaws provide point to point service, primarily for short distance travel needs. As of 2016, there are about
18,000 active auto rickshaws in Kochi metropolitan area (Mohan, 2017). However, their regulation involves only licensing with the
state transport authority (KSRTC) and their operations are independent. This has resulted in a scenario where auto rickshaws are
considered a nuisance by the non-users.
Indian cities have struggled to find ways to streamline auto-rickshaw operations, mostly because the mode has been perceived in
isolation. Kochi’s MaaS approach gives due recognition to auto-rickshaws as a vital part of the larger formal public transport network.
A co-operative society has been established after rigorous rounds of consultation with auto-rickshaw drivers. The society has been
registered with a district level coordination committee that will be supervised by UMTA. This approach demonstrating inclusion is an
effective approach while dealing with informal transport instead of an isolated regulation.

3.3. Stimulation of organisational arrangement

A MaaS approach has resulted in a considerable shift towards an efficient system, especially with the institutionalisation of private
bus operations and auto rickshaws. Fig. 3 shows that the formal institutional arrangement for both IPT modes was limited to the top
tier, KSRTC, which was also the only regulatory body. Operations were largely controlled informally at the lowest tier. This gap

KSRTC

Head of the
AssocŝaƟoŶ /
LLP / UŶioŶ

Bus route / auto Bus route / auto

rickshaw staŶd rickshaw staŶd
iŶͲcharge iŶͲcharge …

Operator Operator Operator …

Fig. 3. Institutional arrangement for private buses and auto rickshaws prior to multimodal integration.

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M. Singh Transportation Research Part A 131 (2020) 219–227

KSRTC

UMTA

District level
coordinaƟon
commiƩee

Co-operaƟve
KMTC
society

Local team Local team Local team

leader leader leader …..

Operator Operator Operator …..

Fig. 4. Institutional arrangement for private buses and auto rickshaws post multimodal integration.

between regulatory and operational space had led to highly inefficient conduct, which included degradation of service quality and
several issues highlighted in the previous section.
Fig. 4 demonstrates the various institutional changes that took place under a MaaS approach. Constitution of UMTA adds a
strategic layer of transport planning under the state level regulating agency, KSRTC. A district level coordination committee com-
prises of KMTC and co-operative society, which brings together buses – both public and private – and auto rickshaws on an un-
equivocal platform and enables collaboration. A district is larger in area than the metropolitan region, however, due to inadequate
capacity at district level, UMTA is overseeing coordination and operations for Ernakulam district as the nodal agency. This setup
enables UMTA to take cognizance of the operations beyond metropolitan area to shape an effective and efficient urban mobility
strategy.

3.4. Operational augmentation of IPT modes

Cervero (2000)defines classes of modes operating in unorganised fashion based on the size and speed of the mode (Cervero,
2000). The faster or bigger the mode, the higher the class it has by ranking. Management and quality of service improve when the
mode upgrades from a variable to a fixed route and schedule, and service type. Since the system is only at a beginning stage, the same
classification has been used to understand how the operations of the private buses and auto rickshaws in Kochi have changed in
Table 2.
The entries highlighted in grey represent operational changes under a MaaS approach. In Kochi’s case, private bus operations have
received upgradation in terms of scheduling. Auto rickshaw operations have also improved in all service parameters such as - routes,
schedule, and service type. These changes collectively offer certainty towards the availability of service, which in time, could shape
into reliability from user perspective.

3.5. Ability to solve territorial conflict and provide socio-economic support

Auto rickshaws are a favourable mode for short distance trips, especially in harsh weather conditions. They are also ideal to reach

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Table 2
Operational classification of private buses and auto rickshaws before and after multimodal integration.

locations which are remote and not accessible through public transport. However, Comprehensive Mobility Plan of Kochi and in-
terviews with auto rickshaw drivers and unions reveal an array of issues in operations such as:

1. Oversupply of auto rickshaws and overcrowding in one stand: Their concentration is higher in areas untraversed by city bus, for
instance distance between a few auto rickshaw stands in Kochi Municipal area – a dense area with narrow bylanes – can be found
as low as 100 m (Urban Mass Transit Company, 2016).
2. Proximity between auto stands reduces territorial coverage, and hence earnings: Total distance travelled by an auto rickshaw is 63 km
in a day on average, according to the Development Plan for Kochi City Region 2031. About 30 trips are performed, which results
in an average trip length of around 2 km (Government of Kerala, 2017).
3. Dead runs: Auto rickshaws operate territorially. Once an auto-rickshaw receives hired trip to a destination, it is not able to secure a
hired return trip back to its home auto-stand. The reason is resistance from auto rickshaw drivers belonging to the destination
auto-stand.
4. Low net earnings: the above three factors substantially reduce an auto rickshaw driver’s revenue to INR 900 for a day (Mohan,
2017). The driver spends about INR 300 towards fuel and INR 250 as rent per day if the vehicle is not owned. After deducting
maintenance charges, effective earning for a driver remains INR 550. The amount is less than the recently notified minimum
labour wage rate for the state i.e. INR 600 (Government of Kerala, 2017).
5. Longer on-duty hours: Drivers have reported to operate for about 10.5 h daily to meet revenue targets. This results in fatigue and
psychological stress, which add to drivers’ discontentment towards auto rickshaw operations.
6. Absence of any social welfare scheme or support from financial institutions: Banks have placed auto rickshaw drivers under high-risk
category for micro-enterprise loans.

These micro issues and resultant conflict in operation of auto rickshaws reflect in drivers’ behaviour with passengers, which
further deteriorates credibility towards the IPT mode. A few of the drawbacks as stated by some of the users are rude behaviour,
overcharging, trip refusal, and safety.
Facilitated by a MaaS approach, formal inclusion of auto rickshaws in public transport has enabled efficient fleet management and
route rationalisation, which aims to dissolve territorial conflict among drivers. For instance, each stand is planned to station no more
than 25 auto-rickshaws. The drivers registered with the co-operative society have received various tangible and intangible benefits
such as:

1. Training on routes of operation and road safety

2. Skill and behavioural training
3. Allotment of auto-rickshaws by the co-operative society
4. Eight-hour working day with few paid leaves per month
5. Discounted fuel
6. Medical insurance
7. Provision of loans to drivers' wives for catering, tailoring, tuition centres, etc.

3.6. Reprioritisation of resources

In order to augment public transport modal share on roads, cities have mostly resorted to invest in new infrastructure. For
instance, KSRTC had formed a dedicated wing, known as Kerala Urban Transport Corporation (KURTC), to renew bus operations
supported by the central government’s Jawaharlal Nehru National Urban Renewal Mission (JNNURM) of 2005. Under this, over 400
buses were added to the operational fleet, but the modal share of public transport still decreased substantially from 2005 to 2015 as
shown in Fig. 2 (Urban Mass Transit Company, 2016).
A MaaS approach enables utilisation of existing resources or infrastructure. Instead of launching new buses for feeder service to
Kochi Metro, existing auto-rickshaws are being used. About 300 auto-rickshaws have been identified to deliver shared trips from and
to the 16 operational metro stations as of date. The shared trips in auto-rickshaws cost less to the users and saves time because of

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fewer stops than a bus-based feeder service, easier manoeuvrability in congested streets, and more spatial penetration due to smaller
mode size. To legally enable use of auto-rickshaws as feeder to Kochi Metro, the state government of Kerala issued orders to sanction
'stage carriage' operations for auto rickshaws (Gadepalli et al., 2018).

4. Conclusion

Adoption of a MaaS approach to public transport triggers multiple changes – legislative, institutional, operational, and functional
– involving different stakeholders simultaneously. In the case of Kochi, it has enabled a dynamic transport governance, planning, and
management from a redundant regulatory system. In other words, MaaS has the capacity to shift policy focus from ‘output’ to
‘outcome’, which is a potent issue in India at present. This slight change in perspective has enabled Kochi to take stock of the current
institutional arrangement, include new statutory mandates, identify structural shortcomings, utilise the opportunity to constitute a
collaborative, unified transport governance, and overcome functional barriers by reorganising the system towards long-term effec-
tiveness.
IPT has played a vital role in providing mobility to users, but it has always been considered a nuisance and never a resource for the
formal transport service system. Kochi demonstrates MaaS’s ability to recognise traditional mobility practices and include them
cohesively in formal public transport system. In addition, it improves their operational capacity, solves territorial conflict, and
provides socio-economic support. This recognition has helped rebuild solidarity with the informal sector and a large community that
is a part of the informal economy. This is a breakthrough and a much-needed evolution in the Indian transportation context.
The case of Kochi demonstrates that when it comes to competing with private motorised transport, an approach could be to
consolidate non-private transport through an organised and collaborative public transport system. Kochi One platform taps the
emerging influence of digital mobility or sharing economy. The freedom to choose from a range of modes using real time information
allows users to experience seamless mobility and increases the public transport system’s reliability. However, it is difficult to establish
how effective this approach is, since operational integration of all modes has not commissioned yet, and the functional quality of the
services and user perception cannot be ascertained. These areas indeed suggest agenda for future research.
Nevertheless, being at initial stages of implementation provides it ample opportunity to incorporate learnings from global good
and best practices. Governments and public transport implementing agencies are recommended to actively invite and consider
research on the subject. MaaS showcases enormous potential to deliver contextual and proactive mobility solutions as exemplified in
the case of Kochi. Cities, especially in emerging economies, need to acknowledge this potential and utilize MaaS’s ability to re-
construct their urban mobility.

Acknowledgements

I would like to extend my immense gratitude to Anu K. Soman, Analyst, IPE Global (Cochin Smart Cities Project Management Cell)
for local support in Kochi, Kerala. I express thanks to B.J. Antony (Retired Senior Deputy Transport Commissioner), Advisor to Urban
Transport, Kochi Metro Rail Limited for providing valuable insights throughout the documentation process.

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