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 Contents
About the Authors xi 4.6 Newton’s Third Law 105
Preface xii 4.7 Analysis Models Using Newton’s Second Law 107
To the Student xxviii 4.8 Context Connection: Forces on Automobiles 115
Life Science Applications and Problems xxxi
5 More Applications of
An Invitation to Physics 1 Newton’s Laws 125
1 Introduction and Vectors 4 5.1 Forces of Friction 125
5.2 Extending the Particle in Uniform
1.1 Standards of Length, Mass, and Time 4 Circular Motion Model 130
1.2 Dimensional Analysis 7 5.3 Nonuniform Circular Motion 136
1.3 Conversion of Units 8 5.4 Motion in the Presence of Velocity-Dependent Resistive
1.4 Order-of-Magnitude Calculations 9 Forces 138
1.5 Significant Figures 10 5.5 The Fundamental Forces of Nature 142
1.6 Coordinate Systems 12 5.6 Context Connection: Drag Coefficients
1.7 Vectors and Scalars 13 of Automobiles 144
1.8 Some Properties of Vectors 15
1.9 Components of a Vector and Unit Vectors 17 6 Energy of a System 154
1.10 Modeling, Alternative Representations, 6.1 Systems and Environments 155
and Problem-Solving Strategy 22 6.2 Work Done by a Constant Force 156
6.3 The Scalar Product of Two Vectors 158
Context 1 | Alternative-Fuel Vehicles 35
6.4 Work Done by a Varying Force 160
2 Motion in One Dimension 37 6.5 Kinetic Energy and the Work–Kinetic
Energy Theorem 165
2.1 Average Velocity 38
6.6 Potential Energy of a System 168
2.2 Instantaneous Velocity 41
6.7 Conservative and Nonconservative Forces 173
2.3 Analysis Model: Particle Under Constant Velocity 45
6.8 Relationship Between Conservative
2.4 Acceleration 47 Forces and Potential Energy 175
2.5 Motion Diagrams 50 6.9 Potential Energy for Gravitational
2.6 Analysis Model: Particle Under Constant and Electric Forces 176
Acceleration 51 6.10 Energy Diagrams and Equilibrium of a System 179
2.7 Freely Falling Objects 56 6.11 Context Connection: Potential Energy in Fuels 181
2.8 Context Connection: Acceleration Required by
Consumers 59 7 Conservation of Energy 192

3 Motion in Two Dimensions 69 7.1 Analysis Model: Nonisolated System (Energy) 193
7.2 Analysis Model: Isolated System (Energy) 195
3.1 The Position, Velocity, and Acceleration
7.3 Analysis Model: Nonisolated System
Vectors 69
in Steady State (Energy) 202
3.2 Two-Dimensional Motion with Constant
7.4 Situations Involving Kinetic Friction 203
Acceleration 71
7.5 Changes in Mechanical Energy
3.3 Projectile Motion 74
for Nonconservative Forces 208
3.4 Analysis Model: Particle in Uniform Circular Motion 81
7.6 Power 214
3.5 Tangential and Radial Acceleration 83
7.7 Context Connection: Horsepower Ratings
3.6 Relative Velocity and Relative Acceleration 84 of Automobiles 216
3.7 Context Connection: Lateral Acceleration
of Automobiles 87 Context 1 | CONCLUSION
Present and Future Possibilities 230
4 The Laws of Motion 97
Context 2 | Mission to Mars 233
4.1 The Concept of Force 97
4.2 Newton’s First Law 99 8 Momentum and Collisions 235
4.3 Mass 100 8.1 Linear Momentum 235
4.4 Newton’s Second Law 101 8.2 Analysis Model: Isolated System (Momentum) 237
4.5 The Gravitational Force and Weight 104 8.3 Analysis Model: Nonisolated System (Momentum) 240
vi
 CONTENTS vii

8.4 Collisions in One Dimension 243 Context 3 | Earthquakes 388

8.5 Collisions in Two Dimensions 250
8.6 The Center of Mass 253 12 Oscillatory Motion 390
8.7 Motion of a System of Particles 257 12.1 Motion of an Object Attached to a Spring 391
8.8 Context Connection: Rocket Propulsion 260 12.2 Analysis Model: Particle in Simple Harmonic
Motion 392
12.3 Energy of the Simple Harmonic Oscillator 397
9 Relativity 272 12.4 The Simple Pendulum 400
9.1 The Principle of Galilean Relativity 273 12.5 The Physical Pendulum 402
9.2 The Michelson–Morley Experiment 275 12.6 Damped Oscillations 403
9.3 Einstein’s Principle of Relativity 276 12.7 Forced Oscillations 404
9.4 Consequences of Special Relativity 276 12.8 Context Connection: Resonance in Structures 405
9.5 The Lorentz Transformation Equations 285
9.6 Relativistic Momentum and the Relativistic Form of 13 Mechanical Waves 415
Newton’s Laws 288 13.1 Propagation of a Disturbance 416
9.7 Relativistic Energy 290 13.2 Analysis Model: Traveling Wave 418
9.8 Mass and Energy 292 13.3 The Speed of Transverse Waves on Strings 423
9.9 General Relativity 293 13.4 Reflection and Transmission 426
9.10 Context Connection: From Mars to the Stars 296 13.5 Rate of Energy Transfer by Sinusoidal
Waves on Strings 427
13.6 Sound Waves 429
10 Rotational Motion 305
13.7 The Doppler Effect 432
10.1 Angular Position, Speed, and Acceleration 306 13.8 Context Connection: Seismic Waves 435
10.2 Analysis Model: Rigid Object Under Constant Angular
Acceleration 308 14 Superposition and Standing
10.3 Relations Between Rotational and Translational Waves 447
Quantities 310
10.4 Rotational Kinetic Energy 311 14.1 Analysis Model: Waves in Interference 448
10.5 Torque and the Vector Product 316 14.2 Standing Waves 451
10.6 Analysis Model: Rigid Object in Equilibrium 320 14.3 Analysis Model: Waves Under Boundary
Conditions 454
10.7 Analysis Model: Rigid Object Under a Net Torque 323
14.4 Standing Waves in Air Columns 456
10.8 Energy Considerations in Rotational Motion 326
14.5 Beats: Interference in Time 460
10.9 Analysis Model: Nonisolated System (Angular
Momentum) 328 14.6 Nonsinusoidal Wave Patterns 462
10.10 Analysis Model: Isolated System 14.7 The Ear and Theories of Pitch Perception 464
(Angular Momentum) 331 14.8 Context Connection: Building on Antinodes 466
10.11 Precessional Motion of Gyroscopes 335 Context 3 | CONCLUSION
10.12 Rolling Motion of Rigid Objects 336 Minimizing the Risk 476
10.13 Context Connection: Turning the Spacecraft 339
Context 4 | Heart Attacks 479

11 Gravity, Planetary Orbits, 15 Fluid Mechanics 482

and the Hydrogen Atom 354
15.1 Pressure 482
11.1 Newton’s Law of Universal 15.2 Variation of Pressure with Depth 484
Gravitation Revisited 355 15.3 Pressure Measurements 488
11.2 Structural Models 357 15.4 Buoyant Forces and Archimedes’s Principle 488
11.3 Kepler’s Laws 358 15.5 Fluid Dynamics 493
11.4 Energy Considerations in Planetary 15.6 Streamlines and the Continuity Equation for Fluids 493
and Satellite Motion 364
15.7 Bernoulli’s Equation 495
11.5 Atomic Spectra and the Bohr Theory of Hydrogen 368
15.8 Other Applications of Fluid Dynamics 498
11.6 Context Connection: Changing from a Circular
15.9 Context Connection: Turbulent Flow of Blood 499
to an Elliptical Orbit 374
Context 4 | CONCLUSION
Context 2 | CONCLUSION Detecting Atherosclerosis and
A Successful Mission Plan 384 Preventing Heart Attacks 509
viii CONTENTS

Context 5 | Global Warming 513 19.5 Electric Fields 627

19.6 Electric Field Lines 633
16 Temperature and the Kinetic 19.7 Motion of Charged Particles in a Uniform Electric Field 634
Theory of Gases 515 19.8 Electric Flux 636
16.1 Temperature and the Zeroth Law of 19.9 Gauss’s Law 639
Thermodynamics 516 19.10 Application of Gauss’s Law to Various Charge
16.2 Thermometers and Temperature Scales 517 Distributions 641
16.3 Thermal Expansion of Solids and Liquids 520 19.11 Conductors in Electrostatic Equilibrium 644
16.4 Macroscopic Description of an Ideal Gas 525 19.12 Context Connection: The Atmospheric Electric
16.5 The Kinetic Theory of Gases 527 Field 645
16.6 Distribution of Molecular Speeds 533
16.7 Context Connection: The Atmospheric Lapse Rate 535
20 Electric Potential
and Capacitance 656
17 Energy in Thermal Processes: The 20.1 Electric Potential and Potential Difference 657
First Law of Thermodynamics 545 20.2 Potential Difference in a Uniform Electric Field 658
17.1 Heat and Internal Energy 546 20.3 Electric Potential and Potential Energy Due to Point
Charges 661
17.2 Specific Heat 548
17.3 Latent Heat 550
20.4 Obtaining the Value of the Electric Field from the Electric
Potential 664
17.4 Work in Thermodynamic Processes 554
20.5 Electric Potential Due to Continuous Charge
17.5 The First Law of Thermodynamics 557 Distributions 666
17.6 Some Applications of the First Law 20.6 Electric Potential Due to a Charged Conductor 669
of Thermodynamics 559
20.7 Capacitance 671
17.7 Molar Specific Heats of Ideal Gases 562
20.8 Combinations of Capacitors 674
17.8 Adiabatic Processes for an Ideal Gas 564
20.9 Energy Stored in a Charged Capacitor 678
17.9 Molar Specific Heats and the Equipartition of Energy 566
20.10 Capacitors with Dielectrics 681
17.10 Energy Transfer Mechanisms in Thermal Processes 568
20.11 Context Connection: The Atmosphere as a
17.11 Context Connection: Energy Balance for the Earth 573 Capacitor 685

18 Heat Engines, Entropy, and

the Second Law of 21 Current and Direct Current
Thermodynamics 586
Circuits 697
21.1 Electric Current 698
18.1 Heat Engines and the Second Law
of Thermodynamics 587 21.2 Resistance and Ohm’s Law 701
18.2 Reversible and Irreversible Processes 589 21.3 Superconductors 706
18.3 The Carnot Engine 589 21.4 A Model for Electrical Conduction 707
18.4 Heat Pumps and Refrigerators 592 21.5 Energy and Power in Electric Circuits 710
18.5 An Alternative Statement of the Second Law 593 21.6 Sources of emf 713
18.6 Entropy 594 21.7 Resistors in Series and Parallel 715
18.7 Entropy and the Second Law of Thermodynamics 597 21.8 Kirchhoff ’s Rules 721
18.8 Entropy Changes in Irreversible Processes 599 21.9 RC Circuits 724
18.9 Context Connection: The Atmosphere as a Heat 21.10 Context Connection: The Atmosphere as a
Engine 602 Conductor 729

Context 5 | CONCLUSION Context 6 | CONCLUSION

Predicting the Earth’s Surface Determining the Number
Temperature 612 of Lightning Strikes 739
Context 6 | Lightning 617 Context 7 | Magnetism in Medicine 741

19 Electric Forces and 22 Magnetic Forces and

Electric Fields 619 Magnetic Fields 743
19.1 Historical Overview 620 22.1 Historical Overview 744
19.2 Properties of Electric Charges 620 22.2 The Magnetic Field 745
19.3 Insulators and Conductors 622 22.3 Motion of a Charged Particle in a Uniform Magnetic
19.4 Coulomb’s Law 624 Field 748
 CONTENTS ix

22.4 Applications Involving Charged Particles Moving in a

Magnetic Field 751
26 Image Formation by Mirrors
22.5 Magnetic Force on a Current-Carrying and Lenses 879
Conductor 754 26.1 Images Formed by Flat Mirrors 879
22.6 Torque on a Current Loop in a Uniform Magnetic 26.2 Images Formed by Spherical Mirrors 882
Field 756 26.3 Images Formed by Refraction 888
22.7 The Biot–Savart Law 758 26.4 Images Formed by Thin Lenses 891
22.8 The Magnetic Force Between Two Parallel 26.5 The Eye 898
Conductors 761
26.6 Context Connection: Some Medical Applications
22.9 Ampère’s Law 762 900
22.10 The Magnetic Field of a Solenoid 766
22.11 Magnetism in Matter 767 27 Wave Optics 910
22.12 Context Connection: Remote Magnetic Navigation for
Cardiac Catheter Ablation Procedures 769 27.1 Conditions for Interference 911
27.2 Young’s Double-Slit Experiment 911
27.3 Analysis Model: Waves in Interference 913
23 Faraday’s Law and Inductance 781
27.4 Change of Phase Due to Reflection 916
23.1 Faraday’s Law of Induction 781 27.5 Interference in Thin Films 916
23.2 Motional emf 786 27.6 Diffraction Patterns 919
23.3 Lenz’s Law 791 27.7 Resolution of Single-Slit and Circular Apertures 922
23.4 Induced emfs and Electric Fields 794 27.8 The Diffraction Grating 925
23.5 Inductance 796 27.9 Diffraction of X-Rays by Crystals 927
23.6 RL Circuits 798 27.10 Context Connection: Holography 928
23.7 Energy Stored in a Magnetic Field 801
23.8 Context Connection: The Use of Transcranial Magnetic Context 8 | CONCLUSION
Stimulation in Depression 804 Using Lasers to Record and Read Digital
Information 939
Context 7 | CONCLUSION
Nuclear Magnetic Resonance and Context 9 | The Cosmic Connection 943
Magnetic Resonance Imaging 817

Context 8 | Lasers 820

28 Quantum Physics 945
28.1 Blackbody Radiation and Planck’s Theory 946
24 Electromagnetic Waves 822
28.2 The Photoelectric Effect 951
28.3 The Compton Effect 956
24.1 Displacement Current and the Generalized Form of 28.4 Photons and Electromagnetic Waves 959
Ampère’s Law 823
28.5 The Wave Properties of Particles 959
24.2 Maxwell’s Equations and Hertz’s Discoveries 824
28.6 A New Model: The Quantum Particle 963
24.3 Electromagnetic Waves 826
28.7 The Double-Slit Experiment Revisited 965
24.4 Energy Carried by Electromagnetic Waves 830
28.8 The Uncertainty Principle 966
24.5 Momentum and Radiation Pressure 833
28.9 An Interpretation of Quantum Mechanics 968
24.6 The Spectrum of Electromagnetic Waves 836
28.10 A Particle in a Box 970
24.7 Polarization of Light Waves 837
28.11 Analysis Model: Quantum Particle Under Boundary
24.8 Context Connection: The Special Properties of Laser Conditions 974
Light 839
28.12 The Schrödinger Equation 975
28.13 Tunneling Through a Potential Energy Barrier 977
25 Reflection and Refraction 28.14 Context Connection: The Cosmic Temperature 980
of Light 852
25.1 The Nature of Light 852 29 Atomic Physics 991
25.2 The Ray Model in Geometric Optics 853 29.1 Early Structural Models of the Atom 992
25.3 Analysis Model: Wave Under Reflection 854 29.2 The Hydrogen Atom Revisited 993
25.4 Analysis Model: Wave Under Refraction 857 29.3 The Wave Functions for Hydrogen 996
25.5 Dispersion and Prisms 862 29.4 Physical Interpretation of the Quantum Numbers 999
25.6 Huygens’s Principle 863 29.5 The Exclusion Principle and the Periodic Table 1004
25.7 Total Internal Reflection 865 29.6 More on Atomic Spectra: Visible and X-Ray 1008
25.8 Context Connection: Optical Fibers 867 29.7 Context Connection: Atoms in Space 1012
x CONTENTS

30 Nuclear Physics 1021 Context 9 | CONCLUSION

Problems and Perspectives 1086
30.1 Some Properties of Nuclei 1022
30.2 Nuclear Binding Energy 1026 Appendix A Tables A.1
A.1 Conversion Factors A.1
30.3 Radioactivity 1028
A.2 Symbols, Dimensions, and Units of Physical
30.4 The Radioactive Decay Processes 1032 Quantities A.2
30.5 Nuclear Reactions 1039 A.3 Chemical and Nuclear Information for Selected
30.6 Context Connection: The Engine of the Stars 1041 Isotopes A.4

31 Particle Physics 1053 Appendix B Mathematics Review A.6

B.1 Scientific Notation A.6
31.1 The Fundamental Forces in Nature 1054 B.2 Algebra A.7
31.2 Positrons and Other Antiparticles 1055 B.3 Geometry A.12
B.4 Trigonometry A.13
31.3 Mesons and the Beginning of Particle Physics 1057
B.5 Series Expansions A.15
31.4 Classification of Particles 1060 B.6 Differential Calculus A.15
31.5 Conservation Laws 1061 B.7 Integral Calculus A.18
31.6 Strange Particles and Strangeness 1065 B.8 Propagation of Uncertainty A.22

31.7 Measuring Particle Lifetimes 1066 Appendix C Periodic Table of the Elements A.24
31.8 Finding Patterns in the Particles 1067
Appendix D SI Units A.26
31.9 Quarks 1069 D.1 SI Units A.26
31.10 Multicolored Quarks 1072 D.2 Some Derived SI Units A.26
31.11 The Standard Model 1073
Answers to Quick Quizzes and Odd-Numbered Problems A.27
31.12 Context Connection: Investigating the Smallest System
to Understand the Largest 1075 Index I.1
 About the Authors

Raymond A. Serway

John W. Jewett, Jr.

xi
 Preface

Principles of Physics

xii
 PREFACE xiii

What If?

| Objectives

| Changes in the Fifth Edition

New Contexts.

Worked Examples.

Line-by-Line Revision of the Questions and Problems Set.

Data from Enhanced WebAssign Used to Improve Questions and Problems.

xiv PREFACE

|A Block Pulled on a Frictionless Surface

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 PREFACE xv

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Revised Questions Organization.

Objective Questions

Conceptual Questions

Problems.

black
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xvi PREFACE

New Types of Problems.

Quantitative/Conceptual

55.

Figure P7.55

Symbolic

57. Review.

Figure P7.57

57.

Guided Problems
 PREFACE xvii

28.

Figure P10.28

Impossibility Problems.

51.

Increased Number of Paired Problems.

Thorough Revision of Artwork.

xviii PREFACE

Figure 10.28

Henry Leap and Jim Lehman

r

r r r

Figure 3.2
r

Expansion of the Analysis Model Approach.

 PREFACE xix

Content Changes.

| Organization

Context Number Context Physics Topics Chapters

xx PREFACE

| Text Features

Problem Solving and Conceptual Understanding

General Problem-Solving Strategy.

Thinking Physics.

MCAT Test Preparation Guide.

Active Figures.

Quick Quizzes.

QUICK QUIZ

a b c d e

Pitfall Prevention | 13.2 Pitfall Preventions.

Two Kinds of Speed/Velocity

Summaries.
 PREFACE xxi

Questions.

Problems.

Biomedical problems.

Paired Problems.

Review problems.

Review

“Fermi problems.”

Design problems.

Calculus-based problems.

www.cengage.com/physics/serway,

What If?

Alternative Representations.

Math Appendix.

Helpful Features
Style.

Important Definitions and Equations. boldface

xxii PREFACE

Marginal Notes. c

Pedagogical Use of Color. pedagogical color chart

Mathematical Level.

Significant Figures.

Units.

Appendices and Endpapers.

| TextChoice Custom Options for Principles of Physics

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| Course Solutions That Fit Your Teaching Goals

and Your Students’ Learning Needs
 PREFACE xxiii

Homework Management Systems

Enhanced WebAssign for Fifth Edition.

Master It tutorials

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xxiv PREFACE

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CengageBrain.com
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CengageBrain.com

Lecture Presentation Resources

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xxvi PREFACE

Student Resources
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Physics Laboratory Manual, Third Edition

Physics Laboratory Experiments, Seventh Edition

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| Acknowledgments

Raymond A. Serway

John W. Jewett, Jr.

 To the Student

It is appropriate

| How to Study

| Concepts and Principles

What If

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xxx TO THE STUDENT

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—Henri Poincaré
 Life Science Applications
and Problems
Chapter 1: Introduction and Vectors 4 Context 4 Conclusion: Detecting Atherosclerosis and
Preventing Heart Attacks 509–512
Chapter 2: Motion in One Dimension 37

Chapter 16: Temperature and the Kinetic Theory of Gases 515

Chapter 3: Motion in Two Dimensions 69

Chapter 4: The Laws of Motion 97

Chapter 5: More Applications of Newton’s Laws 125

Chapter 17: Energy in Thermal Processes: The First Law of
Thermodynamics 545

Chapter 7: Conservation of Energy 192

Chapter 8: Momentum and Collisions 235

Chapter 18: Heat Engines, Entropy, and the Second Law of

Thermodynamics 586
Chapter 9: Relativity 272

Chapter 19: Electric Forces and Electric Fields 619

Chapter 10: Rotational Motion 305 Chapter 20: Electric Potential and Capacitance 656

Context 2 Conclusion: A Successful Mission Plan 384

Chapter 12: Oscillatory Motion 390 Chapter 21: Current and Direct Current Circuits 697

Chapter 13: Mechanical Waves 415

Chapter 14: Superposition and Standing Waves 447

Context 7: Magnetism in Medicine 741–742

Chapter 22: Magnetic Forces and Magnetic Fields 743
Context 4: Heart Attacks 479–481
Chapter 15: Fluid Mechanics 482

Chapter 23: Faraday’s Law and Inductance 781

xxxi
xxxii LIFE SCIENCE APPLICATIONS AND PROBLEMS

Context 7 Conclusion: Nuclear Magnetic Resonance and

Magnetic Resonance Imaging 817–819
Chapter 27: Wave Optics 910

Chapter 24: Electromagnetic Waves 822

Chapter 28: Quantum Physics 945

Chapter 25: Reflection and Refraction of Light 852

Chapter 26: Image Formation by Mirrors and Lenses 879

Chapter 29: Atomic Physics 991

Chapter 30: Nuclear Physics 1021

Chapter 31: Particle Physics 1053

An Invitation to Physics

Stephen Inglis/Shutterstock.com

Stonehenge, in southern England, was built thousands of years ago. Various theories have been
proposed about its function, including a burial ground, a healing site, and a place for ancestor
worship. One of the more intriguing theories suggests that Stonehenge was an observatory, al-
lowing for predictions of celestial events such as eclipses, solstices, and equinoxes.

P hysics, the most fundamental physical science, is

concerned with the basic principles of the universe.
It is the foundation on which engineering, technology,
systematic theory and was one of the originators of calcu-
lus as a mathematical tool. Although major developments
in classical physics continued in the 18th century, thermo-
and the other sciences — astronomy, biology, chemistry, dynamics and electromagnetism were not developed until
and geology — are based. The beauty of physics lies in the latter part of the 19th century, principally because
the simplicity of its fundamental theories and in the the apparatus for controlled experiments was either too
manner in which just a small number of basic concepts, crude or unavailable until then. Although many electric
equations, and assumptions can alter and expand our and magnetic phenomena had been studied earlier, the
view of the world around us. work of James Clerk Maxwell (1831 – 1879) provided
Classical physics, developed prior to 1900, includes the a unified theory of electromagnetism. In this text, we
theories, concepts, laws, and experiments in classical shall treat the various disciplines of classical physics in
mechanics, thermodynamics, electromagnetism, and separate sections; we will see, however, that the disciplines
optics. For example, Galileo Galilei (1564 – 1642) made of mechanics and electromagnetism are basic to all the
significant contributions to classical mechanics through branches of physics.
his work on the laws of motion with constant accelera- A major revolution in physics, usually referred to as
tion. In the same era, Johannes Kepler (1571 – 1630) modern physics, began near the end of the 19th century.
used astronomical observations to develop empirical Modern physics developed mainly because many physi-
laws for the motions of planetary bodies. cal phenomena could not be explained by classical
The most important contributions to classical physics. The two most important developments in this
mechanics, however, were provided by Isaac Newton modern era were the theories of relativity and quan-
(1642 – 1727), who developed classical mechanics as a tum mechanics. Albert Einstein’s theory of relativity
1
Other documents randomly have
different content
 3. The English were to send a vessel immediately, "to trade with them
as friends, tho' not to defend them," and the Pequots would give them all
their "custom."

The agreement was put in writing, and subscribed by the two

messengers with their marks. The chief object proposed by Sassacus in
effecting it, appears to have been, not the assistance of the English in his
wars, but their commerce in peace. He thought himself competent to fight
his own battles; and perhaps would have made no attempt to conciliate even
the English, but for having quarrelled with the Dutch of New York, who had
hitherto supplied him, and thereby lost their trade as well as incurred their
hostility.

Meanwhile, he was at deadly war, as usual, with the Narraghansetts.

The very next morning after the treaty was concluded, and while the
messengers still tarried in Boston, news came, that a party of two or three
hundred of the tribe last named had come as far as Neponsett, (the boundary
between Milton and Dorchester) for the purpose of laying wait and killing
the Pequots on their way home. The English immediately despatched a
small armed force, to request a visit from the Narraghansetts; and two
sachems, with about twenty of their men, obeyed the summons. They said
they had been hunting round-about the country, and came to visit the
Indians at Neponsett, according to old custom. However this might be, they
showed themselves quite ready to gratify the English in their requests; and
the Pequots were permitted to return home unmolested.

A passage in the Journal of Winthrop, relating to this occasion,

illustrates the spirit of Sassacus and his subjects. The Narraghansetts were
privately told by the Governor, that if they should happen to make peace
with the Pequots, they should receive a goodly proportion of the wampum
just sent.—"For the Pequots held it dishonorable to offer them any thing as
of themselves, yet were willing we would give it them, and indeed did offer
us so much to that end."

Thus matters remained until 1636. During that season one Oldham, an
Englishman who had been trading in Connecticut, was murdered by a party
of Block-Island Indians; several of whom are said to have taken refuge
among the Pequots, and to have been protected by them. On the strength of
this fact and this supposition, the Governor of Massachusetts—Mr. Oldham
being a Dorchester resident—despatched a force of ninety men, under
Captain Endecott, commissioned (as Mr. Winthrop tells us,) to put to death
the men of Block-Island, but to spare the women and children, and bring
them away, and take possession of the Island. Thence they were to go to the
Pequots, "to demand the murderers of Captain Stone and other English, and
one thousand fathom of wampum for damages &c. and some of their
children as hostages which if they should refuse the were to obtain it by
force."

The proceedings which ensued upon the attempt to execute these

orders ought not to be overlooked. From Block-Island, the English sailed to
Pequot harbor. Here an Indian came out to them in a canoe, and demanded
who they were, and what they would have in the country of the Pequots.
Endecott replied, that he came from the Governor of Massachusetts, to
speak with the Pequot sachems. The Indian answering that Sassacus was
gone to Long-Island, he was directed to communicate Endecott's message to
another sachem. He returned to the shore, and the English meanwhile made
a landing. The messenger came back, and the Indians began to gather about
the English. Several hours passed in desultory conference, until Endecott,
growing impatient, announced his commission to the crowd which
surrounded him, and at the same time sent word to the sachem, that unless
he would come to him or satisfy his demands, he should try forcible
measures. The messenger, who had been several times running to and fro
between the parties, said that the sachem would come forward if the English
would lay down their arms, the Indians also leaving their bows and arrows
at a distance.

Endecott was incensed by the proposal, considering it a pretext for

gaining time. He therefore bade the Pequots begone, an take care of
themselves; they had dared the English to come and fight with them, he
said, and now he was ready for the battle. The Pequots withdrew peaceably
to a distance. When they were beyond musket-shot, "he marched after them,
supposing they would have stood it awhile, as they did to the Dutch," [FN]
—but they all fled, letting fly a few arrows among the English, which did
no damage. Two of their own number were killed and several more
wounded; and the English then marched up to their village, and burned all
their wigwams and mats. At night, concludes the historian, they returned to
their vessels; and the next day they went ashore on the west side of the
river, and burnt all their wigwams and spoiled their canoes in that quarter;
and so set sail and came to the Narraghansett country. There they landed
their men, "and on the 14th of 7ber they came all safe to Boston, which was
a marvellous providence of God, that not a hair fell from the head of any of
them, nor any sick nor feeble person among them."

[FN] Winthrop.

The sequel of the tragedy must be gathered from other authorities. A

detachment of Endecott's party was appointed to reinforce the English
garrison at Saybrook. Lying wind-bound off Pequot harbor, after his
departure, a part of these men went on shore to plunder the Pequots, and
bring off their corn. Their ravages were interrupted by an attack from these
Indians. The skirmish lasted till near evening, and then both parties retired,
the English with one man wounded, and the Pequots with a loss unknown.
We have given the particulars of this transaction, (according to the English
version of course) because it throws light upon the subsequent relations
between Sassacus and the English.

Whatever was the disposition of the Pequots previous to this date,

there is no question about them ever afterwards. They determined to
extirpate the whites from the limits of Connecticut; and to that great object
Sassacus now devoted the whole force of his dominions and the entire
energies of his soul. The forts and settlements were assaulted in every
direction. In October, five of the Saybrook garrison were surprised, as they
were carrying home their hay. A week afterwards, the master of a small
English vessel was taken and tortured; and several others within the same
month. The garrison just mentioned were so pressed before winter, (1636-7)
that they were obliged to keep almost wholly within reach of their guns.
Their out-houses were razed, and their stacks of hay burned; and so many
of the cattle as were not killed, often came in at night with the arrows of the
enemy sticking in them. In March, they killed four of the garrison, and at
the same time surrounding the fort on all sides, challenged the English to
come out and fight, mocked them with the groans and prayers of their dying
friends whom they had captured, and boasted they could kill Englishmen
"all one flies." Nothing but a cannon loaded with grape-shot, could keep
them from beating the very gates down with their clubs.

Three persons were next killed on Connecticut river, and nine at

Wethersfield. No boat could now pass up or down the river with safety. The
roads and fields were everywhere beset. The settlers could neither hunt,
fish, nor cultivate the land, nor travel at home or abroad, but at the peril of
life. A constant watch was kept night and day. People went armed to their
daily labors, and to public worship; and the church was guarded during
divine service. Probably no portion of the first colonists of New England
ever suffered so horribly from an Indian warfare, as the Connecticut settlers
at this gloomy and fearful period.

Nor was the employment of his own subjects the only measure adopted
by Sassacus against his civilized enemy. He knew them too well to despise,
however much he detested them. He saw there was need of all the ingenuity
of the politician, as well as the prowess of the warrior, to be exercised upon
his part; and he therefore entered upon a trial of the arts of diplomacy with
the same cunning and courage which were the confidence of his followers
in the field of battle. The proposal of alliance offensive and defensive which
he made to his ancient rival and foe, the chief sachem of the Narraghansetts,
was a conception worthy of a great and noble soul. And such was the
profound skill with which he supported the reasonableness of that policy,
that, (as we have heretofore seen,) Miantonomo himself wavered in his
high-minded fidelity to the English cause. But for the presence and
influence of Roger Williams, [FN] the consummate address of the Pequot
must have carried his point.

[FN] That gentleman, in one of his letters preserved on the Mass. Records, writes
—"That in ye Pequt Wars it pleased your honoured Government to employ me in ye
hazardous and waighty Service of negotiating a League between Yourselves and the
Narigansetts; when ye Pequt messengers (who sought ye Narigansett's league against
the English) had almost ended yt my worck and life together."

The measures taken by the other colonies, in consequence of the state

of things we have been describing, and the minutiæ of the famous
expedition of Mason, are too well known to be repeated at length. The
contest was not long continued, but it required the most serious efforts on
the part of the English; and not only did Massachusetts and Plymouth feel
themselves under the necessity of aiding Connecticut in the suppression of
this common and terrible foe, but many of the Narraghansetts also were
called on to aid, with the Nianticks, the Mohegans and other tribes upon the
river.

Sassacus must have felt, that the day of restitution and reparation was
indeed come upon him for all his ancient victories and spoils. Every people
in his neighborhood who had suffered, or expected to suffer, from his pride
or his power, now gladly witnessed the onset of a new enemy against him;
and large numbers availed themselves of the opportunity to do personal
service. Not less than five hundred Indians of various tribes accompanied
Mason in his march against the great Pequot fortress. Not a few of them,
without doubt, remembered old times as well as Miantonomo himself;
though they acted very differently in consequence.

These gallant allies were so eager to go against the Pequots, that

nothing but the van of the army could satisfy them for their own station.
"We hope," said they, (—or something, no doubt, to that purpose—)

"We hope it will offend not you nor yours

The chiefest post of honor should be ours."

Upon which

"Mason harangues them with high compliments

And to confirm them he to them consents.
Hold on, bold men, says he, as you've began;
I'm free and easy; you you shall take the van."

But,—("as we always by experience find,

Frost-bitten leaves will not abide the wind")

These formidable veterans had gone but a few miles, when every man
of them fell in the rear, and that unluckily to such a distance that not one
could be found. They were in the enemy's country, and the truth was, they
 "—Had so often, to their harm,
Felt the great power of Sassacus's arm,
That now again just to endure the same,
The dreadful sound of great Sassacus' name,
Seemed every moment to attack their ears,
And fill'd them with such heart-amazing fears,
That suddenly they run and seek to hide,
Swifter than leaves in the autumnal tide." [FN]

[FN] Wolcott's Account.

This was in the evening. As the English approached the fortress about
day-light, they halted at the foot of a large hill, and Mason sent word for his
allies "to come up." After a long time, Uncas and Wequash [FN] alone made
their appearance. "Where is the fort?" inquired Mason. "On the top of that
hill," answered they. "And where are the rest of the Indians?"—Uncas said,
"they were behind, exceedingly afraid;" and the most that Mason could
induce them to do, was to form a semi-circle at a particularly respectful
distance, for the purpose of witnessing the attack of the English upon the
enemy's fort, and waylaying such of the Pequots as might escape their
hands.

[FN] Vide "A Brief History of the Pequot War: Especially of the memorable
Taking of their Fort at Mystic in Connecticut in 1637, written by Major John Mason, a
Principal Actor therein, as the chief captain and commander of Connecticut Forces:
Boston: Printed and Sold by S. Kneeland and T. Green in Queen St. 1736." The
following is the motto of this tract.—"We have heard with our ears, God, . . . how
thou didst drive out the heathen with thy hand, and plantedst them; how thou didst
afflict the people and cast them out," &c.

The author of New England's First Fruits calls this man a famous captain, a proper
man of person, and of very grave and sober spirit. He became religious after the
Pequot war, lived sometime among the whites, and then preached to his countrymen
until his death, which was occasioned by a dose of poison wherewith some of them
repaid him for his labors. A Massachusetts clergyman says of him, in 1648: "He loved
Christ, he preached Christ up and down, and then suffered martyrdom for Christ; and
when he dyed, gave his soule to Christ, and his only child to the English, rejoycing in
this hope, that the child should know more of Christ than its poore father ever did."
 The resistance was manly and desperate, but the whole work of
destruction was completed in little more than an hour. The extent and
violence of the conflagration kindled by the assailants, the reflection of this
pyramid of flames upon the forest around, the flashing and roar of arms, the
shrieks and yellings of men, women and children within, and the shouts of
the allies without, exhibited one of the most awful scenes which the pens of
the early historians have described. Seventy wigwams were burnt, and five
or six hundred Pequots killed. Parent and child alike, the sanop and squaw,
the gray-haired man and the babe were buried in one promiscuous ruin.

It had been Mason's intention to fall upon both the principal forts of
the enemy at once; and finding it impossible, he says, "we were much
grieved, chiefly because the greatest and bloodiest sachem there resided,
whose name was Sassacus." The execution of this design would have saved
him much subsequent loss and labor. That great warrior was so little
discouraged by the horrible havoc already made among his subjects, that
immediately on receiving the intelligence he despatched, perhaps led on in
person, a reinforcement of three hundred warriors, who pursued the English
very closely for a distance of six miles, on their march towards Pequot
harbor.

But the reception which this body met with from the English, drove
them to desperation. The whole remaining force of the nation repaired to
the strong-hold of Sassacus, and vented all their complaints and grievances
upon his head. In their fury they even threatened to destroy him and his
family; and perhaps nothing but the entreaties of his chief counsellors, who
still adhered to him in his misfortunes, prevented his being massacred by
his own subjects in his own fort. A large number deserted him, as it was,
and took refuge among the Indians of New York. The fort was then
destroyed, and Sassacus himself, with seventy or eighty of his best men,
retreated towards the river Hudson.

To kill or capture him, was now the main object of the war; and the
Pequots were pursued westward, two captured sachems having had their
lives spared on condition of guiding the English in the surprisal of their
royal master. The enemy were at last overtaken, and a great battle took
place in a swamp in Fairfield, where nearly two hundred Pequots were
taken prisoners, besides killed and wounded. Seven hundred, it was
computed, had now been destroyed in the course of the war. As Mason
expresses himself, they were become "a prey to all Indians; and happy were
they that could bring in their heads to the English—of which there came
almost daily to Windsor or Hartford." So Winthrop writes late in the
summer of 1637-"The Indians about still send in many Pequots' heads and
hands from Long Island and other places." &c. [FN]

[FN] Journal, Vol. I.

But Sassacus was not destined to fall by the hands of the English,
although thirteen of his war-captains had already been slain, and he was
himself driven from swamp to swamp, by night and day, until life was
hardly worthy of an effort to preserve it. Even his own men were seeking
his life, to such extremities were they compelled by fear of the English. One
Pequot, whose liberty was granted him on condition of finding and
betraying Sassacus, finally succeeded in the search. He came up with him in
one of his solitary retreats; but finding his design suspected, and wanting
the courage necessary for attacking a warrior whom even his Narraghansett
enemies had described as "all one God," [FN] he left him in the night, and
returned to the English.

[FN] Mason's History.

The sachem was at last obliged to abandon his country. Taking with
him five hundred pounds of Wampum, and attended by several of his best
war-captains and bravest men, he sought a refuge among the Mohawks.
These savages wanted the magnanimity to shelter, or even spare, a
formidable rival, now brought within their power by his misfortunes. He
was surprised and slain by a party of them, and most of the faithful
companions who still followed his solitary wanderings, were partakers with
him of the same miserable fate. The scalp of Sassacus was sent to
Connecticut in the fall; and a lock of it soon after carried to Boston, "as a
rare sight," (says Trumbull,) and a sure demonstration of the death of a
mortal enemy.
 Thus perished the last great sachem of the Pequots; and thus was that
proud and warlike nation itself, with the exception of a small remnant,
swept from the face of the earth. The case requires but brief comment.
However this tribe and their chieftain might have been predisposed to treat
the English, and however they did treat their Indian neighbors, they
commenced their intercourse with the whites, ostensibly at least, in a
manner as friendly and honorable as it was independent. Previous to the
treaty, indeed, complaints had grown out of the murder of Stone; but the
English had no evidence at all in that case, while the evidence of the
Pequots was, according to their own acknowledgement, cogent if not
conclusive, in support of their innocence.

We may add, that it was confirmed by what is known incidentally of

the character of Stone. Governor Winthrop, speaking of his arrival at
Boston in June 1633, on board a small vessel loaded with "corn and salt,"
adds, that "the governor of Plymouth sent Captain Standish to prosecute
against him for piracy." The particulars of the accusation need not be stated,
for only a few months after this, we find the same person mentioned as
charged with another infamous crime; "and though it appeared he was in
drink, and no act to be proved, yet it was thought fit he should abide his
trial," &c. He was fined a hundred pounds, and expelled from the
Massachusetts jurisdiction.

As to the next proceeding recorded—the expedition of the English in

1635—we have only to remark, 1. That the demand of one thousand
fathoms of wampum, with no justifiable nor even alleged reason for it, was
an imposition and an insult. 2. The English should at least have taken time
to see Sassacus himself, his subjects having no more authority than
disposition to treat without him. 3. The English, with no apparent
provocation, not only insulted but assaulted the Pequots, merely to see if
they would "show fight;" and then burnt their towns and boats; not a hair of
their own heads being meanwhile injured, and Sassacus himself being still
absent.

With such inducement, the chieftain began a war of extermination; and

then indeed it became necessary that one of the two nations at issue should
be completely disabled. No, civilized reader entertains a doubt as to the
result which, under such an alternative, was most to be desired. But he may
nevertheless have his opinion, respecting the moral propriety as well as the
state policy of the measures which brought on that horrible necessity. Let
the whole truth, then, be exposed. If it shall be found, (as we believe it must
be,) that under the influence of strong and sincere though fatal excitement, a
rashness of the civilized party was the ultimate cause of the ruin of the
savage, let that injustice be acknowledged, though it should be with shame
and with tears. Let it be atoned for, as far as it may be.—in the only way
now possible—by the candid judgment of posterity and history, upon the
merits and the misfortunes of both.
 CHAPTER XIV.

The Pequot territory claimed by Uncas—His tribe, family, and early history—Services
in the Pequot expedition rewarded by the English—Effect of their favor—His contest
with Miantonomo, and result—Subsequent wars and quarrels with various tribes and
chiefs—Assistance rendered him by the English—Complaints brought against him to
them—His Christianity considered—His morality—Evidence of his fraud, falsehood,
violence, tyranny, ambition—His services, and those of his tribe to the English—
Manner in which he met the accusations made against him—Cunning and servility—
His treatment of neighboring sachems—Various negotiations with the English—His
death—Fate of his tribe.

On the conquest of the Pequots, the whole of their territory, about

thirty miles square, was claimed by the Mohegans. The best opinion is, that
this tribe was originally a part of the Pequot nation; and that their
subsequent name was derived from the place of their subsequent residence.
The first chief sachem of the Mohegans personally known to the English,
was Uncas, [FN] who was a Pequot by birth, and of the royal line, both by
his father and mother. His wife was a daughter of Tatobam, one of the
Pequot sachems. Probably he had been himself a war-captain under
Sassacus. But when the English began their settlements in Connecticut, he
was in a state of rebellion against him, in consequence of some
misunderstanding between them, for which either he had expatriated
himself; or Sassacus had expelled him from his dominions. At this time, his
influence was inconsiderable; but his great address and ambition soon made
him the leading Sagamore of the Mohegans, as they afterwards made that
tribe the leading one in Connecticut.—[See Appendix No. 1.]

[FN]
Onkos. Mason's Pequot Expedition.
Uncass. Wolcott.
 Okack. Roger Williams.
Onkus and Okoko. Winthrop.
Uncus, Unquas, Unkowah, &c. Hazard.

The English were more indebted to Uncas for his zealous services in
the Pequot war, than to all the other Indians together, though they at first
entertained doubts of his fidelity. Governor Wolcott says:

"'Twas here [at Hartford] that Uncass did the army meet,
With many stout Moheagans at his feet.
He to the general [Mason] goes, and doth declare,
He came for our assistance in the war.

"He was that Sagamore, whom great Sassacus' rage

Had hitherto kept under vassalage.
But weary of his great severity,
He now revolts and to the English fly.
With cheerful air our captain him embraces,
And him and his chief men with titles graces;
But over them preserved a jealous eye,
Lest all this might be done in treachery."

But he was soon convinced, that his supicions were unjust. The
Mohegans embarked with Mason's ninety men, on board a pink or pinnace
and a shallop, both which, the water being low in the river, fell aground
several times. The Indians disliked this new species of navigation, and
especially so much of it as pertained to the flats and sands; and Uncas was
still more impatient to recommend himself by an active commencement of
the war. He therefore requested, that he and his men might be set on shore,
promising to join Mason again at Saybrook. His request was granted; and
he not only redeemed his pledge, but, meeting a considerable party of
Pequots on the route, he attacked them with great spirit, and killed seven of
their number—"which," says Captain Mason, "we looked at as a special
Providence; for before we were somewhat doubtful of his fidelity."

This good opinion was daily confirmed by the Sachem's conversation

and conduct. "Indeed," our writer elsewhere adds, "he was a great friend
and did great service—I shall never forget him." At the commencement of
the campaign, the various Indians who engaged in it, were in high glee.
They gathered into a ring, and one by one made solemn protestations how
gallantly they would demean themselves, and how many men they would
kill. But Uncas said very little, until Mason inquired of him what he thought
these Indians would do. "Nothing," answered he, gravely; "The
Narraghansetts will leave you to a man. I can only say for myself that I
never will." And he never did. The Narraghansetts, who had vaunted
themselves on the example they should be obliged to set the English, to
encourage them in their attack upon the enemy, soon fell into the back
ground, and many of them returned home.

The English marched on through the woods by moonlight, until,

finding themselves altogether abandoned by these spirited allies, they
halted, and sent messengers to know what had become of them. At last,

"—After long waiting for the same,

Up trusty Uncass and stout Wequash came,
Of whom the general in strict terms demands,
Where stands the fort, and how their judgement stands
About the enterprise? and what's the cause
They left their post [the van] against all martial laws."

From the answer given to these questions, it would appear that,

however it might be with the Sachems, the Indians generally were in
horrible fear of the Pequots. The apology however was cogent; "when once
they were engaged," said they,

"—'tis hard to get

A dispensation from them to retreat,"

But no such reasoning influenced the resolution or the fidelity of

Uncas. Even after the great success which attended the assault, most of the
Indians deserted, or at least disappeared, in consequence of an apprehension
of falling in with the wandering Pequots. But Uncas remained steadfast. He
also did active service afterwards, against a band of the enemy who had
settled themselves at Pawcatuck, contrary to the terms of their submission
to the English; joining his friend Mason, on that occasion, with one hundred
of his men and twenty canoes.
 A small harbor in the southern part of the town of Guilford, (in
Connecticut) has to this day a name derived from one of his achievements.
He and his Mohegans, with a few of the English, having undertaken, when
the enemy fled westward, to scour the shores near the seas for the purpose
of cutting off stragglers, came up with a Pequot sachem and a few men, not
far from this harbor, and pursued them. As the south side of the harbor is
formed by a long narrow neck of land, the Pequots went out upon that
point, hoping that their pursuers would pass by them. But Uncas, perceiving
the stratagem, ordered some of his men to give chase, which the enemy
observing, swam over the mouth of the harbor. There they were waylaid,
and taken as they landed. A council being held, and the sachem sentenced to
death, Uncas himself is said to have shot him with an arrow, cut off his
head, and set it up in the crotch of a large oak-tree near the water. The skull
remained there many years, and the name of the Sachem's-Head has been
ever since attached to the harbor. [FN]

[FN] History of Guilford, Mass. His. Coll.

The remuneration to Uncas for the part which he took in this war, was
a portion of the Pequot territory, (which he afterwards sold to the English,)
and one hundred captives of that tribe; and this, with the honor of having
subdued his great Pequot rival, and the reputation of being upon the most
flattering and favorable terms of intercourse with the English, made him at
once a character of high dignity and of no little influence. Indians began to
collect around him from neighboring tribes, and he could now muster four
or five hundred warriors. The state of Connecticut treated with him, and
made him presents, and permitted him to exercise dominion and to give
deeds of territory, in all respects like an independent and sovereign
authority, while he enjoyed at the same time the benefit of their personal
patronage and the protection of his tribe from their enemies.

In July, 1638, Uncas visited in person the authorities of Massachusetts

at Boston—the only visit of mere ceremony which is recorded of him in
history. Ostensible ceremony, we should perhaps say; for considering the
time, the company, and especially the deportment on that occasion, there
can be little doubt that the Sachem had an object in view which lightened
the weariness of his long journey.
 He came attended by thirty-seven men, and accompanied by Governor
Haynes, whom he had called upon by the way. He offered the Governor of
Massachusetts a present of twenty fathoms of Wampum, which being in
open court, the Council thought fit to refuse it, "till he had given
satisfaction about the Pequods he kept," &c. [FN] Upon this he appeared
much dejected, and even affected to apprehend that his life was in danger.
But he was not long at a loss. Evidence was produced which counteracted
the main suspicions that rested upon him; and he promised to submit his
controversy with the Narraghansetts to English arbitration, and to follow
any arrangement they should make as to his Pequots.

[FN] Winthrop.

The present was now accepted, and about half an hour afterwards, he
went to the Governor, and addressed him in the following terms: "This
heart"—he said, laying his hand on his breast—"is not mine, but yours. I
have no men. They are all yours. Command me any hard thing—I will do it.
I will not believe any Indian's words against the English. If any man shall
kill an English man, I will put him to death were he never so dear to me."
The Governor gave him a handsome red coat, defrayed the expenses of his
visit, and furnished him with provisions for his return-journey, and a
general letter of protection—and so "he departed very Joyful."

This transaction throws some light upon what is far the most singular
point in the history of the cunning Sachem, viz: that he invariably
maintained at once the best terms with his civilized ally and the worst with
his Indian neighbors. The latter circumstance indeed naturally ensued from
the former; on account of which, as well as from other causes partially
explained heretofore, the inveterate hatred which had so long existed
between the Mohegans and the Narraghansetts, previous to their union with
the English or the suppression of the common enemy of all, broke out again
soon after the treaty of 1638, and continued from that time forward until the
proud Narraghansetts in their turn fell beneath the power of the English.
Ostensibly, (as we have seen in the life of Miantonomo,) the war was
brought on by the quarrel of Uncas with Sequassen, of whose outrage he
complained to the Governor and Court of the Colony. The high estimate he
set upon his own dignity appears from his demanding six of Sequassen's
men for the murder of his subject. With great difficulty he was finally
persuaded to accept of the offender alone. But Sequassen objected even to
these terms; for he would do nothing but fight. A contest ensued, and Uncas
was the victor.

His subsequent war with Miantonomo, and the proceedings which

ensued upon his triumph over that formidable chieftain, have been detailed.
From this period, so long as the Narraghansetts remained able to send an
army into the field, there was no rest for Uncas or his people, day nor night.
Truces and promises were negotiated and passed between the parties by the
English; but the power which imposed, or the influence which induced
these obligations was scarcely withdrawn, when the unextinguishable flame
blazed forth, the more furiously for its brief suspension. The Narraghansetts
repeatedly invaded the Mohegan country in the course of the year 1645,
assaulted Uncas in his own fort, killed and captured numbers of his men,
and finally so pressed him, that both Connecticut and New Haven were
obliged to send troops to his assistance, as Hartford had done before, to
prevent the enemy from completely subduing him and his country.

In 1648, the Mohawks, Pocomtocks, and other tribes were induced to

take part against him. Nine years afterwards, he was again beset in his
fortress, and again rescued by the Connecticut forces; and so late as 1660,
the same emergency led to the same measures. On that occasion, he was
besieged until his provisions were nearly exhausted, and he saw that,
without speedy relief, he and his men must soon perish by famine or sword.
In this crisis, he found means of communicating his danger to the scouts of
the English, who had been sent out from Saybrook fort. The case being
urgent, one Lefingwell, an ensign of the garrison, and a bold enterprising
man, loaded a canoe with beef, corn and pease, and paddled it under cover
of the night from Saybrook into the Thames river, where he had the address
to get the whole into the besieged fort, which stood near the water's edge.
The enemy soon ascertained that Uncas was relieved, and raised the siege.
The Sachem is said to have rewarded Lefingwell for his services by a deed
of the town of Norwich. [FN]

[FN] Trumbull.
 And not open and honorable arms, (as civilized foes would consider
them,) alone, were employed against Uncas. One of the Pequots, in 1643,
shot him through the arm, at the instigation, as was generally supposed, of
Miantonomo; and the war with that chieftain was brought on by similar
attempts on the part of Sequassen. The Narraghansett sachems hired an
Indian to assassinate him in 1649, and he succeeded so far as to give him a
wound in the breast with a sword, which for some time was thought mortal.
Sorcery and poison were also tried.

Attempts were meanwhile made to injure him in the estimation of the

English; his enemies believing, and with good reason, that the withdrawal
of their protection would be fatal to him. Sequassen, whose hatred was
inveterate, went so far, in 1646, as to form a plan for murdering Governor
Haynes and other of the principal inhabitants of Hartford, with the view of
having the crime charged upon Uncas. Watohibrough, a Waranoke Indian
was engaged to do the business; and he and Sequassen, after leaving matters
in a proper train, were to take refuge among the Mohawks. The price of
blood was already paid in girdles of Wampum; but Watohibrough wanted
courage to perform what avarice only had led him to undertake. Having
altered his mind thus far, he soon bethought himself that the English had
given rewards to those who discovered a similar conspiracy on a former
occasion; and concluding they would do so again, he went to Hartford, and
disclosed every thing he knew. Messengers were immediately sent to
demand the attendance of Sequassen, for the purpose of clearing himself
from the charge; but he thought it more politic to avoid the messengers, and
so escaped unpunished.

The English authorities invariably took cognizance of all these and

similar proceedings; and no doubt, but for their interference, and the
expectation of it, many more of the same nature would have taken place,
and might finally have succeeded. Thus it was the extraordinary good
fortune of Uncas to be a favorite with his early allies, from first to last. He
complained of no grievance in vain; and as a natural consequence, he
uniformly complained upon good occasion, as well as frequently upon bad
or none. The Mohansick Sachem, of Long-Island, committed trespasses on
his men and forthwith "hee desires the commissioners that hee may be
righted therein;" and four persons are immediately appointed to examine the
Mohansick Sachem, "and if proof bee cleare to labor to convince him
thereof, require satisfaccon, and in case of reasonable complyance endeauor
a Composure thereof; but if no satisfaccon will bee giuen for Iniuries,
proceed then to lett him know they give the English just cause of offence,
and will bring trouble vpon themselues."

[FN] Records of the Colonies: 1649.

The possibility of his giving false testimony against his enemies and
rivals, seems scarcely to have entered the Commissioners' minds. Upon
rumors of fresh assaults by the Narraghansetts upon the Long-Islanders, in
1653, they sent messengers to the former, requiring their attendance at
Boston, for the purpose of compromising the quarrel. These messengers
were further instructed to notify, not only to the Long-Islanders, but to
Uncas, that if they or any of them find any thing "to enforme charge or
propound either in the foremencioned or any other," they were to send
witnesses accordingly—"and by Thomas Staunton or otherwise you are to
giue notice to Captaine Mason, Vncus &c. that there may bee noe fayling
for want of Witnesse or Euidence." It is not wonderful, that Ninigret asked
the messengers, on this occasion, after being told of their errand—"Why
doe the English slight mee, and respect the Longe-Islanders and the
Mohegins, seeing all around mee do love mee and are my frinds?" [FN]

[FN] Ibid for 1653.

In 1654, great complaints were made against Uncas himself. On that

occasion, the same messenger sent to the Mohegan sachem was sent also to
Ninigret; but although the former was the accused party, it will be observed,
that a peculiar provision was made to accommodate him, while the only one
made in relation to Ninigret's visit was, that "hee may not bring with him
aboue twenty or thirty men; nor may Newcome, or as the Indians call him,
Mattackist, come with him whoe last yeare gaue offence att Boston." It is
clear, that the plaintiff in this suit was no favorite; and it is further
remarkable, that the messenger was directed to take the present occasion of
reminding him of his old debts and defaults, and (as if to prevent his
appearance) requiring satisfaction to be given at the time of his visit. The
following are the messengers instructions:

"You are to informe both Vncus and his brother Woweque that the
Commissioners haue receiued information of some purpose of theires to
invade the Narraghansetts or Ninnigrett; they haue alsoe heard of some
differences lately groune twixt Vncus and his brother and betwixt them and
theire men. They are not willing to receive reports without due enquiry;
they haue therefore sent for Ninnigrett, the better to secure the longe-Island
Indians, and to heare what hee hath to allege against the Mohegens, and
compose all other differences. The Commissioners therfore desire and
expect that both Vncus and his brother doe forthwith Come to hartford, &c.
You are alsoe to informe both Vncus and his brother [FN] and theire men,
that the English doe oune Vncus so longs as hee carrieth himselfe well, and
shall bee loth hee suffer wrong." &c.

[FN] Woweque, a very troublesome fellow, elsewhere noticed under some ten or
fifteen other names.

Next follow the "Instruccons for John Gilbert and John Baily whoe
were sent to continue att Vncus his fortt during his absence.

"You shall Repaire to Mohegen, and acquaint Vncus and all other
Indians that you are to reside att his fortt by the Commisioners of all the
Collonies, to the Intent that Vncus and all others may know the realitie of
the English to continew his frinds whiles hee coutinueth faithfull to the
English; and because the Commissioners have now sent for Vncus to speak
with him concerning some affaires of concernment relating to himselfe
Ninnigret and Woweque, and being Informed some sturrs may arise in his
absence to his prejudice you shall vse youer Indeauors to keep all things
quiett and informe the Indians that such attempts wil bee offenciue to the
English." &c.

No fears seem to have been entertained, that "sturrs" would arise in the
Niantick country during Ninigret's absence, although the message itself was
founded upon the rumor of an attack to be made upon him by the other
party. So, when Captain Mason had been commissioned to march against
Ninigret with an armed force, on a former occasion, he was ordered "to
advise particularly that Vncus Fort be secured when any strength is sent
forth against the enemie, lest hee and wee recieue more damage by some
Indian stratageme than the enemie." A multitude of other decisions and
directions might be cited to the same purpose.

Uncas was in less favor with the English towards the latter part of his
life than formerly, for reasons which will soon be mentioned. He did not
however come to an open rupture with them at any time; and his subjects,
though frequently insolent, were never hostile. On the contrary, they
assisted their ally on many occasions, the Commissioners never hesitating
to notify them when their services would be acceptable, and they never
hesitating to attend a summons. For this zeal, directed as it invariably was
against their Indian neighbors, and generally their old enemies, it would be
easy to suggest more reasons than one. They thought themselves fortunate
in these secure and sanctioned opportunities of revenge and plunder, even
had they not also been richly repaid by the protection of the English,
reciprocated to them in all emergencies of their own. Their last services
during the life of Uncas were during Philip's war, when a party of them was
commanded by Onecho, a son of Uncas, and by other sachems. The father
was then too old a man to endure much more labor and weariness.

It has been stated, that Uncas was at least convinced of the truth of
Christianity, and that he died in the faith; but we fear this information can
hardly be relied upon. The only proof of it we have seen is derived from the
following anecdote.

In the summer of 1676, a great drought prevailed throughout New

England, which was extremely severe in the Mohegan country. The corn
was dried up in August, and the fruit and leaves fell from the trees, as in
autumn. The Indians were alarmed, but knew not what to do. According to
custom, they applied to their Powahs to intercede with the Great Spirit for
rain, after their manner; but these men labored to no purpose. They then
went to the English settlement at Norwich, and Uncas went with them. He
told Mr. Fitch, the clergyman at that place, that it was a hard case with them
—the Powahs could do them no service—they must apply to the English
God. Mr. Fitch appointed a fast-day at these and other suggestions. The
weather on that occasion proved to be clear; but about sunset, at the close of
the religious services, some clouds arose. The next day also was cloudy.
Uncas now went to the house of Mr. Fitch, with many Indians, and again
lamented the great want of rain. "If God shall send it," said Mr. Fitch, "will
you not attribute it to your Powahs?" "No," answered the sachem; "we have
done our utmost, but all in vain." The clergyman then told him, that if he
would make this declaration before the Indians, they should see what God
would do for them. Uncas then made a speech to the Indians, confessing
with particular emphasis, that if God should grant this favor, it could not be
in consequence of their powowing, but must be ascribed to the clergyman's
prayers. Of the sequel we only know, that upon the day following there was
so copious a rain that the river rose more than two feet.

This testimony proves but little. On the other hand, Mr. Fitch himself
in a letter cited by Gookin gives a very clear opinion as follows:

"—Since God hath called me to labor in this work among the Indians
nearer to me, the first of my time was spent among them at Moheek, where
Unkas, and his son, and Wanuho are sachems. These at first carried it
teachably and tractably; until at length the sachems did discern that religion
would not consist with a mere receiving, and that practical religion will
throw down their heathenish idols, and the sachems' tyrannical authority.
Discerning this, they did not only go away, but drew off their people, and
would not suffer them to give so much as an outward attendance to the
ministry of the word of God. . . . At this time Unkas and his sons seem as if
they would come on again. But it is no other but in envy against these [the
converts] and to promote some present self-design."

When Mr. Gookin, with the Apostle Elliot, visited the towns of the
Massachusetts Praying Indians, in 1674, he says, that on one occasion, a
large part of the night was spent at Sagamore's wigwam, in company with
the principal Indians then at the settlement, in prayer, singing psalms and
exhortation. There was one person present, who sat mute during all these
exercises. At length he arose and said, that he was an agent for Uncas, the
Mohegan sachem, and that in his name he challenged a right to, and
dominion over this people of Wabquissit. [FN] "Uncas is not well pleased,"
added he, "that the English should pass over Mohegan river, to call his
Indians to pray to God." Mr. Gookin replied, that Wabquissit was within the
Massachusetts jurisdiction, and that no harm need be feared at all events;
the English only wished to bring the Indians to the knowledge of Christ,
and to suppress among them the sins of drunkenness, idolatry, powowing,
witchcraft, murder, and the like.

[FN] The South-East corner of Woodstock, and still called Wabequasset. It was in
truth, as it still is, part of Connecticut, though claimed by Massachusetts, as well as by
Uncas.

This was plainly a lecture meant for the benefit of Uncas himself, and
his agent was specially requested to inform him of the answer made to his
protest. In another connexion, we find Mr. Gookin's opinion expressed to
the same effect, without the same circumlocution. "I am apt to fear," is his
language, [FN] "that a great obstruction unto his [Mr. Fitch's] labors, is in
the sachem of those Indians, whose name is Unkas; an old wicked and
wilful man; a drunkard, and otherwise very vicious; who hath always been
an opposer and underminer of praying to God—some hints whereof I have
given in the narrative of my journey to Wabquissit, before mentioned." The
Sachem once took the trouble to visit Hartford for the express purpose of
complaining to the Colonial authorities of the attempts made to convert his
subjects to Christianity.

[FN] His. Coll. Chapter X.

His piety, then, will hardly bear rigid examination. Whether his
morality was quite so objectionable as Mr. Gookin supposed, or whether
that good man was unduly prejudiced against him for his opposition to the
ministry, may not be easily decided. There is but too much reason for
believing, however, that there was great truth in most of the charges, and a
most pertinent application for the lecture referred to above. The United
Commissioners themselves seem to pay but a sorry compliment to his
previous habits when, so late as 1672, they directed a letter to be written to
him, "to incurrage him to attende on the Minnestrey."
 What is more to the purpose, we find a complaint entered against him
before them, in 1647, by one of his Pequot subjects, named Obechiquod.
The grievance was, that Uncas had taken possession of and detained the
man's wife; and though Foxon, the deputy of the Mohegan sachem,
ingeniously argued, that this accident had happened only in consequence of
Obechiquod's having unlawfully withdrawn from the jurisdiction of Uncas,
and left his wife behind him, to be of course appropriated, according to
Indian law, by any other person who desired such a connexion; yet even the
Commissioners felt themselves obliged, upon a hearing of the whole case,
to express their abhorrence "of that lustfull adulterous carriage of Vncus."
He was adjudged to restore the complainant's wife, and allow the husband
to live where he chose, on condition of his assisting Uncas in his wars
whenever the English desired. He was discharged from another accusation
of the same nature made by Sanops, a Connecticut Indian, at the same time
—the evidence not being sufficient to convict him.

The proofs of fraud and falsehood are still more abundant.

Miantonomo hesitated not to accuse him of foul play, even in the Pequot
war; and the account given by Roger Williams of the reports which he
rendered in to the English authorities, of the Pequot captives who fell into
his hands, goes very far to establish the charge. Six, whom he had taken at
one time, he represented to be Mohegans, although an Indian who gave
information of the fact to Mr. Williams, knew them as Pequots personally,
and perfectly well, and mentioned the names of all.

His conduct at the Hartford conference in 1637, has already been the
subject of comment. Some time after Miantonomo's arrival, who had been
delayed by his machinations, he sent in messengers to the court that he was
lame, and could not visit them. Governor Haynes observed, that this was a
lame excuse, at best, and immediately despatched a cogent request for him
to attend without fail or delay. He came at length, and the Governor then
accused him of the flagrant outrages which he and his subjects had
committed on the Narraghansetts. Some altercation ensued between the
rival chieftains, but, by the persuasion of the English, they were finally
induced to shake hands. Miantonomo then cordially invited Uncas to sup
with him, his men having just killed some venison; but he would not
consent. The sachems were now called upon to make returns of their Pequot
prisoners. Miantonomo made his promptly, and no fault was found. "Okace
[Uncas] was desired to give in the names of his. He answered, that he knew
not their names. He said there were forty on Long-Island; and that Juanemo
[alias Janemoh] and three Nayantaquit Sachims had Pequts, and that he
himself had but twenty. Thomas Stanton [Interpreter] told him and the
magistrates, that he dealt very falsely; and it was affirmed by others, that he
fetched thirty or forty from Long-Island at one time. Then he acknowledged
that he had thirty, but the names he could not give. It pleased the
magistrates to request me to send to Nayantaquit, that the names of the
Pequts might be sent to Cunnihticut; as also to give Okace ten days to bring
in the number and names of his Pequts and their runaways, Mr. Haynes
threatening also (in case of failing) to fetch them." [FN] This transaction
speaks clearly enough for itself.

[FN] Letters of Williams in Mass. His. Coll. Third Series.

The sachem's treatment of the Pequots surrendered to him on this

occasion, does him little more credit. In 1647, ten years after the conquest,
these unfortunate people sent in a complaint to the commissioners, in which
they stated that Uncas had drawn Wampum from them unjustly, on all
manner of pretexts, and without any pretext. When his child had died, for
example, he made, or pretended to make, a present to his wife, and ordered
the Pequots to do the same. Frightened by his threats, they collected one
hundred fathoms of Wampum, and gave it as directed. Uncas appeared to be
pleased, and promised to treat them from that time forward as his own
ancient subjects. But only a few days afterwards, his brother (Woweque)
came and told them, that Uncas and his Council had determined to kill
some of them. They now thought it necessary to appeal to the English
protection, and they set about collecting a quantity of wampum to be sent in
to Connecticut with that view. Uncas received a hint of their movements;
and the next morning he came to the fort where they were, with a body of
warriors, armed, and apparently bent upon killing some of their number.
They however escaped safe to Connecticut. It was farther alleged, that they
had given Uncas Wampum forty times. Twenty-five times they had sent it
by him to the English, in payment of tribute; but they knew not that any part
of it was delivered.—Also, that Uncas favored the Mohegans to their
prejudice. If they won anything of one of them in play, it could never be
collected.—Also, that he had cut all their fishing nets for not aiding him—
as they were not bound to do in certain of his forays against the Indians of
Long Island.

The reply of Foxon to these charges—no doubt by instruction from his

master—is full of his usual ingenuity. 1. As to the Wampum—"he belieueth
the Pequats haue for tribute and vpon other occasions at sundry times paid
wampam to Vncus, but denyeth that they in particular had giuen him any
for the English; but the Moyhegens and they had sometimes joyned
togeither to giue in wampam, which had been sent as a presente twice into
the Mattachusets, and sometimes to Mr. Haynes at Hartford, but he thinckes
the nomber of twenty-fiue times to be altogeither false.

"2. He concieues that the Pequats being an vnder people might haue
some wrong from the Mohegens in play and durst not presse for their right,
but denyeth that Vncus had any hand therein.

"3. He acknowledgeth that the Pequats did bring in 100 fathome of

wampam at the death of Vncus child, and were promised favoure as is
expressed, but the latter was only a treacherous plott of Vncus brother
perswading the Pequats to withdraw from Vncus into theire oune Country,
and there he would come vnto them, and to prouoke them thereunto he
tould them (though falsly) that Vncus had determined to kill some of them.

"4. Though Vncus at first apprehended noe inconvenience in such a

present to the English, yet being after, informed it was a plott on a fruit of
crooked counsell giuen them by Tassaquanott, Sassacus his brother, who
had suggested vnto them that most of the cheife Sachems were cutt off,
Vncus to them but a stranger, why should they serue or giue wampam to
him herewith Vncus was justly offended.

"5. He had heard some of the Mohegans tooke fish from them, but
knoweth not that hee cutt theire netts, though he cannot deny it."

The Commissioners decreed, that the Pequots should return to the

dominion of Uncas, who should receive them without charge or revenge for
the manner in which they deserted; and on the other hand that he should
himself be reproved for his tyranny, and seriously informed, that the
English would not support him "in any unlawful, much less treacherous and
outrageous courses."

Unquestionably, this "brother" of Uncas was quite as troublesome to

himself as he was to the white people. Mr. Winthrop complained at this very
meeting, that he has fallen upon the Nopnet Indians entirely without
provocation, with one hundred and thirty Mohegans, and carried off
wampum, copper kettles, great hempen baskets, bear-skins, deer-skins and
many other things to a great value. These facts were admitted by Foxon,
who also asserted that Uncas had no part either in the assault or the spoil, he
being at New Haven when the affair happened. Other complaints being
brought forward and proved, the Commissioners directed that Uncas should
either disown his brother entirely, or else regulate him in a more suitable
manner for the future. This was correct. It is clear that he either instigated
these flagrant outrages, or at least connived at them by sufferance. He was
able to prevent them as far as he thought proper.

It would be tedious, though not wholly without matter of amusement,

to detail at large all the accusations brought against the Mohegan Sachem
by various complainants at various times. Massachusetts and Connecticut
arraigned him. The English settlements nearest to him accused him of
insolence and violent assaults. The Mohawks quarrelled with his tribe. The
Narraghansetts and Nianticks charged him repeatedly with inroads and
insults upon them. Necwash Cooke, a Pequot under English protection,
complained of being plundered with open force. Sanops, an Indian
mentioned heretofore, was robbed of his corn and beans, (perhaps hardly
less valuable to him than his wife.) Mr. Winthrop stated, in behalf of a Long
Island Sachem, that he had sent sixty fathoms of Wampum to the Governor
of Massachusetts by Uncas; and though he made the bearer himself a
present of twenty at the same time, he had embezzled the whole.

Again, one Apumps "complained against Vncus, that about sixe

weekes since hee tooke sixe of his people at Quinnapauge, killed one, and
wounded another."

"Pomham [a Massachusetts Sachem] appearing before the

Commissioners [at the same meeting] said that about a month agone Vncus
or some of his men killed a man and two wemen at Cawesett, the one of
them belonging to himselfe, the other vnto Tupayamen, both without
provocation."

"Wee desire the English Sachims"—wrote the Pocomptocks in answer

to an English message of inquiry—"not to perswade vs to a peace with
Vncus; for though hee promiseth much yett will hee performe nothinge. We
have experience of his falcenes" &c.

In 1656, he, or his brother, invaded the Norwootucks; and he even

joined arms with Ninigret against a Sachem of Long Island. About two
years before this, he had taken occasion to push his conquests beyond the
river Connecticut by quarrelling and then fighting with Arrhamamet,
Sachem of Mussauco (now Simsbury, near Hartford.) He sent one of his
warriors to take and burn a Wigwam in the outskirts of the village, killing a
few of the inhabitants, and then leaving marks of the Mohawks. His orders
were executed, and the stratagem took effect. Arrhamamet ascribed the
mischief to the Mohawks, and, burning with resentment, fitted out a war-
party, and went in pursuit of them to the Northwest. Uncas thus gained time
to equip his men, and fall upon the enemy's town in his absence.
Arrhamamet was subjugated and his tribe, the Podunks, were ever
afterwards tributary to Uncas.

The season before this, Meeksaw [probably Mexham] a Narraghansett

Sachem, complained that Uncas had killed one of his men, and also that he
had "afronted him by abusiuely naming and jeering his dead ancestors, and
sending him a challenge this summer to fight." The Commissioners inquired
of Foxon the truth of the charge, "and hee not giuing a satisfactory answare,
they tooke the matter into consideration." &c. Soon afterwards the same
person complained "of a gun taken from a Narraghansett Indian by Vncus
his son, which some of Vncus his men acknowlidged to bee true." The
commissioners' judgment in this case was, substantially, that although
Mexham had not sufficient proof, yet, knowing that Uncas out of his pride
and folly was apt to insult people, they would send him a suitable
reprimand. In some other cases, they went so far as to adjudge, and perhaps
enforce restitution.

Not to examine the records farther, it is only necessary to observe, that

though all these accusations were not strictly correct, many of them, and
many others, were proved; and perhaps a tithe of the truth never appeared
after all. Some of the sufferers were too proud to complain. Others had no
evidence to offer but their own. Many supposed it impracticable to obtain a
fair hearing or decision of the Commissioners, against a chieftain regarded
as their ward; and many more were too much irritated not to right
themselves in a more customary and summary manner upon the spot.

The secret source of this extraordinary series of wars, forays,

challenges, robberies and adulteries, like that of the Sachem's inveterate
opposition to Christianity, was in his lawless appetites and passions; but
especially an inordinate and uncontrolled ambition. It might be with justice
that Miantonomo was accused of a design to make himself Universal
Sagamore—as the phrase, was—of New England. But the Narraghansett
took no measures for the attainment of his object which were in his own
view either mean or malicious. He neither kept back part of the captives,
nor embezzled the tribute which they deposited in his hands, nor plundered
his neighbors in time of peace, nor unduly availed himself of foreign
assistance for the annihilation of his rivals. He sent a few of his men, it is
true, to aid in the Pequot expedition—or rather did not, perhaps could not,
prevent them from going—but these were only two hundred, out of two
thousand; and he neither headed them himself, like Uncas, nor even
engaged personally at all in the contest. Indeed, he at most only continued,
on this occasion, the hostilities which had existed between the two nations
for a long series of years; and all historians admit, that he was very near
joining Sassacus at one time against the English themselves. Uncas, on the
other hand, made the most of the opportunity, to revenge himself upon
Sassacus, and to exalt his reputation and power upon the wreck of the
Pequots.

Miantonomo became in his turn a victim to the same over-reaching

spirit. He began the war, indeed—or rather the campaign—and Uncas, on
the other hand, was encouraged in his course by his allies;—but a
magnanimous soul would never have permitted either circumstance to
affect the treatment of a sovereign like himself, who had fallen into his
hands by the chances of battle.
 Ninigret next became the grand object of his scrutiny. He went forward
as often as practicable to prejudice the character of that chieftain in the eyes
of the English, as well as to reduce his resources by direct attacks. No man
was so zealous as he in furnishing evidence—such as it was—to convict
him of a conspiracy with the Dutch against the colonies; and though he is
understood to have been ostensibly at peace with him at that period, he
carried his interference to such a length as to lay wait and intercept a
Niantick canoe which, as he pretended to suspect, was laden with certain
palpable evidences of the hostile coalition. So we find him falling upon
Mexham, Necwash Cooke, Woosamequin, and last of all, King Philip. No
doubt, he had sagacity enough to perceive, that such a course must prove
unfavorable, if not fatal to his race; but patriotism, honor, friendship,
generosity, truth, every nobler feeling of his nature was merged in a
barbarous, ferocious ambition.

There is a curious illustration of this weakness upon record:—"Vncus

complained that Sequasson som yeares sence as is well knoune began
hostile actes vpon him to the desturbance of the publicke peace. Whervpon
hee was ocationed to fight and in the Issue ouercame him and conquared his
Country, which though hee gaue to the English and did not oppose the fauor
they were pleased to shew him in sparing his life, yet hee cannot but look
on himselfe as wronged, in that Sequaason, as hee is informed, is set up and
endeauoured to bee made a great Sachem, notwithstanding hee hath refused
to pay an acknoulidgment of wampam to him according to engagements."

Of this acknowledgement, no proof appears but the Sachem's own

assertion; and whether true or not, no real cause of complaint can be
gathered from the whole context. The Commissioners, with their usual
complaisance, "disclaimed any Endeauors of theirs to make Sequasson
great, and are ignorant of what hee afeirmes concerning the other
[acknowledgement] yet recommended it to the Gouernment of Conectncot
to examine the case, and to provide vpon due proofe Vcus may be owned in
what may be just and equall, and Mr. Ludlow was entreated to promote the
same." This passage will be found in the Records for 1651. No subsequent
mention is made of the suit.
 It might be a subject of some speculation, what were the causes of the
extraordinary partiality of the English for Uncas; and especially what were
the means whereby he counteracted the strong current of reproach which set
against him from all other quarters. Different opinions have been
entertained upon this point. We suppose, however, the Commissioners
considered it good policy, to select some one among the principal
uncivilized and unsubjected Indian chiefs, to be made a channel of
intercourse and influence with and over all. This one would naturally be the
most ambitious, and at the same time least scrupulous of the number. Such
was Uncas; and hence it was, that with his shrewdness, he found no
difficulty in maintaining a tolerably good understanding with them under all
circumstances. The "proud Ninigret" disdained the English interference.
Massasoit protected rather than courted them. Sassacus fought them at the
first provocation. Philip hated them and kept aloof; and Miantonomo,
though he met them and treated them as friends, yet forgot not a soul of his
own, more sovereign than his royal blood. But Uncas was neither more nor
less than their humble servant. He fought for them, and gave evidence for
them, with about the same alacrity, and the same indifference as to subject
or occasion, antagonist or defendant.

Whenever complaints were made against himself; he of course had

resources for defence. There was something in the testimony he could
generally bring forward in his favor; and still more in the ingenuity of his
explanations, or the humility of his acknowledgements and apologies. Other
Sachems, irritated by suspicion and accusation, frequently committed
themselves in reality by rash speeches and rude acts. But Uncas never lost
sight of his interest in his pride.

The pliability of Indian evidence, and the manœuvres of Indian

politicians, appear singularly in the case of Necwash Cooke. Uncas was at
New Haven, attending a meeting of the Commissioners, in 1646, when one
William Morton came forward, and charged him with having hired
Wampushet, a Pequot Powah then present, "by himselfe or some other with
a hatchet to wounde another Indian and lay it vpon Neckwash Cooke." The
consideration for the bargain was said to be fifteen fathoms of Wampum,
and the Indian was assaulted according to the terms. After some inquiry into
the evidence, Wampushet himself was brought upon the stand, and
questioned by the English interpreter. Much to the astonishment of Mr.
Morton, and of the Pequots who came into court with him, he cleared Uncas
and cast the plot upon Cooke himself, and Robin, Mr. Winthrop's Indian;
and though the other two Pequots, whereof one was Robin's brother, were
much offended, "and after [afterwards] said Uncas had hired him to
withdrawe and after his chardge, yet hee persisted and said Necwash Cooke
and Robin had giuen him a payre of breeches and promised him twenty-five
fathome of wampam to cast the plott vpon Uncas."

As to the main allegation in Cooke's case, which was proved, the

Sachem acknowledged some miscarriages or misdemeanors in vindicating
what he called his right, so near the English plantations,—but alleged
provocation. Then follows the sentence.

1. That it was an error to quarrel with Cooke to the public disturbance,

without consent of the English.

2. That to do it near an English plantation was worse still; and the

Commissioners required him to acknowledge his fault to that plantation, (as
he did to themselves) and by promise to secure them from any such
disturbance or the future.

For Uncas it was an easy matter to make such satisfaction. But as if it

was thought too harsh by those who decreed it, they took occasion at the
same time to sweeten the dispensation with promises of protection and
professions of respect. After all, so strong was the additional testimony
advanced against him on the same matters, at the next session, that they
were induced to modify their decision as follows:—"All which being duly
considered the insolency and outrage of Vncus and his men appeared much
more heinous than the complaints at Newhaven the last yeere imported. The
Commissioners (having the last yeere ordered that Vncus should
acknowledge his fault to the English plantation, which they heare he
performed in Captain Mason's presence) thought fitt now to add that vpon
the return of the Pequots to his subjection Vncus foorthwith pay into the
hands of Mr. Jo. Winthrop, to be by him divided to the English and ould
Pequots and other innocent Indians, towards the repaire of theire losses in
proportion as he shall finde cause, one hundred fathome of wampam."
 We conclude these expositions with a literal copy from Hazard, of one
of the last formal messages of complaint sent by the Commissioners to
Uncas, together with his answer. The date is 1661:

"Vncus

"We have Receiued Information and Complaint from the Generall

Court of Massachusetts of youer hostile Invading of Wosamequin and the
Indians of Quabakutt whoe are and longe haue bine Subjects to the English
killing some and Carrying away others captiues spoyling theire goods to the
vallue of 33 lb. as they alledge, and all this contrary to youer couenant and
promise to the Comissioners seuerall times Renewed, not to make warr
against any of our Tributaries without the allowance of the Comissioners
wee alsoe vnderstand that the Generall Court of Massachusetts whose
subjects the said Indians are, haue formerly signified theire offence vnto
you Requiring the Returne of youer Captiues and Satisfaction for the
wronge you haue done to which you haue not returned any answare which
seemes to bee an Insolent and proud carriage of youers wee cannot but
wonder att it and must beare witnes against it and doe heerby will and
require you forthwith to returne the said Captiues with due Satisfaction for
other wrongs done them or to make out sufficient grounds and Reesons for
youer Invading the said Indians the which you are speedily to send to the
Governor of the Massachusetts and if it appeer they haue done you any
wronge vpon due proofe wee shall take care that they may make you
satisfaction if you shall neglect to obserue our order and Injunction herein
contained; wee must leaue the Massachusetts to Right themselues as
formerly signifyed vnto you; in which case wee must oune and if need bee
assist our Confederates;

"The Comisioners of the Vnited Collonies;

(Signed)

"Samuel Willis Thomas Prence President

Plymouth the 13th. William Leete Simon Bradstreet
of September 1661. Benjamin Fen Daniel Denison
Thomas Southworth."
 Then follows the answer given in on behalf of Uncas by Major Mason.
As nothing more is heard of the affair, it may be presumed that the reasons
alleged were considered sufficient.

"Whereas there was a warrant sent from the Court of Boston dated, in
May last to Vncus wherein it was declared upon the Complaint of
Wesamequen that the said, Vncus had offered a great violence to theire
Subjects at quabauk killing some and taking others captiue; which warrant
came not to Vncus aboue 20 daies before these presents whoe being
summoned by Major John Mason in the full scope of the said warrant
wherin hee was chardged if hee did not Returne the Captiues and thirty-
three pounds damage then the Massachusetts would Recouer it by force of
armes which to him was very grieuous; professing hee was altogether
ignorant they were subjects belonging to the Massachusetts and further said
they were none of Wesamequen's men but belonging to Onopequin his
deadly enemie whoe was there borne; one of the men then taken was his
oune Cousin, who had formerly fought against him in his oune person; and
yett sett him at libertie and further saith that all the Captiues were sent
home alsoe that Wesamequin's son and diuers of his men had fought against
him diuers times this hee desired might bee returned as his answare to the
Commissioners."

Concessions of this nature it was—which no other Indian Sachem of

equal power ever submitted to—that went farther than anything else to keep
Uncas secure in the English favor. His actual services, which were
considerable, have been alluded to. His tribe were an out-guard for the
settlements in Connecticut. After selling the town of Norwich, that place
being first colonized in a period of general excitement and hostility among
the tribes, the Mohegans kept out spies and runners to give the inhabitants
intelligence of their enemies' movements, and were a continual defence
against them. In times of greater danger, they often moved, and pitched
their wigwams near the town. On one occasion, a hostile party of savages
approached the outskirts, on the sabbath, with a design to make a descent
upon the village; but viewing it from an eminence, and seeing the Mohegan
huts, they were intimidated, and retreated without doing the least damage.
 The sale just mentioned was but one of a large number with which
Uncas was always ready to oblige his civilized friends; and which
constituted another claim to their good will. In 1648, on receiving presents
to his satisfaction, he conveyed to the Governor and Magistrates of the
English on Connecticut river all his lands, called by whatever name,
reserving only the ground then planted by him for himself and his tribe. In
1641, he granted to Henry Whitefield and others, certain lands near
Guilford, in consideration of four coats, two kettles, four fathoms of
wampum, four hatchets, and three hoes. In 1659, he granted all his lands,
with all his corn, to his old comrade and friend, Major John Mason, who the
next year surrendered it to the Colony of Connecticut. Trumbull says, that
the individual towns in this great tract were very generally purchased, either
of him or his successors, a second or third time.

It is remarkable, that a very late mention made of Uncas in history,

casts an imputation upon his friendship for the English. "It is suggested by
them who know him best"—says Hubbard in his Narrative—"that in his
heart he is no better affected to the English, or their religion, than the rest of
his countrymen, and that it hath been his own advantage hath led him to be
this time." &c. This was written in 1667. Only two years previous, at the
commencement of Philip's war it was reported to governor Winslow of
Plymouth, that the Mohegan Sachem had sent twenty men to join his
Pokanoket brother, with a message that if Philip would send him six
English heads, all the Indians in his territories would go for him. [FN-1]
Uncas is last heard of in 1680, when he must have been a very old man,
though still likely, we are told, to survive all his enemies. [FN-2]

[FN-1] Sixth Vol. Mass. Coll. First Series.

[FN-2] Hubbard's General History.

The best comment on the Sachem's husbandry of his own interest is

perhaps, after all, in the fact that a remnant of his tribe exists to this day (on
a reservation of about three thousand acres of land,) in the neighborhood of
Norwich; and are the only natives yet lingering within the limits of the
state. The last sachem of the tribe was Isaiah Uncas, once a pupil in the
famous school of Dr. Wheelock, at Lebanon. The following epitaph, copied
by President Stiles from a grave-stone in the old Indian burial-ground at
Mohegan, indicates the end of the genealogy:

Here lies the body of Sunseeto,

Own son to Uncas, grandson to Oneko,
Who were the famous sachems of Moheagan;
But now they are all dead, I think it is Weeheegen. [FN]

[FN] The Mohegan term for All is well or Good-news. Oneko, or Oneoho, is the same
who commanded in Philip's war.
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