Navigating the Currents August 2024 PDF
Navigating the Currents August 2024 PDF
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August 2024
Navigating the Currents:
The Transnational Challenges of
Migrant Fishers from Southeast Asia
Benni Hasbiyalloh, Bimantoro Pramono, Mariko Hayashi,
Johnson Siahaan, and Anugerah Muhammad
August 2024
Navigating the Currents:
Cover Image: Kaohsiung City, Taiwan. Taken by BEBESEA on 17th July 2024
ii
Acknowledgment
Acknowledgment
Our sincere thanks are also due to the representatives of organizations, led
by or working closely with migrant fishers in various locations in East and
Southeast Asia, who entrusted us and shared their knowledge, experiences
and expertise. Their contributions were essential in making this research more
relevant and meaningful.
Southeast Asia is one of the largest regions of origin of migrant fishers for
the fisheries industry in the East Asian economies including those of China,
Taiwan, Japan, and South Korea. However, many migrant fishers from ASEAN
countries are trapped in exploitation and forced labor, and are victims of
human trafficking on board foreign fishing vessels. This situation is due to
the absence of robust national policy to protect migrant fishers and market-
driven governance, including a cheap labor regime in this sector. The ASEAN
Declaration on the Placement and Protection of Migrant Fishers adopted at
the 42nd ASEAN Summit held in Indonesia, in May 2023 was a significant step
forward, following active advocacy of civil society organizations and workers’
unions.
BEBESEA Secretariat
August, 2024
iii
Navigating the Currents:
Executive Summary
This report examines the complex challenges faced by Southeast Asian migrant
fishery workers throughout their migration journey. Prior to employment,
Indonesian workers, for instance, are often enticed by promises of higher
wages on foreign vessels but these offers frequently conceal additional costs
and harsh working conditions, leading to debt and exploitation exacerbated by
language barriers and unclear contracts.
The pre-departure phase often involves debt bondage, with recruitment fees
reaching as high as US$1,289 in Indonesia, compounded by opaque credit
systems. Furthermore, the complexity of employment contracts and varied
visa regulations in destination countries, like Taiwan, create a precarious legal
environment.
Upon arrival at their assigned vessels, migrant workers face isolation, exploitation,
and limited communication due to the retention of their documents by ship
captains or agencies. Lack of access to adequate healthcare and insurance
further jeopardizes their well-being, and the absence of union representation
denies them collective bargaining power.
iv
Executive Summary
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Navigating the Currents:
Contents
Acknowledgment.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . iii
Executive Summary.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . iv
Contents.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . vi
List of Abbreviations.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ix
I Introduction.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
1.1 Southeast Asia Migrant Fishers’ Migration Pathways.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4
1.2 International Norms for (Migrant) Fishers and The Emergence of ASEAN
Declaration on The Placement and Protection of Migrant Fishers. . . . . . . 6
1.2.1 Four Pillars of Fishery Worker Protection. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 6
1.2.2 ASEAN Declaration on The Placement
and Protection of Migrant Fishers.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 10
II Research Approach and Methodological Framework.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 12
III Analysis of Challenges Faced by Migrant Fishery Workers
Across Migration Phases . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13
3.1 Pre-Employment Phase: Initial Stage in the Migration Cycle of
Migrant Fishery Workers .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14
3.1.1 Misinformation in the Pre-Employment Phase of Indonesian
Migrant Fishery Workers .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 14
3.1.2 Characteristics and Challenges of Unskilled
Migrant Fishery Workers .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15
3.1.3 Fishing Company Profit Maximization and
Labor Cost Reduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16
3.2 Pre-Departure Phase: Preparation and Challenges for
Migrant Fishery Workers .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16
3.2.1 Debt Bondage and High Recruitment Fees: Predicaments
of Migrant Fishery Workers.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 16
3.2.2 Diverse Visa Classifications and Their Impact on
Migrant Fishery Workers in Taiwan and Japan.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18
3.2.3 Language Barriers and Their Impact on
Migrant Fishery Workers .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18
3.2.4 Complexities in Employment Contracts for
Migrant Fishery Workers .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19
3.3 Post-Arrival and Return Phase Challenges: Experiences of
Migrant Fishery Workers .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 20
3.3.1 Document Retention: Implications for Migrant Fishery Workers.. . 20
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Contents
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Navigating the Currents:
References .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 57
viii
List of Abbreviations
List of Abbreviations
ix
Navigating the Currents:
x
I Introduction
ASEAN’s response reflects member countries’ interest and the need for
commitment from all parties to prioritize protection both within and outside
the ASEAN region. Southeast Asia itself is a region that actively sends its labor
force to the capture fisheries sector, both within and beyond Southeast Asia.
In Taiwan alone, over 95% of migrant fishery workers come from Indonesia, the
Philippines, Vietnam, Myanmar, and Thailand (Taiwan Fisheries Agency, 2022).
In Japan, Southeast Asia is home to over 340,000 technical internship trainees
and 100,000 migrant workers who are classified as specified skilled workers.
The total number of technical internship trainees and specified skilled workers
in the fishery sector reached over 6,000 in 2022 (Ministry of Health, Labour, and
Welfare, 2023). Meanwhile, as of 2022, Thailand has 36,034 legally registered
migrant fishery workers (Chantavanich & Jitpong, 2023). Despite these
specific figures, the overall scale of fishery worker migration from Southeast
Asia remains difficult to quantify accurately, owing to the prevalence of non-
procedural placements. The International Labour Organization (ILO) estimates
that approximately 125,000 fishery workers in East Asian countries are from
Southeast Asia, underscoring the regional and global impacts of this migration
(ILO, 2022).
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Several factors drive the emigration of fishery workers from Southeast Asian
countries, including the declining interest of local workers in host countries to
work as crew members in distant water fishing. This decline is attributed to the
high risk being disproportionate to the salaries received. The reduction in local
fishery workers has led recipient countries to seek migrant labor, predominantly
from Southeast Asia, due to the perception of these workers accepting lower
wage standards (Ratnawulan et al., 2021; Tseng et al., 2023) and changes in the
economic structure of the fishing industry (Hung et al., 2022; Knott, Christine
& Neis, Barbara, 2017). Apart from wage factors, Southeast Asian communities
have also been involved in the fishing industry historically (Nur, 2021).
The high migration drive is not matched by adequate protection during the
pre-employment, and post-employment phases. Pre-departure potential
fishery workers often face debt (FairSquare Projects, 2021; Ratnawulan et al.,
2021), employment agreements that restrict access to other employers (Djohari
& White, 2022), inadequate competencies leading to workplace accidents or
death, and a lack of union support (Chantavanich & Jitpong, 2023). During
employment, issues include isolation (Kadfak & Widengård, 2022) and
microdisciplinary violence practices (Djohari & White, 2022). Post-employment
issues involve unpaid wages, manipulative payroll systems (Yea & Stringer,
2022), and post-work stigma (Yea, 2020).
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I Introduction
issues and challenges that are crucial for evaluating the preparedness of both
the sending and receiving countries to adhere to the ASEAN declaration. The
issues and challenges are as follows:
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This study explores the integration of work processes and migration cycles
of migrant fishery workers in and from Southeast Asian countries. It seeks to
understand the efforts made by these nations to protect migrant fishery workers,
whether they migrate within or beyond the region. Utilizing literature reviews
and discussion notes from stakeholders at the ASEAN Civil Society Conference/
ASEAN People’s Forum (ACSC/APF) 2023, this study also endeavors to assess
the feasibility of implementing the ASEAN Declaration on the Placement and
Protection of Migrant Fishers by committed countries.
4
I Introduction
There are two recruitment models for migrant fishery workers in the Philippines.
The first is through licensed labor agencies (FairSquare Projects, 2021), similar
to the processes in Indonesia and Thailand. The second is the Philippines’
Special Recruitment Program, which has been available to Taiwanese producers
since the 2001 Memorandum of Understanding between the Philippines and
Taiwan, outlining various roles and responsibilities of government entities
facilitating the program. This model eliminates the role of Filipino private
recruitment agents in the process, potentially reducing the costs workers pay
for employment in Taiwan (FairSquare Projects, 2021).
Thus, in the Southeast Asian context, the recruitment and placement practices
of migrant fishery workers exhibit various complexities and challenges. Workers
from Indonesia, the Philippines, Myanmar, Laos, and Cambodia experience
recruitment processes involving private employment agencies, government-to-
government bilateral mechanisms, and informal channels. Experienced workers
are often recruited through official agencies, whereas new and inexperienced
workers typically rely on informal routes, often mediated by sponsors. In
Thailand, this recruitment process is linked to exploitation and debt bondage,
particularly for workers without legal status. The Thai government’s pink card
scheme attempts to address this, albeit with criticism of potential abuse.
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Navigating the Currents:
6
I Introduction
The Cape Town Agreement, established by the IMO in 2012, marks a significant
shift in maritime safety standards, targeting larger fishing vessels (24 meters
in length, longer, or equivalent in gross tonnage). This international legal
instrument outlines the minimum safety requirements of these vessels. Its
primary goal is to facilitate better control over the safety of fishing vessels,
focusing on flag, port, and coastal states. Notably, the agreement is not yet in
force, highlighting the gap between establishment and implementation in the
maritime sector (IMO, 2012).
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The ILO C188 aims specifically to improve working conditions and living
standards for workers in the fishing sector. It covers various aspects, including
safe and healthy working conditions, basic worker rights, working hours, and
provisions for health and safety services for fishing vessels. The key points
addressed by ILO C188 include standards for health and safety, working and
resting hours, fundamental workers’ rights, migrant worker protection, and
education and training (ILO, 2017). The ILO and the IMO established labor
standards for seafarers through the Maritime Labour Convention (MLC) of
2006. However, the standards set out in the MLC explicitly exclude seafarers
employed on fishing vessels. Consequently, the ILO C188 is arguably the only
convention that specifically sets out working standards for fishing vessel crew.
The ILO identifies the fishing sector as one of the most hazardous industries with
a high incidence of accidents in dangerous work environments. Consequently,
the ILO initiated the development of standards for decent working conditions
and the fulfillment of the rights of commercial fishing workers. At its 96th
session in Geneva in 2007, the ILO established the Work in Fishing Convention
(ILO C188). This convention aims to ensure that workers in the commercial
fishing sector work in fair conditions and respect their rights.
The ILO C188 revises several existing international conventions, including the
Minimum Age (Fishermen) Convention, 1959 No. 112; the Medical Examination
(Fishers) Convention, 1959 No. 113; the Fishermen’s Articles of Agreement
Convention, 1959 No. 114; and the Accommodation of Crews (Fishermen)
Convention, 1959 No. 126. The contents of this convention outline the
responsibilities of governments as competent authorities, shipowners, crewing
agencies, captains, and fishers in implementing the established international
standards. ILO C188 also provides detailed explanations of the crew’s work
process, from pre-employment to during employment to return to land (Rosida
et al., 2022).
The ILO C188 applies to all workers and vessels involved in commercial fishing,
whether in rivers, lakes, canals, or at sea. It covers vessels 24 meters in length
or more, and vessels agreed upon by member states of the convention. Its
regulations govern not only migrant fishery workers but also workers engaged
8
I Introduction
in local and national fishing activities. With its reach extending to the local
level, the ILO C188 strengthens protection for workers in the fishing sector.
The ILO C188, aimed at improving fishery governance and protecting both
migrant and local crew members, contains a series of important rules. First,
the convention establishes a minimum age limit of 16 years for crew members,
and provides special protection for crew members under 18, including
prohibiting night work (Article 9). Secondly, regarding vessel provisions, the
Convention requires adequate and efficient crew numbers and work systems
to ensure sufficient rest (Articles 13-14). Thirdly, ILO C188 grants fishers the
right to repatriation after their contracts end, prohibits payment for obtaining
employment, and forbids blacklisting practices (Articles 21-22). Fourthly, the
Convention sets requirements for occupational safety and health, including
basic medical care for fishing vessels and standards for security and welfare,
including food and facilities (Articles 31-33, Articles 25-28, and Annex III).
Fifthly, the Convention stipulates that safety responsibilities lie between the
shipowner and captain (Article 8). Sixthly, the Convention requires every
fishing vessel to have a crew list, and that every fisherman have a written work
agreement detailing employment terms (Articles 15-20, and Annex II). Finally,
the Convention requires regular medical examinations for fishers working on
fishing vessels (Articles 10-12). Through these rules, ILO C188 aims to ensure
sustainable fishery resources while maintaining the welfare of workers.
In Southeast Asia, only Thailand ratified ILO C188, and none of the East Asian
countries ratified this convention (ILO, 2017). The low number of ratifications
both regionally and globally suggests a lack of consensus on international
labor standards for the fisheries sector. Consequently, the quality of work
standards for migrant fishers is largely determined by the regulatory capacity
of individual countries, rather than a unified set of international norms.
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10
I Introduction
11
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12
III Analysis of Challenges Faced by Migrant Fishery Workers Across Migration Phases
This study, while highly informative, acknowledges that there are some
limitations in methodology, empirical scope, and analysis. Reliance on secondary
data restricts the comprehensive understanding of violations faced by migrant
fishery workers. Unreported violations likely contribute to underrepresentation
of challenges. Enhancing representativeness necessitates primary data collection
directly from workers, incorporating work process aspects into the migration
analysis framework. Additionally, the study’s focus on recipient countries with
larger migrant worker populations may overlook nuances in experiences within
other nations. These limitations in data collection and analysis subsequently
constrain the environment building within the analytical framework. Further
investigation is required to identify commonalities across recipient countries,
particularly regarding regulatory gaps and associated challenges.
To map the challenges faced by migrant fishery workers, this study divides
issues within the entire migration cycle into four phases: pre-employment, pre-
departure, post-arrival, and post-return. The classification and diversification
of problems in each phase are crucial for mapping issues from upstream to
downstream, ensuring that no problem is overlooked. Each phase has distinct
characteristics in terms of the approach and actors involved.
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Navigating the Currents:
Given these conditions, Indonesian local fishers are attracted when they receive
recruitment information through social media platforms, such as Facebook or
WhatsApp (Indonesia Ocean Justice Initiative, 2022). There are also practices
where recruitment “brokers” offer jobs as migrant fishers in their local areas.
At this point, misinformation occurs when prospective migrant fishery workers
do not receive complete information, often regarding fees and costs relating
to the recruitment, such as: their obligation to pay for document processing,
competency certificates, and deposits to brokers, and the working conditions
of distant fishing vessels (Indonesia Ocean Justice Initiative, 2022). In some
cases, workers are uninformed about the location of fishing vessels where they
will be employed.
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III Analysis of Challenges Faced by Migrant Fishery Workers Across Migration Phases
Individuals not originating from a fishing background, such as farmers, are also
exposed to recruitment misinformation (Palmer et al., 2023; Yea & Stringer,
2022). The recruitment and placement of Filipino and Indonesian migrant
workers is marked by significant deception and a lack of transparency. This
deceitful practice begins when fishers are not informed of the additional costs
they incur before departure, such as accommodation and meal expenses.
Furthermore, the bribery requirements for immigration checks, especially in
response to increased scrutiny at major airports, represents another layer
of undisclosed costs (Palmer et al., 2023; Yea et al., 2023). This unexpected
financial burden is compounded by reliance on informal credit systems with
high interest rates, which deepen the debt trap for these fishers. Adding to
this problem is the misleading portrayal of the migration process by recruiters,
often depicted as easy and financially accessible but in reality involving hidden
costs and complexities (Yea et al., 2023).
The required certifications encompass not only hard skills related to operational
procedures or equipment usage on the vessel, but also soft skills such as
foreign language proficiency both for communication with the staff or captain
and for understanding the employment contracts they sign. However, these
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workers face language barriers, which are detailed in the section on language
challenges.
16
III Analysis of Challenges Faced by Migrant Fishery Workers Across Migration Phases
the Philippines and Thailand, where prospective workers must pay a deposit to
“brokers” and recruitment agents in Indonesia for the first six to eight months
of their contract (FairSquare Projects, 2021; Greenpeace & SBMI, 2019; Yea &
Stringer, 2022). This deposit is designed to ensure that workers will complete
their contracts. However, in some cases, workers do not later recover the
deposit amount deducted from their wages (Greenpeace & Serikat Buruh
Migran Indonesia, 2019).
The ILO document titled ‘General Principles and Operational Guidelines for Fair
Recruitment and Definition of Fees and Related Costs,’ issued in 2019, stipulates
that prospective migrant workers should not be charged any fees (either directly
or indirectly) related to their recruitment. Despite this, recruitment agents still
impose fees on prospective workers, as observed in the Philippines and Taiwan.
In a case found in the Philippines, migrant fishery workers aspiring to work on
Taiwanese-flagged vessels were required to pay approximately US$6,554 to
local recruitment agents (Human Rights At Sea, 2019). These workers, typically
from financially weak backgrounds, had to seek loans to cover these costs from
either unregulated moneylenders or family members, thus entangling them in
debt even before they started working.
Secondly, debt bondage also arises from the way migrant workers meet their
daily needs on the vessel, often through cash advances or ‘kas bon’ (Greenpeace
& Serikat Buruh Migran Indonesia, 2021). As noted in discussions at the ACSC/
APF 2023, cash advances still occur, especially in long-distance Taiwanese and
South Korean vessels, where workers must purchase items such as toiletries,
cigarettes, and other non-essential items at high prices from the captain. These
expenses are typically deducted from wages or catch bonuses on landing.
For those not receiving bonuses, this model is burdensome as there are no
alternatives on the vessel to meet daily needs other than purchasing onboard.
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Similarly, Japan employs various visa categories for migrant fishery workers.
The Technical Internship Training Program (TITP) allows workers to engage in
sectors like fisheries for up to five years, subject to skills tests and visa renewals
(Japan International Trainee & Skilled Worker Cooperation Organization, n.d.).
The Specified Skilled Worker (SSW) status, introduced in 2019, offers a pathway
for those completing TITP to work and potentially settle in Japan (Ministry of
Foreign Affairs of Japan, n.d.). However, pelagic (open-sea) fisheries utilize the
“maru ship system”, excluding workers from Japanese labor law protections
due to their employment by foreign corporations (Sasaki, 2021).
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III Analysis of Challenges Faced by Migrant Fishery Workers Across Migration Phases
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20
III Analysis of Challenges Faced by Migrant Fishery Workers Across Migration Phases
First, the retention of documents restricts the mobility of workers, limiting their
ability to leave ship, whether for emergencies or to seek legal assistance in
situations of exploitation or abuse. Without their documents, workers become
highly vulnerable to violence, modern slavery, and human trafficking, as they
lack the necessary means to escape dangerous working conditions or seek
protection. Secondly, this situation causes workers to remain in potentially
hazardous or unfair employment contracts with little or no option for negotiation
or termination. This effectively traps workers in a cycle of exploitation where
they have no control over their working conditions. Thirdly, the retention of
documents effectively renders workers powerless, as they are unable to access
consular services or legal assistance that may be necessary to protect their rights
and interests. This means that workers are cut off from support and resources
that may be available to them in their destination country.Lastly, the retention
of documents is a clear indicator of forced labor, as defined in ILO Convention
No. 29 on Forced Labor. This practice represents a serious violation of workers’
human rights and reflects the detrimental and exploitative working conditions
faced by migrant fishery workers in their destination country. It creates a work
environment that is not only physically and emotionally demanding, but also
legally and ethically questionable.
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Vandeergest (2021) indicated that mental ill health among migrant fishery
workers often results from regular experiences of violence, both by ship captains
and fellow crew members. This situation is worsened by isolated working
conditions at sea, coupled with uncertainty about return times, creating an
environment of high stress and unpredictability (Stella Maris Kaohsiung, 2023).
Such conditions can lead to various mental-health conditions including anger,
anxiety, stress, memory loss, and aggression (Nicola Mucci et al., 2019).
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III Analysis of Challenges Faced by Migrant Fishery Workers Across Migration Phases
For instance, in Thailand, there have been cases where migrant fishery workers
are prohibited from forming or leading labor unions (ILO, 2022b). This situation
diminishes their ability to collectively negotiate or seek protection from
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24
IV Bridging the Protection Gap for Migrant Fishery Workers from Southeast Asia
both during their employment and upon return (ILO, 2022b; Indonesia Ocean
Justice Initiative, 2022).
These wage issues extend beyond mere income shortages, creating economic
hardship for workers and exacerbating gender-based vulnerabilities, particularly
for women and their families. Women in these households often bear the brunt
of financial responsibilities, seeking alternative income sources or incurring
debt to meet daily needs (ILO, 2022b). This not only increases their workload
and stress but also reinforces gender inequality. Additionally, children in these
families may experience educational setbacks due to financial constraints,
potentially perpetuating a cycle of instability.
The preceding section reveals that the migration process for migrant fishers
from Southeast Asian countries is fraught with significant challenges. These
challenges manifest in every stage of the process, with fishers facing a range of
obstacles and uncertainties. These begin with misinformation and exploitation
prior to employment, and continue with wage and repatriation concerns, even
upon their return. These findings highlight the complex issues confronting
migrant workers in this sector and underscore the need for further analysis.
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26
IV Bridging the Protection Gap for Migrant Fishery Workers from Southeast Asia
Each element of the migrant fishery industry chain must be carefully scrutinized
to ensure the effectiveness of these preventive efforts. Through this approach,
a fair and humane work environment can be created, ultimately benefiting all
parties involved in the fishing industry
In Taiwan, for example, migrant fishery workers are categorized into local and
distant water fishing (DWF) workers. The Taiwanese government’s regulations
on the authorization and management of foreign crew members’ overseas
employment outline the responsibilities of employers and manning agencies,
including the obligation to provide government-compliant contracts, free-of-
charge recruitment, direct wage transfer to workers, and emergency dispute
resolution. The latest amendment in 2019 emphasized work safety and
health, including documenting the process of introducing SEAs and digitizing
employment contracts (Yen & Liuhuang, 2021). South Korea has a stringent
contract validation system to ensure that employment contracts do not violate
labor regulations, requiring contract signatures before visa issuance, although
this can potentially lead to contract signature manipulation (APIL & IOM, 2017).
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28
IV Bridging the Protection Gap for Migrant Fishery Workers from Southeast Asia
In Thailand, according to reports from the Thai Union, there has been a push
to implement minimum standards for shipworthiness, including necessary
facilities and logistics, based on the size of the vessel and the duration of the
voyage. Key areas of focus include the provision and support of worker health
equipment and standardized medication according to the type of illness (Thai
Union, 2020). Challenges primarily arise from trawler vessels, often involved
in IUU fishing. Considering that 50% of Thailand’s 61,000 fishing vessels are
trawlers (EJF, 2023), it is evident that ship worthiness standards are yet to fully
meet labor standards.
These preventive measures are crucial in ensuring that vessels not only meet
technical safety standards but also safety and welfare standards for workers.
This includes ensuring that ships are equipped with adequate medical facilities,
safety gear, and living conditions that meet the basic needs of workers. If these
measures are consistently applied and supported by effective inspections, they
can help reduce the risk of exploitation, workplace accidents, and inhumane
working conditions in the fishing industry.
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to detect companies that have previously violated the law but then establish
new companies to obtain certification (FairSquare Projects, 2021).
In Taiwan, the government has implemented an A-C ranking system for ship
operators and their agencies to encourage the private sector to be more
cautious in choosing work partners. This system relies on the goodwill of
the private sector and consumer awareness of human rights. Following the
2019 regulatory amendment, Taiwan implemented strict oversight of manning
companies including administrative sanctions, fines, and imprisonment.
Individuals are not allowed to be recruiters, and only licensed companies that
can provide significant deposits are allowed to operate. If violations occur either
during the recruitment process or post-employment, manning companies can
face fines or lose their licenses (Yen & Liuhuang, 2021).
These measures are crucial in ensuring that migrant fishery workers are recruited
and placed under conditions that comply with decent labor standards. Despite
the challenges and weaknesses of the system, these preventive efforts are vital
for reducing the risk of exploitation, violence, and human rights violations in
the migrant fishery sector.
These measures are crucial for creating fairer and more transparent wage
standards for migrant fishery workers. By establishing a minimum wage and
regulating payment methods, we hope that wage exploitation risks can be
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IV Bridging the Protection Gap for Migrant Fishery Workers from Southeast Asia
reduced and that workers receive fair compensation for their labor. Additionally,
keeping proof of payment allows for better supervision and helps resolve wage
disputes if necessary. These steps are progressive in preventing wage injustice
and in enhancing worker protection in the migrant fishery industry.
These preventive measures are crucial for ensuring that manning agencies and
the worker placement process are conducted transparently and responsibly. In
Indonesia, resolving regulatory overlap is necessary to create a clearer and more
effective framework for regulating the placement and protection of workers.
In the Philippines, the involvement of government representatives in the job
vacancy verification process and license issuance helps ensure that migrant
fishery workers are placed in conditions that meet decent labor standards.
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the risk of human rights violations can be reduced and better protection can
be provided for migrant fishery workers.
Regarding placement costs, inputs from the ACSC/APF 2023 discussions suggest
implementing stricter regulations and transparency in recruitment agencies.
This aims to protect workers’ rights by monitoring the fees charged by agents,
ensuring fair and ethical recruitment practices, and preventing exploitation.
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IV Bridging the Protection Gap for Migrant Fishery Workers from Southeast Asia
In the Philippines, the approach to migrant fishery worker training focuses more
on crew member roles, centering primarily on basic safety training. However,
there is a noticeable lack of regulations for specialized skill certification in areas
such as fishing gear usage and ship technology operation. This gap underscores
the need for broader training and certification standards to ensure that workers
are sufficiently prepared for the technical demands of modern fishing vessels
(Hung et al., 2022).
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For instance, in Thailand, the absence of a robust local fishery workers’ union
poses a challenge for migrant workers. However, the Thai government is
considering allowing migrant workers to become officials in labor unions.
This step could signal a positive development for migrant workers wishing to
pursue long-term employment in Thailand’s fishing industry, enabling them to
be more actively involved in negotiations and governance related to working
conditions. Regulations allowing migrant fishery workers to join or form unions
represent a significant transformative step in strengthening their bargaining
positions with employers (Chantavanich & Jitpong, 2023).
In South Korea, the Indonesian Fisheries Workers Union (SPPI) plays an active
role in safeguarding migrant fishery workers. The head of the union points
out the necessity of the SPPI’s presence in South Korea due to the widespread
recruitment by illegal manning agencies in Indonesia and poor working
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IV Bridging the Protection Gap for Migrant Fishery Workers from Southeast Asia
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IV Bridging the Protection Gap for Migrant Fishery Workers from Southeast Asia
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The amount of time that can be used for communication in fishing areas
also presents a challenge. A feasible solution is to reach an agreement on
communication time, entirely determined by ship officers, requiring them to
find a good implementation pattern. These efforts form part of the critical
responsive measures to enhance the safety and well-being of migrant fishery
workers, ensuring that they have access to the necessary support to tackle
workplace challenges.
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IV Bridging the Protection Gap for Migrant Fishery Workers from Southeast Asia
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Taiwan has taken a responsive step by providing safe shelters and transit
facilities as a solution for workers of DWF vessels who face issues or require
temporary accommodation on land. These safe shelters and transit facilities
function as temporary shelters for workers who are stranded or need legal and
social support while on land. The facilities provide temporary lodging and are
often equipped with access to legal, medical, and social support services.
The Indonesian Fisheries Workers Union (SPPI) established the SPPI South
Korea Task Force in 2018 to respond to member complaints communicated
through SPPI’s social media channels. This task force offers advice, assistance,
and reports to vessel owners, law offices, the South Korean Coast Guard, and
the Indonesian Embassy concerning various issues, especially delayed wage
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IV Bridging the Protection Gap for Migrant Fishery Workers from Southeast Asia
In Taiwan, labor unions such as the Keelung Migrant Fishermen Union (KMFU)
and the Yilan Migrant Fishermen Union (YMFU) initiated the Fishermen Service
Center through the Migrant Workers’ Human Rights Coalition. This center
addresses labor violations in vessels. The unions also successfully lobbied the
United States Department of Labor to include Taiwanese fishery products in
the List of Goods Produced by Child Labor or Forced Labor in 2020 (Kao, 2021).
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dealing with irregular migrant labor issues. Through this discussion, this section
aims to delve deeper into how various countries and organizations are striving
to provide effective and adequate support for workers exposed to violence and
exploitation while also endeavoring to restore their dignity and rights in the
fishing industry.
South Korea presents a dual model of insurance, offering one system under
the Industrial Insurance Act for land-based workers and another for distant
water fishing (DWF) workers provided by the National Federation of Fishing
Cooperatives (NFFC). However, there are concerns that the compensation
values under these models do not meet the adequate labor standards. Efforts
to minimize expenditures through low-premium insurance options have led to
minimal compensation for work-related accidents and deaths, highlighting the
need for more equitable insurance schemes (EJF & APIL, 2023).
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IV Bridging the Protection Gap for Migrant Fishery Workers from Southeast Asia
In short, the establishment of financial safety nets for migrant fishery workers,
encompassing insurance mechanisms, social security, and compensation
processes for terminated contracts, is essential. These systems provide crucial
support in tragic and challenging situations, aiding in restoring the dignity of
migrant workers and ensuring that they receive adequate protection and fair
compensation. Adequate insurance and social security schemes, coupled with
strong legal frameworks and international cooperation, are key components in
providing effective protection and assistance for migrant fishery workers.
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These remedial measures reflect the efforts of the governments in Taiwan and
Thailand to address violations in the fishery industry; however, there is still a
need to improve the implementation of surveillance and law enforcement. The
importance of the effective application of regulations and sanctions, as well as
fair and transparent judicial processes, is key to ensuring that labor and human
rights violations can be effectively addressed and provide adequate redress for
victims.
Several remedial steps have been implemented to address this inequality. First,
there is an urgent need to expand health insurance coverage to include all
migrant fishery workers irrespective of their operational location. This would
ensure that all workers have access to adequate healthcare services, whether
they work in territorial waters or on DWF vessels. Secondly, it is crucial to ensure
that DWF-operating vessels are equipped with adequate medical facilities,
including first-aid equipment and trained healthcare personnel, to handle
medical emergencies. Thirdly, enhancing the accessibility of healthcare services
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IV Bridging the Protection Gap for Migrant Fishery Workers from Southeast Asia
for migrant fishery workers while on land is vital. This can be achieved through
collaboration with healthcare facilities at ports and by ensuring that workers
are informed about how to access these services. Fourthly, ongoing health
education and advocacy should be provided to the migrant fishery workers.
This includes information about their right to access healthcare services and
how to effectively utilize them.
These measures aim to ensure that migrant fishery workers, especially those in
more vulnerable situations in DWF vessels, have equitable and adequate access
to healthcare services. Implementing these remedial efforts not only protects
the physical health of workers but also supports their welfare and dignity in the
fishing industry. This approach is a crucial part of broader efforts to improve
the working conditions and protect the rights of migrant fishery workers.
This approach can serve as a model for other countries in their efforts to
enhance migrant worker protection. It is crucial for migrant-sending countries
to ensure that their citizens have access to effective legal support and complaint
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4.3.5 Remedial Efforts for Job Mobility in the Migrant Fishery Sector
In the context of remedial efforts to protect the rights of migrant fishery
workers, especially the right to change jobs or employers, significant differences
exist between Taiwan and Thailand. In Taiwan, policies enabling workers to
change jobs or employers have been implemented in response to hyper-
dependency situations where workers are heavily reliant on a single employer.
Such conditions often exacerbate labor rights violations and render workers
vulnerable to stress and health deterioration. Taiwan has made progressive
strides, including the operation of a 24-hour complaint and protection hotline.
However, this right remains constrained to certain situations such as ship
damage or salary non-payment, with final decisions often held by manning
agencies (FairSquare Projects, 2021). This indicates that, despite progress, the
freedom of workers to change jobs or employers remains limited, particularly
in cases of labor violations or dissatisfaction with working conditions.
These measures will help ensure that migrant fishery workers have greater
control over their working conditions and reduce the risk of exploitation while
also improving their welfare and rights in the fishery industry. This approach is
a vital part of broader efforts to enhance working conditions and protect the
rights of migrant fishery workers globally.
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IV Bridging the Protection Gap for Migrant Fishery Workers from Southeast Asia
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The discussion of worker status differences in Taiwan and South Korea reveals
issues of inequality in wage standards and working conditions, highlighting
the need for transparency and fairness in recruitment processes and contract
management. The ratification of ILO conventions and protocols related to
forced labor, as undertaken by Thailand, is a critical step in enhancing labor
standards and protecting migrant workers’ rights.
Finally, collective action with domestic and international NGOs underscores the
importance of partnerships and collaborations among various stakeholders in
advocating migrant workers’ rights. Active involvement is crucial in ensuring
a supportive work environment for migrant workers, where their rights are
respected and they are afforded adequate protection.
This subsection explores how various approaches and strategies can be used to
create a supportive and fair working environment for migrant fishery workers.
This includes understanding how regulations, policies, and practices can be
improved to create better working conditions and ensure that the rights of
migrant workers are protected in the global fishery industry.
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IV Bridging the Protection Gap for Migrant Fishery Workers from Southeast Asia
Indonesia has forged bilateral agreements with China and South Korea, although
the implementation of these agreements is perceived to have weaknesses. In
particular, cooperation with South Korea has resulted in a government-to-
government (G2G) recruitment program and specialized training facilities for
Indonesian migrant workers (Gokkon, 2022). These initiatives demonstrate
efforts to improve the quality and condition of Indonesian migrant workers,
ensuring that they possess the skills and knowledge required for a safe and
protected working environment.
The obligation to establish bilateral relations aims not only to enhance migrant
worker protection but also to ensure that the sending countries can actively
participate in protecting their citizens abroad. This includes provisions such as
requiring at least one crew member on board to have medical skills, which is
crucial in emergencies at sea.
With these bilateral agreements, countries strive to create a safer and fairer
work environment for migrant workers, strengthen adherence to international
labor standards, and promote the exchange of information and best practices.
These efforts are vital for creating a global environment that supports the
rights and well-being of migrant workers.
LG workers in Taiwan often face less favorable working conditions than their
counterparts in territorial waters. Practices such as signing blank employment
contracts or creating new maritime agreements upon arrival in the host
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Navigating the Currents:
country make migrant workers vulnerable. This situation underscores the need
for transparency and fairness in contract signing and management of maritime
employment agreements.
Several steps are necessary to address these issues and build a fairer and more
transparent environment for migrant workers. First, oversight and regulation
of maritime employment agreements should be increased to ensure that
all contracts are signed fairly and with complete information. This includes
combating the practice of signing blank contracts or altering contracts
without the worker’s knowledge or consent.Secondly, more equitable and
standardized wage policies between territorial and distant water workers can
minimize existing disparities. Such policies should be guided by international
labor standards and consider the needs and rights of migrant workers. Thirdly,
the sending and receiving governments should collaborate to ensure that the
rights and welfare of migrant workers are respected. This can be achieved
through bilateral agreements focused on the protection of migrant workers
and ensuring adherence to agreed-upon labor standards.
These steps will not only help strengthen legal protection and compliance
with labor standards for migrant workers but also create a fairer and more
sustainable work environment for them. This approach is crucial to ensure that
migrant workers are recognized as an integral part of the global economy and
are afforded rights equal to those of other workers.
Furthermore, Thailand is the only country in the region that has ratified the
Protocol of the Forced Labour Convention, 1930 (ILO P29), a critical instrument
in combating forced labor and protecting the rights of migrant workers.
Thailand’s ratification of these conventions and protocols demonstrates a
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IV Bridging the Protection Gap for Migrant Fishery Workers from Southeast Asia
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IV Bridging the Protection Gap for Migrant Fishery Workers from Southeast Asia
Parhusip (2023) argues that NGOs and their networks play a more active role
in advocating migrant fishery workers in Taiwan than state efforts. Parhusip’s
study highlights the importance of social networks and connections with
humanitarian infrastructure in successful advocacy initiatives for migrant
fishers. The Stella Maris International Seafarers’ Service Center in Kaohsiung
and Indonesian migrant organizations in Taiwan’s fishing ports are examples
of this collaborative approach.
In Taiwan, the Keelung Migrant Fishermen Union (KMFU) and Yilan Migrant
Fishermen Union (YMFU) pioneered migrant fishery workers’ rights protection.
Their focus is on advocacy, stabilization, and services for migrant workers,
collaborating with domestic and international NGOs to form a Coalition for
the Human Rights of Migrant Fishers. One of their initiatives is an educational
program for high-school students in Taiwan to increase awareness of working
conditions on ships (Kao, 2021).
In Indonesia, civil society and union efforts are considered more active than
governmental initiatives. Government Regulation No.22 of 2022 concerning
the Protection of Migrant Commercial and Fishing Vessel Crews was propelled
by active NGO involvement and legal actions against the regulation’s delayed
issuance (Palmer & Hasbiyalloh, 2022). The ACSC/APF 2023 discussions reveal
various civil society coalition efforts, such as coordinating teams to accelerate
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Effective monitoring and enforcement are crucial amidst isolated and remote
operations in the fishery industry. Implementing the declaration requires robust
monitoring systems coupled with the effective enforcement of regulations.
Critical aspects include the protection of workers’ rights and welfare. Issues
such as misinformation, exploitation, and poor working conditions demand
enhanced protective efforts, requiring broader collaboration among
governments of ASEAN countries and destination countries, the private sector,
civil society, and international organizations.
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V. Conclusion: The Need for an Integrated and Holistic Approach in the ASEAN Context
Additional challenges stem from illegal and informal practices such as IUU
Fishing and irregular working conditions, necessitating stronger cross-national
coordination and law enforcement. Adequate resources and capacity, including
funding, training, and technical support, are vital for implementing the ASEAN
Declaration on the Placement and Protection of Migrant Fishers. Education and
awareness-raising about migrant workers’ rights and promoting fair working
practices are also crucial for preventing exploitation and protecting workers.
Furthermore, the post-return phase highlights difficulties in repatriation and
reintegration, indicating the need for better support systems for migrant
workers upon return. Therefore, implementing the ASEAN Declaration requires
combined efforts and a strong commitment from all member states to create a
fair and sustainable working environment for migrant fishery workers.
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multilateral and bilateral agreements that govern and protect their rights. These
agreements should cover labor and human rights standards, labor inspections,
grievance mechanisms, and law enforcement cooperation.
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