Defining globalization

Introduction

Much has changed since time immemorial. Human beings have encountered many changes over the
last century especially in their social relationships and social structures. Of these changes, one can say
that globalization is a very important change, if not, the "most important" (Bauman, 2003). The reality
and omnipresence of globalization makes us see ourselves as part of what we refer to as the "global
age" (Albrow, 1996). The Internet, for example, allows a person from the Philippines to know what is
happening to the rest of the world simply by browsing Google. The mass media also allows for
connections among people, communities, and countries all over the globe. So what is globalization?
This question is probably an easy one to answer. However, many scholars gave and tried to formulate
its definitions. This resulted in different, sometimes contradicting views about the concept. It cannot be
contained within a specific time frame, all people, and all situations (Al-Rhodan, 2006). Aside from
this, globalization encompasses a multitude of processes that involves the economy, political systems,
and culture. Social structures, therefore, are directly affected by globalization. Over the years,
globalization has gained many connotations pertaining to progress, development, and integration. On
the one hand, some view globalization as a positive phenomenon. For instance, Swedish journalist
Thomas Larsson (2001) saw globalization as "the process of world shrinkage, of distances getting
shorter, things moving closer. It pertains to the increasing ease with which somebody on one side of the
world can interact, to mutual benefit with somebody on the other side of the world" (p. 9). On the other
hand, some see it as occurring through and with regression, colonialism, and destabilization. In the
mid-1990s, Martin Khor, the former president of Third World Network (TWN) in Malaysia, once
regarded globalization as colonization. In this chapter, different definitions of globalization will be
discussed. The task of conceptualizing it reveals a variety of perspectives. To understand further the
concept, different metaphors will be used. These metaphors will also allow an appreciation of earlier
epochs before globalization and the present globalized world. The final lesson in this chapter will be
devoted to a general discussion of globalization theories. The following section will highlight the
different views scholars have toward globalization.

The Task of Defining Globalization

Since its first appearance in the Webster's Dictionary in 1961, many opinions about
globalization have flourished. The literature on the definitions of globalization revealed that definitions
could be classified as either (1) broad and inclusive or (2) narrow and exclusive. The one offered by
Ohmae in 1992 stated, "... globalization means the onset of the borderless world..." (p. 14). This is an
example of a broad and inclusive type of definition. If one uses such, it can include a variety of issues
that deal with overcoming traditional boundaries. However, it does not shed light on the implications of
globalization due to its vagueness. Narrow and exclusive definitions are better justified but can be
limiting, in the sense that their application adhere to only particular definitions. Robert Cox's definition
suits best in this type: "the characteristics of the globalization trend include the internationalizing of
production, the new international division of labor, new migratory movements from South to North, the
new competitive environment that accelerates these processes, and the internationalizing of the state...
making states into agencies of the globalizing world" (as cited in RAWOO Netherlands Development
Assistance Research Council, 2000, p. 14). Other definitions of globalization are shown in
chronological order in the Appendix. Each could fall to either one of the two types of definitions. No
matter how one classifies a definition of globalization, the concept is complex and multifaceted as the
definitions deal with either economic, political, or social dimensions. In fact, in a comprehensive study
of 114 definitions by the Geneva Center for Security Policy (GCSP) in 2006, 67 of them refer to
economic dimension. These definitions include political and social dimensions as well. The sheer
number and complexity of definitions do not mean that there is a remarkable improvement in every
definition given by scholars. Kumar (2003) took on a different argument about the issue. To him, the
debate about what can be done about globalization and what it is are similar. This is in relation to what
some academics have claimed about defining globalization-it is a useless task. A more recent definition
was given by Ritzer (2015), "globalization is a transplanetary process or a set of processes involving
increasing liquidity and the growing multidirectional flows of people, objects, places, and information
as well as the structures they encounter and create that are barriers to, or expedite, those flows..." (p. 2).
Generally, this definition assumes that globalization could bring either or both integration and/or
fragmentation. Although things flow easily in a global world, hindrances or structural blocks are also
present. These blocks could slow down one's activity in another country or could even limit the places
a person can visit. If so, why are we going to spend time studying this concept? How can we appreciate
these definitions? How can these help us understand globalization? First, the perspective of the person
who defines globalization shapes its definition. The overview of definitions implies that globalization
is many things to many different people. In 1996, Arjun Appadurai said, "globalization is a 'world of
things' that have 'different speeds, axes, points of origin and termination, and varied relationships to
institutional structures in different regions, nations, or societies" (as cited in Chowdhury, 2006, p. 137).
In a more recent study, Al-Rhodan (2006) wrote that definitions suggest the perspective of the author
on the origins and the geopolitical implications of globalization. It is a starting point that will guide the
rest of any discussions. In effect, one's definition and perspective could determine concrete steps in
addressing the issues of globalization. For example, if one sees globalization as positive, the person can
say that it is a unifying force. On the other hand, if it is deemed as creating greater inequalities among
nations, globalization is negatively treated. Second, to paraphrase the sociologist Cesare Poppi:
Globalization is the debate and the debate is globalization. One became part and parcel of the other. As
Poppi (1997) wrote: "The literature stemming from the debate on globalization has grown in the last
decade beyond any individual's capability of extracting a workable definition of the concept. In a sense,
the meaning of the concept is self- evident, in another, it is vague and obscure as its reaches are wide
and constantly shifting. Perhaps, more than any other concept, globalization is the debate about it" (as
cited in Kumar, 2003, p. 95). Third, globalization is a reality. It is changing as human society develops.
It has happened before and is still happening today. We should expect it to continue to happen in the
future. The future of globalization is more difficult to predict. What we could expect in the coming
years is what has happened over the past 50 years and that is the fluidity and complexity of
globalization as a concept, which made more debates, discussions, and definitions than agreements on
it. Overall, globalization is a concept that is not easy to define because in reality, globalization has a
shifting nature. It is complex, multifaceted, and can be influenced by the people who define it.
Moreover, the issues and concerns involving globalization have a wide range from the individual to
society, from small communities to nations and states, and from the benefits we can gain from it to the
costs it could carry. In his article, "The Globalization of Nothing," Ritzer (2003) said, "attitudes toward
globalization depend, among other things, on whether one gains or loses from it" (p. 190). Nevertheless,
the task of defining globalization should stimulate more discussions about it. More importantly, the fact
that we experience globalization should give one the interest of engaging in the study of it.

Metaphors of Globalization

In order for us to better understand the concept of globalization, we will utilize metaphors.
Metaphors make use of one term to help us better understand another term. In our case, the states of
matter solid and liquid-will be used. In addition, other related concepts that are included in the
definition such as structures and flows will be elaborated.

Solid and Liquid

The epochs that preceded today's globalization paved way for people, things, information, and
places to harden over time. Consequently, they have limited mobility (Ritzer, 2015). The social
relationships and objects remained where they were created. Solidity also refers to barriers that prevent
or make difficult the movement of things. Furthermore, solids can either be natural or man- made.
Examples of natural solids are landforms and bodies of water. Man-made barriers include the Great
Wall of China and the Berlin Wall. An imaginary line such as the nine-dash line used by the People's
Republic of China in their claim to the South China Sea is an example of modern man-made solid. This
creates limited access of Filipino fishers to the South China Sea. Obviously, these examples still exist.
However, they have the tendency to melt. This should not be taken literally, like an iceberg melting.
Instead, this process involves how we can describe what is happening in today's global world. It is
becoming increasingly liquid. Liquid, as a state of matter, takes the shape of its container. Moreover,
liquids are not fixed. Liquidity, therefore, refers to the increasing ease of movement of people, things,
information, and places in the contemporary world. Zygmunt Bauman's ideas were the ones that have
much to say about the characteristic of liquidity. First, today's liquid phenomena change quickly and
their aspects, spatial and temporal, are in continuous fluctuation. This means that space and time are
crucial elements of globalization. In global finance, for instance, changes in the stock market are a
matter of seconds. Another characteristic of liquid phenomena is that their movement is difficult to stop.
For example, videos uploaded on YouTube or Facebook are unstoppable once they become viral. The
so-called internet sensations become famous not only in their homeland but also to the entire world.
Finally, the forces (the liquid ones) made political boundaries more permeable to the flow of people
and things (Cartier, 2001). This brings us to what Ritzer (2015, p. 6) regarded as the most important
characteristic of liquid: it "tends to melt whatever stands in its path (especially solids)." The clearest
example is the decline, if not death, of the nation-state. Liquidity and solidity are in constant interaction.
However, liquidity is the one increasing and proliferating today. Therefore, the metaphor that could
best describe globalization is liquidity. Liquids do flow and this idea of flow (Appadurai, 1996; Rey
and Ritzer, 2010) will be the focus of the next discussion. Also, it should be expected that this concept
will appear in the succeeding lessons. The literature on globalization makes use of the concept of flows.

Flows

The previous section described the melting process of solid phenomena followed by the
increase in liquidity. It is only logical to discuss the flows of liquid phenomena. Flows are the
movement of people, things, places, and information brought by the growing "porosity" of global
limitations (Ritzer, 2015). Think of the different foreign cuisines being patronized and consumed by
the Filipinos. Aside from local dishes, many of us are fond of eating sushi, ramen, hamburger, and
French fries-foods introduced to us by foreign cultures. Clearly, foods are being globalized. Another
example of flows is global financial crises. As Landler (2008, p. C1) put it: "In global financial system,
national borders are porous." This means that a financial crisis in a given country can bring
ramifications to other regions of the world. An example of which is the spread of the effects of
American financial crisis on Europe in 2008. The following are other kinds of flows that can be
observed today: poor illegal migrants flooding many parts of the world (Moses, 2006), the virtual flow
of legal and illegal information such as blogs and child pornography, respectively, and immigrants
recreating ethnic enclaves in host countries. A concrete example is the Filipino communities abroad
and the Chinese communities in the Philippines.

Globalization Theories

We have established the many definitions of and issues in defining globalization and the
metaphors that we can use to understand easily the concept. We have also looked into its origins and
history. This section will give you a glimpse of the important theories on globalization. We will
analyze globalization culturally, economically, and politically in this book as reflected in the
succeeding chapters. In the meantime, it would be helpful to assert that the theories see globalization as
a process that increases either homogeneity or heterogeneity. Homogeneity refers to the increasing
sameness in the world as cultural inputs, economic factors, and political orientations of societies
expand to create common practices, same economies, and similar forms of government. Homogeneity
in culture is often linked to cultural imperialism. This means, a given culture influences other cultures.
For example, the dominant religion in our country is Christianity, which was brought to us by the
Spaniards. Another example is Americanization, which was defined by Kuisel (1993) as "the import by
non-Americans of products, images, technologies, practices, and behavior that are closely associated
with America/Americans" (p. 96). In terms of the economy, there is recognition of the spread of
neoliberalism, capitalism, and the market economy in the world (Antonio, 2007). Global economic
crises are also products of homogeneity in economic globalization. Stiglitz (2002), for instance, blamed
the International Monetary Fund (IMF) for its "one-size-fits all" approach which treats every country in
the world as the same. In the end, rich countries become advantageous in the world economy at the
expense of poor countries, which leads to increased inequality among nations. The political realm also
suffers homogenization if one takes into account the emerging similar models of governance in the
world. Barber (1995) said that "McWorld" is existing. It means only one political orientation is
growing in today's societies. The global flow of media is often characterized as media imperialism. TV,
music, books, and movies are perceived as imposed on developing countries by the West (Cowen,
2002). Media imperialism undermines the existence of alternative global media originating from
developing countries, such as the Al Jazeera (Bielsa, 2008) and the Bollywood (Larkin, 2003), as well
as the influence of the local and regional media. The Internet can be seen as an arena for alternative
media. Cultural imperialism denies the agency of viewers, but people around the world often interpret
the same medium (e.g., a movie) in significantly different ways. Global media are dominated by a
small number of large corporations. As McChesney (1999) put it, this is being "extended from old
media to new media" (p. 11), such as Microsoft, Facebook, Twitter, Google, and Apple's iTunes. As a
result, in the long run, the Internet could end up being less diverse and competitive. Independent Media
Center, associated with the alter-globalization movement, helps to counter this trend. It disseminates
information to facilitate global participation of activists. Hacktivists extend activism to the Internet by
hacking into computer programs to promote a particular cause (Juris, 2005). Ritzer (2008) claimed that,
in general, the contemporary world is undergoing the process of McDonaldization. It is the process by
which Western societies are dominated by the principles of fast food restaurants. McDonaldization
involves the global spread of rational systems, such as efficiency, calculability, predictability, and
control. Ritzer (2008) pointed out that this process is "extended to other businesses, sectors, and
geographic areas" (p. 169). Grobalization, in contrast to glocalization, is a process wherein nations,
corporations, etc. impose themselves on geographic areas in order to gain profits, power, and so on
(Ryan, 2007). Ritzer (2007) also espoused the idea that globalization can also be seen as a flow of
"nothing" as opposed to "something," involving the spread of non-places, non- things, non-people, and
non-services. On the other hand, heterogeneity pertains to the creation of various cultural practices,
new economies, and political groups because of the interaction of elements from different societies in
the world. Heterogeneity refers to the differences because of either lasting differences or of the hybrids
or combinations of cultures that can be produced through the different transplanetary processes.
Contrary to cultural imperialism, heterogeneity in culture is associated with cultural hybridization. A
more specific concept is "glocalization" coined by Roland Robertson in 1992. To him, as global forces
interact with local factors or a specific geographic area, the "glocal" is being produced. Economic
issues are not exempted from heterogeneity. The commodification of cultures and "glocal" markets are
examples of differentiation happening in many economies around the world. The same goes with
political institutions. Barber (1995) also provided the alternate of "McWorld"-the "Jihad." As Ritzer
(2008) mentioned, it refers to the political groups that are engaged in an "intensification of nationalism
and that leads to greater political heterogeneity throughout the world" (p. 576). Although homogeneity
and heterogeneity give us idea about the effects of globalization, the picture is not yet complete. The
theories about globalization will be clarified as we look closer at each of them in the succeeding
chapters.

Dynamics of Local and Global Culture

Global flows of culture tend to move more easily around the globe than ever before,
especially through non-material digital forms. There are three perspectives on global cultural flows.
These are differentialism, hybridization, and convergence. Cultural differentialism emphasizes the fact
that cultures are essentially different and are only superficially affected by global flows. The interaction
of cultures is deemed to contain the potential for "catastrophic collision." Samuel Huntington's theory
on the clash of the civilizations proposed in 1996 best exemplifies this approach. According to
Huntington, after the Cold War, political- economic differences were overshadowed by new fault lines,
which were primarily cultural in nature. Increasing interaction among different "civilizations" (such as
the Sinic, Islamic, Orthodox, and Western) would lead to intense clashes, especially the economic
conflict between the Western and Sinic civilizations and bloody political conflict between the Western
and Islamic civilizations (Huntington, 2004). This theory has been critiqued for a number of reasons,
especially on its portrayal of Muslims as being "prone to violence" (Huntington, 1996). The cultural
hybridization approach emphasizes the integration of local and global cultures (Cvetkovich and Kellner,
1997). Globalization is considered to be a creative process which gives rise to hybrid entities that are
not reducible to either the global or the local. A key concept is "glocalization" or the interpenetration of
the global and local resulting in unique outcomes in different geographic areas (Giulianotti and
Robertson, 2007, p. 133). Another key concept is Arjun Appadurai's "scapes" in 1996, where global
flows involve people, technology, finance, political images, and media and the disjunctures between
them, which lead to the creation of cultural hybrids. The cultural convergence approach stresses
homogeneity introduced by globalization. Cultures are deemed to be radically altered by strong flows,
while cultural imperialism happens when one culture imposes itself on and tends to destroy at least
parts of another culture. One important critique of cultural imperialism is John Tomlinson's idea of
"deterritorialization" of culture. Deterritorialization means that it is much more difficult to tie culture to
a specific geographic point of origin.

The Globalization of Religion

Globalization has played a tremendous role in providing a context for the current revival and the
resurgence of religion. Today, most religions are not relegated to the countries where they began.
Religions have, in fact, spread and scattered on a global scale. Globalization provided religions a fertile
milieu to spread and thrive. As Scholte (2005) made clear: "Accelerated globalization of recent times
has enabled co-religionists across the planet to have greater direct contact with one another. Global
communications, global organizations, global finance, and the like have allowed ideas of the Muslims
and the universal Christian church to be given concrete shape as never before" (p. 245). Information
technologies, transportation means, and the media are deemed important means on which religionists
rely on the dissemination of their religious ideas. For instance, countless websites that provide
information about religions have been created. This makes pieces of information and explanations
about different religions ready at the disposal of any person regardless of his or her geographical
location. In addition, the Internet allows people to contact each other worldwide and therefore hold
forums and debates that allow religious ideas to spread. Furthermore, media also play an important role
in the dissemination of religious ideas. In this respect, a lot of television channels, radio stations, and
print media are founded solely for advocating religions. Modern transportation has also contributed
considerably to the emergence, revivalism, and fortification of religion. In this respect, Turner (2007)
cited the case of islamic revivalism in Asia which "is related to the improvement in transportation that
has allowed many Muslims to travel to Mecca, and return with reformist ideas" (p. 163). Modern
technology, therefore, has helped religions of different forms, such as fundamentalist, orthodox, or
modernist to cross geographical boundaries and be present everywhere. Globalization has also allowed
religion or faith to gain considerable significance and importance as a non-territorial touchstone of
identity. Being a source of identity and pride, religion has always been promoted by its practitioners so
that it could reach the level of globality and be embraced by as many people as possible. Muslims, for
instance, aspire to establish the Islamic Ummah, a community of believers. By paving the way for
religions to come in contact with each other and providing a context for their flourishing and thriving,
globalization has brought such religions to a circle of competition and conflicts. As Turner (2007)
explained: Globalization transforms the generic "religion" into a world-system of competing and
conflicting religions. This process of institutional specialization has transformed local, diverse and
fragmented cultural practices Into recognizable systems of religion. Globalization has, therefore, had
the paradoxical effect of making religions more self-conscious of themselves as being "world
religions." (p. 146) Such conflicts among the world religions exhibit a solid proof confirming the
erosion and the failure of hybridization. Globalization, as stated in the above excerpt, makes religions
more conscious of themselves as being "world religions" reinforcing their respective specific identities.
These identities are strengthened by globalization and cannot, in any way, intermingle or hybridize.
Since religions have distinct internal structures, their connections to different cultures and their rituals
and beliefs contradict. For instance, Islam and Christianity are mostly incompatible with each other.
These religions cannot be hybridized or homogenized even if they often come in contact. Though
religion is strengthened and fortified by globalization, it represents a challenge to globalization's
hybridizing effects. Religion seeks to assert its Identity in the light of globalization. As a result,
different religious identities come to the fore and assert themselves. Such assertions of religious
identities constitute a defensive reaction to globalization. Scholte (2005), in this respect, maintained,
"At the same time as being pursued through global channels, assertions of religious identity have, like
nationalist strivings, often also been partly a defensive reaction to globalization" (p. 245). It has been
difficult for religion to cope with values that accompany globalization like liberalism, consumerism,
and rationalism. Such phenomena advocate scientism and secularism. This, in fact, pushed Scholte to
speak of the anti-rationalist faiths. Since he equated rationalism with globalization and considered
religion anti-rationalist, it can be deduced that religion is anti- globalization. To quote Scholte (2005):
Transplanetary relations have helped to stimulate and sustain some renewals of anti-rationalist faith,
but global networks have more usually promoted activities involving rationalist knowledge.
Contemporary revivalist movements have largely replayed a long-term tendency-one that well predates
contemporary accelerated globalization-whereby certain religious circles have from time to time
revolted against modern secularism and scientism. (p. 261). On the other hand, it can be said that the
anti rationalist qualities ascribed to religion can be the characteristics of fundamentalist and extremist
forms of religion. We cannot consider religion as purely anti-rationalist since many religious people
reconcile reason and faith and make moderate trends within their religions. Nevertheless,
globalization's strict rationalism manifested in such phenomena as liberalism and secularism can be
incompatible with the norms and the values of certain religions. Globalization is also associated with
Westernization and Americanization. The dominance exerted by these two processes, particularly on
the less developed countries, makes religion-related cultures and identities take defensive measures to
protect themselves. Sometimes, extreme forms of resisting other cultural influence are being done, such
as that of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS). As Ehteshami (2007) pointed out, "Globalization is
not only seen as a rival of Islamic ways, but also as an alien force divorced from Muslim realities.
Stressing the negative impact of the loose morals of Western life is a daily feature of airwaves in the
Middle East" (p. 130). The Imperialist aspirations of globalization and its incompatibility with Islam
make globalization completely alien to the Muslim realities. Since globalization is cultural construct at
its core and its meaning is the Western discourse, "promoting and engaging with it on the part of
Muslims is like accepting and promoting Western cultural values and their dominance" (p. 131). The
challenges of globalization to religion link automatically to the challenges of religion to globalization.
In other words, while religion takes caution against the norms and the values related to globalization, it
challenges the latter since religion does not approve its hybridizing effects. The idea of de-hybridizing
effects of religion is approved also by Samuel Huntington's clash of civilizations, which maintains that
such dehybridizing upshots spring also from the religious partitioning and clashes.

Globalization and Regionalization

The processes of globalization and regionalization reemerged during the 1980s and heightened
after the end of the Cold War in the 1990s. At first, it seems that these two processes are contradicting
the very nature of globalization is, by definition, global while regionalization is naturally regional. The
regionalization of the world system and economic activity undermines the potential benefits coming
out from a liberalized global economy. This is because regional organizations prefer regional partners
over the rest. Regional organizations respond to the states' attempt to reduce the perceived negative
effects of globalization. Therefore, regionalism is a sort of counter-globalization. In a 2007 survey, the
Financial Times revealed that majority of Europeans consider that globalization brings negative effects
to their societies (as cited in Jacoby and Meunier, 2010). Many policy makers and scholars think that
globalization must be regulated and managed. The threats of an "ungoverned globalization" can be
countered what Jacoby and Meunier called managed globalization; it refers to "all attempts to make
globalization more palatable to citizens" (p. 1). It is important, however, to consider the gradual
development of inter- regional relations such as the Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN),
the European Union (EU), or the South American trade bloc, Mercosur. In fact, a sort of "contagion
effect" (Held et al., 2005, p. 77) has spread during the past years. Regionalization in one part of the
world encourages regionalization elsewhere-whether by imitation, like the success of the European
Single Market, or by "defensive" reaction, such as Mercosur's establishment as response to the creation
of NAFTA. According to this, regionalization and the development of interregionalism would indeed
be global in nature. As Held et al. (2005) claimed, "the new regionalism is not a barrier to political
globalization but, on the contrary, entirely compatible with it if not an indirect encouragement" (p. 77).
Hurrell (2007) captured this debate in his "one (global) world/many (regional) worlds relationship" (p.
1). Regional developments in one part of the world have affected and fueled regionalization
everywhere else in a sort of contagion or domino effect. This fact, along with increasing developments
in interregional cooperation, shows that the regionalization process is global in nature. Therefore,
regionalization is intimately linked to globalization since it is part of it and it builds on it. The argument
concerning the relationship between regionalization and globalization is perfectly summarized in this
claim: The age of economic globalization has also been the age of regionalization, and much of the
analysis of the new regionalism has been devoted to the links between the two tendencies. Thus,
regionalism is seen as critical part of the political economy of globalization and the strategies that
states (and other actors) have adopted in the face of globalization... The emergence of regionalism
needs to be understood within the global restructuring of power and production. The many worlds are
very closely intertwined with the character and fate of the one. The core driving force is global even if
the manifestation is regional. (Hurell, 2007, p. 4) Globalization "goes back to when humans first put a
boat into the sea" (Sweeney, 2005, p. 203). We can understand globalization as "the increased flows of
goods, services, capita, people, and information across borders" (Jacoby and Meunier, 2010, p. 1). But
as we have learned from the previous discussions, there are many controversies about and varying
definitions of the term. Defining region and regionalization is complicated. Nevertheless, region,
according to Mansfield and Milner (1999) is "a group of countries in the same geographically specified
area" (p. 2.). Hurrell (2007) defined regionalization as the "societal Integration and the often undirected
process of social and economic interaction" (p. 4). In addition, regionalization is different from
regionalism, which is "the formal process of intergovernmental collaboration between two or more
states" (Ravenhill, 2008, p. 174). The motivations for the recent regionalization in Asia, as well as
other regions in the world, cannot be isolated from one another. It is a complex mixture of factors. One
of the reasons behind regionalism is the concern for security, which is to ensure peace and stability.
Confidence building can be enhanced through economic cooperation within a region. The ASEAN and
the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) are regional organizations that seek strong security in
Asia through cooperation. Huntington (1996), on the contrary, believed that culture and identity guide
regionalization. As he put it, "In the post-Cold War world, states increasingly define their interests in
civilizational terms" (p. 30). For him, culture and identity are civilizations. He identified nine major
civilizations: Western, Latin American, African, Islamic, Sinic, Hindu, Orthodox, Buddhist, and
Japanese. He argued that international organizations like the EU or Mercosur share a common culture
and identity and are far more successful than NAFTA, whose member states belong to different
civilizations. If we follow Huntington's idea of the "clash of civilizations," one could argue that the
potential for such clash can be strong in Asia because many of those civilizations are, at the least, can
be found in the region. Nevertheless, economic motivations are arguably the main motivation behind
contemporary regionalization. By entering in regional organizations, Asian states may regain some
control over flows of capital and enhance their bargaining power against transnational economic actors
such as investment groups or transnational corporations (TNCs) (De Martino and Grabel, 2003). Aside
from this, domestic companies may benefit from belonging to a regional market big enough to allow
them scale economies while still being protected from global competition. In other words, regional
organizations allow national companies the opportunity to succeed in a protected but big enough
market in a way that they would otherwise fail if exposed to global competition. Finally, non-state
actors, such as the TNCs, act as a driving force toward regionalism. These TNCS, whose host countries
are not part of a given regional trade agreement, find themselves in a disadvantaged commercial
situation with respect to competing companies belonging to the regional organization in question.
Given this situation, Ravenhill (2008) said that disadvantaged TNCs will lobby their national
governments to sign similar trade agreements in order to end their disadvantaged commercial situation.

Origins and History of Globalization

The previous discussions answered the question "What is globalization?" The next question
"Where did it start?" is not easy to answer as well because there are different views about this. This
book generally adheres to the perspective that the major points of the beginnings of globalization
started after the Second World War. Nevertheless, it would mean no harm to look at the five different
perspectives regarding the origins of globalization.

Hardwired

According to Nayan Chanda (2007), it is because of our basic human need to make our lives
better that made globalization possible. Therefore, one can trace the beginning of globalization from
our ancestors in Africa who walked out from the said continent in the late Ice Age. This long journey
finally led them to all- known continents today, roughly after 50,000 years. Chanda (2007) mentioned
that commerce, religion, politics, and warfare are the "urges" of people toward a better life. These are
respectively connected to four aspects of globalization and they can be traced all throughout history:
trade, missionary work, adventures, and conquest.

Cycles

For some, globalization is a long-term cyclical process and thus, finding its origin will be a
daunting task. What is important is the cycles that globalization has gone through (Scholte, 2005).
Subscribing to this view will suggest adherence to the idea that other global ages have appeared. There
is also the notion to suspect that this point of globalization will soon disappear and reappear.
Epoch

Ritzer (2015) cited Therborn's (2000) six great epochs of globalization. These are also called
"waves" and each has its own origin. Today's globalization is not unique if this is the case. The
difference of this view from the second view (cycles) is that it does not treat epochs as returning. The
following are the sequential occurrence of the epochs:

1. Globalization of religion (fourth to seventh centuries)

2. European colonial conquests (late fifteenth century)

3. Intra-European wars (late eighteenth to early nineteenth centuries)

4. Heyday of European imperialism (mid-nineteenth century to 1918)

5. Post-World War II period 6. Post-Cold War period.

Events

Specific events are also considered as part of the fourth view in explaining the origin of
globalization. If this is the case, then several points can be treated as the start of globalization. Gibbon
(1998), for example, argued that Roman conquests centuries before Christ were its origin. In an issue of
the magazine the Economist (2006, January 12), it considered the rampage of the armies of Genghis
Khan into Eastern Europe in the thirteenth century. Rosenthal (2007) gave premium to voyages of
discovery-Christopher Columbus's discovery of America in 1942, Vasco da Gama in Cape of Good
Hope in 1498, and Ferdinand Magellan's completed circumnavigation of the globe in 1522. The recent
years could also be regarded as the beginnings of globalization with reference to specific technological
advances in transportation and communication. Some examples include the first transatlantic telephone
cable (1956), the first transatlantic television broadcasts (1962), the founding of the modern Internet in
1988, and the terrorist attacks on the Twin Towers in New York (2001). Certainly, with this view, more
and more specific events will characterize not just the origins of globalization but also more of its
history.

Broader, More Recent Changes

Recent changes comprised the fifth view. These broad changes happened in the last half of the
twentieth century. Scholars today point to these three notable changes as the origin of globalization that
we know today. They are as follows: 1. The emergence of the United States as the global power (post-
World War II) 2. The emergence of multinational corporations (MNCS) 3. The demise of the Soviet
Union and the end of the Cold War Through its dominant military and economic power after WWII,
the United States was able to outrun Germany and Japan in terms of industry. Both Axis powers and
Allies fall behind economically as compared to the new global power. Because of this, the United
States soon began to progress in different aspects like in diplomacy, media, film (as in the Hollywood),
and many more. Before MNCs came into being, their roots were from their countries of origin during
the eighteenth to early nineteenth centuries. The United States, Germany, and Great Britain had in their
homeland great corporations which the world knows today. However, they did not remain there as far
as their production and market are concerned. For example, Ford and General Motors originated in the
United States but in the twentieth century, they exported more automobiles and opened factories to
other countries. More recent than the first two would be the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991. This event
led to the opening of the major parts of the world for the first time since the early twentieth century.
Many global processes-immigration, tourism, media, diplomacy, and MNCs-spread throughout the
planet. This paved way for the so-called "free" world. China, even though the government remains
communist, is on its way to becoming a major force in global capitalism (Fishman, 2006). Moreover,
China is also globalizing in terms of other aspects such as their hosting of the Olympics in 2008.

Global Demography

Demographic transition is a singular historical period during which mortality and fertility rates
decline from high to low levels in a particular country or region. The broad outlines of the transition are
similar in countries around the world, but the pace and timing of the transition have varied considerably.
The transition started in mid- or late 1700s in Europe. During that time, death rates and fertility began
to decline. High to low fertility happened 200 years in France and 100 years in the United States. In
other parts of the world, the transition began later. It was only in the twentieth century that mortality
decline in Africa and Asia, with the exemption of Japan. According to Maddison (2001), life
expectancy in India was only 24 years in the early twentieth century while the same life expectancy
occurred in China in 1929 until 1931. Fertility decline in Asia did not begin until the 1950s and so on.
In the case of Japan, it was until the 1930s that "total fertility rate did not drop below five births per
woman" (Shigeyuki et al., 2002, p. 250). This resulted in rapid population growth after the Second
World War, affecting the age structure of Asia and the developing world. Specifically, the baby boom
in the developing world was caused by the decline of infant and child mortality rates. The West, on the
other hand, experienced baby boom that resulted from rising birth rates. A remarkable effect of the
demographic transition, as Shigeyuki et al. (2002) stated, is "the enormous gap in life expectancy that
emerged between Japan and the West on the one hand and the rest of the world on the other" (р. 251).
Ву 1820, the life expectancy at birth of Japan and the West was 12 years greater than that of other
countries. It increased by 20 years by 1900. Although there was an improvement in life expectancy all
throughout the world in 1900-1950, the gap had reached 22 years. In 1999, the gap declined to 14 years.
These differences in time of transition affected the global population. During the nineteenth century,
Europe and the West had an increased in share in the world's population, from 22.0 percent to 33.0
percent, while Asia and Oceania's contribution dropped from 69.0 percent to 56.7. India and China
suffered from economic stagnation and decline during that time. There was a reverse in global
population shares during the twentieth century as Africa, Asia, Latin America, and Oceania had high
levels of population growth rates. According to Shigeyuki et al. (2002), population growth shows a
more remarkable shift: "Between 1820 and 1980, 69.3 percent of the world's population growth
occurred in Europe and Western offshoots. Between 1950 and 2000, however, only 11.7 percent
occurred in that region" (p. 252). The United Nations projected that population growth will be shifted
toward Africa. It is estimated that by 2150, the regions' share to the world population will be almost 20
percent, relatively much greater than its share in 1820 (seven percent) and in 1900 (six percent). Also
in 2150, there will be a projected increase of two billion if we combine the populations of Asia, Latin
America, and Oceania. In terms of the age structure, the overall trend in Japan and the West was
downward until 1950. Their dependency ratio was close to 0.5. It only increased, although temporary,
when the baby boom after the Second World War occurred. Japan's dependency ratio, however,
increased between 1888 and 1920. Its dependency ratio was higher than the West between 1920 and the
early 1950s. It dropped in 1970 and later since its precipitous decline in childbearing during the 1950s
and low fertility rates in recent years. The developing countries like India and the Philippines had
higher dependency ratios than the West in 1900. A great increase in dependency ratio was caused by
the decline in infant and child mortality and high levels of fertility, with its peak around 1970.
Dependency ratios started to disappear because there is a decline in global birth rate. Furthermore, the
gap in fertility between the West and the less developed countries became smaller by the twenty-first
century. Over the next 50 years, the cases of dependency ratios of these two areas in the world will be
reversed (Shigeyuki et al., 2002). The aging of populations will cause a rise in dependency ratio,
starting in the West.

Global Migration

The nuances of the movements of people around the world can be seen through the categories
of migrants-"vagabonds" and "tourists" (Bauman, 1998). Vagabonds are on the move "because they
have to be" (Ritzer, 2015, p. 179)-they are not faring well in their home countries and are forced to
move in the hope that their circumstances will improve. Tourists, on the other hand, are on the move
because they want to be and because they can afford it. Refugees are vagabonds forced to flee their
home countries due to safety concerns (Haddad, 2003). Asylum seekers are refugees who seek to
remain in the country to which they flee. According to Kritz (2008), those who migrate to find work
are involved in labor migration. Labor migration is driven by "push" factors (e.g., lack of employment
opportunities in home countries), as well as "pull" factors (work available elsewhere). Labor migration
mainly involves the flow of less-skilled and unskilled workers, as well as illegal immigrants who live
on the margins of the host society (Landler, 2007). Unlike other global flows, labor migration still faces
many restrictions. Many of these barriers are related to the Westphalian conception of the nation-state
and are intimately associated with it. Shamir (2005) discussed that the state may seek to control
migration because it involves the loss of part of the workforce. An influx of migrants can lead to
conflicts with local residents. Concerns about terrorism also affect the desire of the state to restrict
population flows (Moses, 2006). Migration is traditionally governed either by "push" factors such as
political persecution, economic depression, war, and famine in the home country or by "pull" factors
such as a favorable immigration policy, a labor shortage, and a similarity of language and culture in the
country of destination (Ritzer, 2015). Global factors, which facilitate easy access to information about
the country of destination, also exert a significant influence. Many countries face issues of illegal
migration. The United States faces a major influx of illegal immigrants from Mexico and other Central
American states (Thompson, 2008). A fence is being constructed on the US-Mexico border to control
this flow of people (Fletcher and Weisman, 2006). However, its efficacy is questioned and it is thought
that it will only lead illegal immigrants to adopt more dangerous methods to gain entry. In addition,
tighter borders have also had the effect of "locking in" people who might otherwise have left the
country (Fears, 2006). Other countries with similar concerns about illegal immigration include Great
Britain, Switzerland, and Greece as well as countries in Asia. A strong case can be made on the
backlash against illegal immigrants (Economist, 2008, January 3, "Keep the Borders Open"). In the
North, such immigrants constitute a younger workforce that does work which locals may not perform,
and they are consumers who contribute to growth. They also send remittances back to family members
in the country of origin, which improves the lives of the recipients, reduces poverty rates, and increases
the level of education as well as the foreign reserves of the home country (Economist 2007, November
1). Banks are often unwilling or unable to handle the type (small amounts of money) and volume of
remittances. As a result, specialized organizations play a major role in the transmission of remittances.
According to Malkin (2007), the Philippines is one of the leaders when it comes to the flow of
remittances ($14.7 billion), next to India ($24.5 billion) and China ($21.1 billion). The term "diaspora"
has been increasingly used to describe migrant communities. Of particular interest is Paul Gilroy's
(1993) conceptualization of the diaspora as a transnational process, which involves dialogue to both
imagined and real locales. Diasporization and globalization are closely interconnected and the
expansion of the latter will lead to an increase in the former (Dufoix, 2007). Today, there exists "virtual
diasporas" (Laguerre, 2002) which utilize technology such as the Internet to maintain the community
network.