SNU POSTGRADUATE STUDIES

MASTER OF ARTS IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AND DIPLOMACY

COURSE: Contemporary Theories of IR

ARTICLE REVIEWT

Pan-Somalism and the Challenges of Post-Independence

Foreign Policy (1960–1969)

Auth
NO NAME
1 Ismail Abdulqadir Cali
2 Fardowsa Mohamed
3 Iman Abdirahman

Submi Submissio
Dr. Mustafa Mohamed Ali January 12, 2024
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 Pan-Somalism and the Challenges of Post-Independence
Foreign Policy (1960–1969)

1.0 Introduction
Pan-Somalism is a political and cultural movement that seeks the unification of all Somali-
speaking peoples in the Horn of Africa under a single state. Rooted in the shared ethnic,
linguistic, and cultural identity of Somalis, this ideology emerged in the mid-20th century,
fueled by anti-colonial sentiments and aspirations for self-determination. The movement
envisions consolidating regions inhabited by ethnic Somalis, including present-day Somalia,
Djibouti, parts of Ethiopia's Ogaden region, and northeastern Kenya.

The origins of Pan-Somalism can be traced to the colonial partition of Somali territories by
European powers in the late 19th century, creating artificial borders that divided the Somali
population. The movement gained momentum during Somalia’s independence in 1960, with
the dream of reclaiming these divided lands. Somali leaders framed Pan-Somalism as both a
response to colonial injustices and a nationalist goal to strengthen Somali identity and unity.
However, the pursuit of Pan-Somalism has faced significant challenges, including regional
geopolitics, opposition from neighboring states, and internal divisions within Somalia. These
complexities have shaped Pan-Somalism into a controversial and multifaceted ideology,
blending aspirations of national pride with practical dilemmas of governance and diplomacy.
Despite its difficulties, Pan-Somalism continues to resonate as a symbol of Somali solidarity
and resistance against external domination.

1.1 The Development of The Pan-Somalism: Ideology and Aspirations

The same is true of the main modern Somali nationalist movements, which have developed
largely locally, out of touch with, and until recently little affected by, African nationalism
elsewhere. From their inception these organisations have appealed to the common national
identity of all Somali and have claimed the right to make their nation a nation-state.

The paramount importance which the S.Y.L. attached at this early period to the Pan-Somali
ideal was made even more explicit by the party's representatives to the FourPower
Commission which visited Somalia early in I948 to examine Somali aspirations for the
future. On that occasion the S.Y.L. stated that: 'The union of Italian Somaliland with the other

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Somalilands was their primary objective, for which they were prepared to sacrifice any other
demand standing in the way of the achievement of Greater Somalia.'

This aim of the amalgamation of all the Somali territories, translating cultural nationalism
into political nationalism, remains the basic credo common to all the nationalist parties. Such
differences as exist on this issue, and they are slight, refer merely to the means by which Pan-
Somalism should be achieved. When the S.Y.L. were returned to power in Somalia in 1956 as
the first Somali government, with control only in internal affairs, the Prime Minister
Abdullahi 'Ise, in his policy statement before the Assembly, assigned first place to the
resolution of his country's border dispute with Ethiopia, but did not otherwise refer to his
party's Pan-Somali aims. (LEWIS, 1963)

1.2 Relations With Other African States

Before examining how, since independence, the Somali Government has developed this view
and sought to gain support for it among African States, it will be convenient to consider the
relations between Ethiopia and the Somali Republic, since Ethiopia's position is a crucial
factor in any further implementation of the Pan-Somali ideal. Ethiopia has consistently
opposed the union of the Somali territories, advocating instead federation with herself.' Thus
the Ethiopian Government sought to prevent the union of the British Protectorate with
Somalia, protesting to the British Government after Mr Lennox Boyd's announcement at
Hargeisa in February I959 that, should the Protectorate Legislative Council desire closer
association with Somalia, his government would arrange the necessary negotiations.

This was hardly a propitious start to amicable relations between Ethiopia and the Republic.
But it was of course merely a symptom of the fundamental issue. This arises from the fact
that perhaps as many as three-quarters of a million Somalis live in the Haud and Ogaden,
regions which are administered by Ethiopia, but which have no mutually agreed frontier with
the Somali Republic and which are, moreover, claimed by the Republic. 'Claimed' is perhaps
too strong an expression. The present demand is, more specifically, the right of self-
determination for all Somalis. Pan-Somalism, based on the principle of self-determination, is
now viewed as a positive contribution towards African unity, of which the first step has
already been achieved by the creation of the Somali Republic. This, of course, was a union by
mutual consent of two separate, independent States, and the addition of French Somaliland, in
spite of Ethiopia's objections, would merely be an extension of this. Where the Pan-Somali
aim encounters serious constitutional as well as political difficulties is with the Somali

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territories in Ethiopia and Kenya, for here the application of the right of self-determination to
the Somali peoples concerned is in conflict with the principle of territorial sovereignty.

1.3 Pansomalism and the Ogaden War (1969-1978)

In this situation Somalia and British Somaliland became independent in 1960. Although the
rest of the considered ‘lost territories’ were part of other neighboring states, the union of the
former colonies in a single state gave wings to pansomalism. These aspirations drived
expansionary policies in the first decade of independence. Thus, the different governments of
Somalia bet on the irredentism and they demanded the incorporation of Djibouti, the
northeastern border of Kenya and the Ethiopian Ogaden in a reiterative way. The 6th article
of the 1960 Constitution of the Republic of Somalia even specifies the country's inescapable
commitment to unify all these territories. ‘The Somali Republic shall promote, by legal and
peaceful means, the union of Somali territories and encourage solidarity among the peoples
of the world, and in particular among African and Islamic peoples.

In this way, irredentism became the main policy of the government. Foreign relations and
‘lost territories’ claiming were prioritized over urgent social concerns and economic
development. In addition, the high popular support made these policies a tool to legitimize
the power of the country's elites and allowed national unity against common enemies. So
much so that throughout the 1960s Somalia tried to recover some of these regions through
different strategies. This policy served as a prelude to the subsequent confrontation in the
Ogaden War. First of all, Somalia maintained a low intensity war with Ethiopia almost since
independence due to the fact that the Ethiopian emperor, Haile Selassie, had denied the
demands of self government and the right of self-determination repeatedly. The defeat and
withdrawal of the army in Ogaden and the inability to incorporate the Somalis of Kenya
affected the public opinion of Somalia, the high command of the army and some political
representatives. These two factors changed definitely the sign of events in Somalia. So much
so that the new government that came out of the 1969 elections took a radical turn to its
policy, abandoning the irredentism and carry out a moderate policy and relaxation that
attracted many criticisms and dissatisfaction. As a result of this change, the military
discontent caused the assassination of President Abdirashid Ali Shermarke and the confusion
was used by different army commanders who consecrated a coup d'êtat in 1969. The power
was then in the hands of Mohammed Siad Barre who established a Supreme Revolutionary
Council, inspired by scientific socialism with numerous nationalizations in the economic
sectors. (Arconada, 1989)

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1.4 Pan-Somalism and the Complexities of Post-Independence Foreign Policy
Pan-Somalism emerged as a defining ideology of Somalia's post-independence foreign policy
between 1960 and 1969. It was underpinned by the vision of uniting all Somali-speaking
peoples across the Horn of Africa—a goal rooted in shared ethnic, linguistic, and cultural
identity. However, the pursuit of this ideal exposed Somalia to significant geopolitical,
diplomatic, and security challenges, shaping its foreign relations during the decade following
independence. At independence in 1960, Somalia inherited borders drawn arbitrarily by
colonial powers, dividing ethnic Somalis among Somalia, Djibouti (then under French
control), the Ogaden region of Ethiopia, and Kenya's Northern Frontier District. The Somali
government, imbued with nationalist fervor, declared Pan-Somalism a cornerstone of its
foreign policy, pursuing irredentist claims to incorporate these territories into a "Greater
Somalia." This ambition placed Somalia at odds with its neighbors and international allies,
complicating its diplomatic positioning in the Cold War era. (Urbano, 1992)

One of the most contentious issues was the Ogaden region of Ethiopia, which had a
substantial Somali population. Somalia's support for insurgencies in the Ogaden heightened
tensions with Addis Ababa, culminating in sporadic border clashes. Similarly, the campaign
for the secession of Kenya's Northern Frontier District led to deteriorating relations with
Nairobi, as Somalia covertly supported Somali militias in the Shifta War (1963–1967). These
actions alienated Somalia from regional organizations such as the Organization of African
Unity (OAU), which prioritized respect for colonial-era borders to avoid continent-wide
territorial disputes.Somalia’s Pan-Somalist agenda also strained its relations with global
powers.

Conclusion
The decade of 1960–1969 thus underscores the dual-edged nature of Pan-Somalism: while it
galvanized Somali nationalism and articulated a powerful critique of colonial legacies, it also
revealed the perils of pursuing an uncompromising ideological agenda in a region defined by
entrenched borders and competing sovereignties. Globally, Somalia’s Pan-Somalist agenda
created a precarious balancing act between Cold War superpowers. While the Soviet Union
initially provided military aid and ideological support, Moscow grew increasingly cautious as

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Somalia’s irredentist policies threatened to destabilize its strategic alliances in the region,
particularly with Ethiopia.

Foreign Policy Challenges

Pan-Somalism, the aspiration to unify all Somali-inhabited regions in the Horn of Africa, has
profoundly influenced Somalia's post-independence foreign policy, presenting both
opportunities and formidable challenges. Following independence in 1960, Somalia sought to
integrate territories inhabited by ethnic Somalis in neighboring countries, including Ethiopia's
Ogaden region, Kenya's Northern Frontier District (NFD), and Djibouti. This irredentist
agenda, however, led to complex diplomatic and military confrontations that significantly
impacted the nation's trajectory. (Arrous, 2009)

Early Post-Independence Aspirations and Conflicts

In the early 1960s, Somalia's foreign policy was dominated by efforts to support self-
determination movements among Somali populations in adjacent territories. In Kenya's NFD,
Somalia backed the Somali community's desire for self-determination and union with
Somalia. When these aspirations were thwarted in 1963, following a commission of inquiry
that endorsed Somali claims, Somalia severed diplomatic ties with Britain, leading to the
Shifta War—a guerrilla conflict in northern Kenya that persisted until 1967.

Simultaneously, tensions escalated in Ethiopia's Ogaden region, where Somali insurgents

sought unification with Somalia. By late 1963, these activities precipitated a brief military
confrontation between Somalia and Ethiopia. Given that Western nations, particularly the
United States, provided military support to Ethiopia and Kenya, Somalia turned to the Soviet
Union for military assistance, thereby aligning itself with socialist countries while
maintaining a nominally neutral stance. The 1969 coup brought Major General Mohamed
Siad Barre to power, ushering in an era of "Scientific Socialism." Under Barre's regime, Pan-
Somalism remained a central tenet of foreign policy. In 1977, capitalizing on Ethiopia's
internal turmoil following the overthrow of Emperor Haile Selassie, Somalia invaded the
Ogaden region, supporting the Western Somali Liberation Front (WSLF) in a bid to annex the
territory. Initially, Somali forces achieved significant gains, controlling substantial portions of
the Ogaden. However, the Soviet Union, shifting its support to Ethiopia's Marxist regime,

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provided Ethiopia with substantial military assistance, including Cuban troops. This
intervention led to Somalia's defeat and withdrawal from the Ogaden in 1978, resulting in a
massive influx of refugees into Somalia and a subsequent humanitarian crisis. (Habasha,
2017)

Regional Conflicts and Military Engagements

One of the primary challenges during this period was Somalia's confrontational approach to
its neighbors. The goal of unifying Somali-inhabited regions encompassing Djibouti, the
Ogaden region in Ethiopia, and the Northern Frontier District (NFD) in Kenya led to direct
conflicts.

In Kenya, Somalia supported insurgent activities in the NFD, where ethnic Somalis sought to
secede and join Somalia. The resulting Shifta War (1963–1967) strained Somalia’s relations
with Kenya and the Western powers backing it. Similarly, Somalia's irredentist ambitions in
Ethiopia’s Ogaden region culminated in military confrontations, most notably the 1977–1978
Ogaden War. Initially, Somali forces made significant territorial gains, but Ethiopia's
counteroffensive, bolstered by Soviet and Cuban support, led to a resounding defeat for
Somalia (Clapham, 1987). These conflicts drained resources, increased refugee inflows, and
left Somalia diplomatically and economically vulnerable.

Diplomatic Isolation and Internal Strife

Somalia's irredentist policies and military engagements strained its relations with neighboring
countries and the broader international community. The Organization of African Unity
(OAU), committed to the inviolability of post-colonial borders to prevent interstate conflicts,
opposed Somalia's territorial ambitions. This stance left Somalia diplomatically isolated, as
few African nations were willing to endorse redrawing boundaries established during colonial
rule. Internally, the focus on Pan-Somalism diverted attention and resources from pressing
domestic issues, including economic development and governance. The failure to achieve
unification goals, coupled with military defeats, eroded public confidence in the government.
Moreover, the suppression of clan identities in favor of a unified national identity under
Barre's regime led to internal dissent and contributed to the eventual disintegration of the
state.

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Pan-Somalism, while embodying the legitimate aspirations of ethnic Somalis for self-
determination and unity, posed significant challenges to Somalia's post-independence foreign
policy. The pursuit of this ideal through military means resulted in regional conflicts,
diplomatic isolation, and internal instability. The legacy of these policies underscores the
complexities inherent in nationalist movements that transcend established state boundaries,
particularly within the post-colonial African context where the sanctity of borders is a
foundational principle for maintaining continental stability. ((Baadiyow), 2014)

Economic and Social Strains

The focus on external territorial ambitions came at the expense of addressing domestic
priorities. Resources were disproportionately allocated to military efforts and support for
irredentist movements, leaving critical sectors such as education, healthcare, and
infrastructure underfunded. The failure of these campaigns, particularly the Ogaden War, led
to widespread disillusionment among the populace and increased internal dissent. (Lewis,
2002)

The Pan-Somalism period in Somalia's history, primarily spanning the early years following
its independence in 1960, was marked by the state's fervent pursuit of uniting all Somali-
inhabited territories in the Horn of Africa. While this ambition resonated deeply with
nationalistic sentiment, it presented formidable challenges to Somalia's foreign policy. These
challenges manifested in the form of regional conflicts, diplomatic isolation, and internal
repercussions, which collectively undermined the nation’s stability and development.
Internally, the emphasis on Pan-Somalism also marginalized non-Somali minority groups and
exacerbated clan-based divisions, further destabilizing the state. Siad Barre's regime
attempted to suppress clan identities in favor of a unified nationalistic identity, but this
approach backfired, contributing to internal rebellion and eventual state collapse in 1991.

Foreign Relations

Somalia's foreign relations will be discussed as follows: relations with neigh- bouring
countries; relations with African countries in general; relations with the Arab countries;
relations with the communist nations, and relations with the Western community. Relations
with the communist nations will focus on the Soviet Union while those with the Western
community will focus on the United States; however, other cotuntries in both categories will

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be included as necessary. Somalia's policy towards its neighbours, Ethiopia, Kenya and
Djibouti, can perhaps best be analysed in the context of the country's 1979 constitu- tion. This
constitution re-affirms the country's support for the eventual unit of Somali people which had
been stated in the 1961 constitution. However, the direct role of the Somali government in
attaining this objective is muted in the 1979 constitution; the muting of the direct role would
appear to be in response to the widespread criticism the country received during the Ogaden
war. Somalia has maintained friendly relations with some communist countries.

These include China, North Korea and Romania. Of these relations those with China have
been especially cordial. In 1980, for instance, a Chinese mission visited Mogadishu and in
July of the following year, 1981, a Somali delegation visited Peking.36 On the occasion of
such visits, both sides have invariably issued statements critical of the Soviet Union. After the
July 1981 visit, the two sides announced their belief that 'the strategic objective of the Soviet
Union is global supremacy [and that] the turbulent situation all over the world and in the
Horn of Africa is the result of Soviet aggression and intervention'."' The friendly relations
with China are also reflected in the fact that of the approximately 1,050 communist economic
technicians in Somalia in 1979, the overwhelming majority - 1,000 - were from China.
Somalia started edging towards a closer relationship with the United States and the Western
community before it actually terminated its friend- ship with the Russians. There were even
reports that it was the expectation of US military aid that led President Barre to break with
the Soviet Union.

However, US and Western military aid was not only slow in coming, but also when it finally
came, it was both limited to defensive weapons and far below the scope expected by the
Somali government. In July 1977 the United States announced that in principle it was willing
to supply Somalia with defensive weapons; Britain and France followed with similar
announce- ments. Immediately after the announcements these countries stated that such
weapons would not be supplied until the war had stopped; instead, the three countries, and
especially the United States, began to exert diplomatic pressure towards this end. The reasons
for withholding arms included the widespread African condemnation of Somalia, Kenya's
lobbying, and what was termed as the 'extreme nature' of the Somali involvement in the war.

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Finally, Somalia has clearly moved closer to the Western community, especially to the United
States with which it signed a military pact in 1980. However, while these relations have
resulted in economic aid, they have not so far provided as much military aid as Somalia
initially expected. Wegtern military aid has been tied to Somalia's relations with its
neighbours and have been mainly defensive in character. (Ododa, 2018)

Internal Dynamics and Policy Implications of Pan-Somalism (1960–1969)

Internal Dynamics
1. Ideological Foundations of Pan-Somalism
Pan-Somalism emerged as a unifying ideology rooted in the desire to bring together Somali-
speaking populations scattered across the Horn of Africa into a single nation-state. This
ideology was based on the premise that the colonial partitioning of Somali territories by
European powers (Britain, Italy, and France) and Ethiopia had unjustly divided the Somali
people. The principle of self-determination, as espoused by the United Nations, further fueled
the legitimacy of this nationalist agenda. (Samatar, 1988)

The Somali Republic, formed in 1960 through the unification of British Somaliland and
Italian Somaliland, adopted Pan-Somalism as a cornerstone of its national identity. Within the
Somali Republic, Pan-Somalism served as both a rallying cry and a political framework. It
provided a sense of shared purpose, which was critical for the newly independent nation
grappling with the challenges of state-building. However, this ideological focus also created
internal tensions. The prioritization of external territorial unification over domestic
development often led to neglect of pressing socio-economic issues, such as poverty,
education, and infrastructure development. Moreover, the focus on a transnational agenda
exacerbated clan-based divisions, as certain clans felt sidelined in the allocation of resources
and political representation.

2. Clan-Based Political Structures

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Clan dynamics played a pivotal role in shaping the internal political landscape of the Somali
Republic. Despite the adoption of democratic institutions, the informal influence of clans
remained significant. Political parties often aligned with specific clans, leading to fragmented
governance and a lack of coherent policy direction. The dominance of certain clans in
government positions created resentment among marginalized groups, undermining national
unity. The reliance on clans for political legitimacy posed significant challenges to Pan-
Somalism. While the ideology sought to transcend clan identities in favor of a broader
national consciousness, the persistence of clan-based politics weakened its implementation.
This internal fragmentation made it difficult to sustain a unified front, both domestically and
in the pursuit of Pan-Somalist objectives abroad. (Drysdale, 1964)

3. Economic Limitations
Economic underdevelopment further complicated the internal dynamics of Pan-Somalism.
The Somali Republic's economy was largely agrarian, with limited industrialization and an
overreliance on livestock exports. The lack of a diversified economic base constrained the
government's ability to fund its ambitious Pan-Somalist agenda. Additionally, economic
inequalities between the northern and southern regions of the country, coupled with
inadequate infrastructure, heightened regional disparities and fueled discontent. Efforts to
channel resources toward the integration of Somali territories were often perceived as
neglecting domestic priorities. This trade-off between pursuing external ambitions and
addressing internal needs created friction among different segments of society. The
government's inability to deliver tangible economic benefits further eroded public support for
Pan-Somalism, particularly among those who prioritized immediate socio-economic concerns
over long-term territorial aspirations. (Touval, 1963)

Policy Implications
1. Foreign Policy Orientation
The commitment to Pan-Somalism had profound implications for the Somali Republic's
foreign policy. From 1960 to 1969, the government actively pursued policies aimed at uniting
Somali territories, often at the expense of diplomatic relations with neighboring states. The
most notable example was the irredentist claim to the Ogaden region of Ethiopia, the
Northern Frontier District (NFD) in Kenya, and French Somaliland (now Djibouti). These

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claims brought Somalia into direct conflict with its neighbors, undermining regional stability
and complicating its international relations. The Somali government’s support for insurgent
movements in these territories further strained relations. In Kenya, for instance, the Shifta
War (1963–1967) saw Somali-backed insurgents fighting for the secession of the NFD.

2. Dependence on External Support

To sustain its Pan-Somalist agenda, the Somali Republic sought external allies. The Cold War
context provided an opportunity for Somalia to leverage its strategic location at the
crossroads of the Red Sea and the Indian Ocean. Initially, Somalia aligned with the Soviet
Union, which provided military and economic assistance in exchange for access to strategic
ports. This partnership enabled the Somali government to strengthen its military capabilities,
which were crucial for pursuing its irredentist goals.

However, reliance on external support came with significant risks. The Somali government’s
alignment with the Soviet Union alienated Western powers, limiting its access to alternative
sources of aid and investment. Additionally, the ideological divide between the superpowers
often constrained Somalia’s ability to act independently in regional affairs. The overreliance
on foreign assistance also made the Somali economy vulnerable to shifts in global
geopolitics, further exacerbating its internal challenges.

3. Domestic Instability and Governance Challenges

The prioritization of Pan-Somalism over domestic governance created a governance deficit.
Political instability, marked by frequent changes in government and allegations of corruption,
undermined public confidence in state institutions. The focus on external territorial claims
often diverted attention from pressing domestic issues, such as education, healthcare, and
infrastructure development. This governance deficit fueled public dissatisfaction and
contributed to the erosion of national unity. The emphasis on military spending to support
irredentist goals further strained the country’s limited resources. Social services were
underfunded, and economic development initiatives were neglected, leading to widespread
poverty and unemployment. These socio-economic challenges, coupled with political
fragmentation, created fertile ground for dissent and opposition to the government’s policies.

The aggressive pursuit of Pan-Somalism isolated the Somali Republic both regionally and
internationally. Neighboring states viewed Somalia’s territorial ambitions as a direct threat to
their sovereignty and security. This perception led to the formation of alliances, such as the
collaboration between Kenya and Ethiopia, to counter Somali irredentism. The Organization

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of African Unity (OAU), established in 1963, also opposed Somalia’s territorial claims,
emphasizing the principle of respecting colonial borders to prevent regional conflicts.
Internationally, Somalia’s alignment with the Soviet Union limited its engagement with
Western powers. This diplomatic isolation hindered its ability to garner broad-based support
for its Pan-Somalist agenda. Moreover, the global focus on Cold War dynamics often
relegated Somalia’s concerns to the periphery, reducing its influence in international forums.

The internal dynamics of Pan-Somalism, characterized by ideological fervor, clan-based

politics, and economic constraints, significantly shaped the Somali Republic’s policy choices
between 1960 and 1969. While the ideology provided a unifying vision for the Somali
people, its implementation was fraught with challenges that undermined both domestic
stability.

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