Module 8 (3 hours) 

 
Topic: The Cavite Mutiny
 
Introduction
  
Apart from Rizal, three of the most well-known Filipino martyrs during the
Spanish Regime were Jose Burgos, Mariano Gomez, and Jacinto Zamora. Their
deaths ignited the development of Philippine nationalism in a way that most Filipinos
didn't realize. In this topic, students will criticize the different perspectives concerning
the real story behind the Cavite Mutiny controversy. This discussion will prove
whether the issue at hand is just a mere mutiny or a conspiracy that would lead to a
large-scale revolution. 
 
Learning Outcomes
 
 At the end of this topic, you are expected to:

1. To appreciate the essence of the Cavite Mutiny and the Martyrdom of the
GOM-BUR-ZA in shaping Philippine Nationalism,
2. Investigate and analyze the various narratives of Trinidad Pardo De Tavera,
Rafael Izquierdo, and Jose Montero Y Vidal
3. Based on the narratives of various sources, we will discuss the role of
Filipinos from different social classes; and
4. To explain the consequences of the failed Cavite Mutiny in the lives of the
priests, soldiers, attorneys, workers, and people involved in the controversy.
 
Learning Content

The constant change in the post of the governor-general in the Philippines

brought havoc in Philippine politics and dismay, especially on the natives who
experienced the direct effect of the change of officials holding offices. Carlos Maria
de la Torre was the most liberal-minded governor-general of the Philippines for
allowing programs that benefited most natives. Through this, he was loved by the
people, which, in turn, led to the establishment of different schools for the arts and
trades. 

Rafael Izquierdo assumed the post of the governor-general, replacing the

beloved Carlos Maria Dela Torre. Alongside the changes in the seat of the governor-
general are the changes in the policies of the outgoing officials, together with the
removal of the workers' privileges, especially at the Cavite Arsenal. These harsh rules
of Izquierdo caused the natives to hate him and tensions between the workers and the
officials of the government. 

On January 20, 1872, chaos happened in Cavite. The workers assassinated the
head of the Cavite Arsenal and injured his wife. Francisco La Madrid led the mutiny
to express their desire to reclaim their privileges of not paying taxes and exemption
from polo and service. The uprising failed because the expected reinforcements from
Manila didn't come. After almost two days of insurrection, the mutiny was quelled,
and its leader, Francisco La Madrid, was killed. All the involved individuals were
either killed or exiled. The most notable people involved in this event were Gomez,
Burgos, and Zamora. They were accused of spearheading the conspiracy alongside
native lawyers and soldiers. Historians had a heated debate over which was correct. Is
it a mere mutiny or a conspiracy? Hence, different first-hand sources are presented
below to be evaluated and analyzed to better picture the event.
 
Spanish Version of the Cavite Mutiny of 1872 by Jose Montero y Vidal as cited by
Antonio Tamayao 2018

In his book entitled Historia General de Filipinas, Jose Montero y Vidal wrote
the Spanish version of the Cavite Mutiny of 1872 (Madrid, 1895, Vol. III, pp. 566–
595). This narrative of Montero y Vidal, 1. usually a good historian, was so woefully
biased that Dr. T.H. Pardo de Tavera commented that he, "in narrating the Cavite
episode, does not speak as a historian; he speaks like a Spaniard bent on perverting
the facts at his pleasure; he is mischievously partial." 2. Unsupported by positive
documentary evidence, this Spanish historian exaggerated the mutiny of a few
disgruntled native soldiers and laborers into a revolt to overthrow Spanish rule—a
seditious movement—and involved innocent Filipino patriotic leaders like Fathers
Gomez, Burgos, and Zamora, Jose Ma. Basa, Antonio Ma. Regidor, Joaquin Pardo de
Tavera, and others. Montero y Vidal's version of the Cavite episode of 1872 in
English translation follows:

With the establishment of a government less radical in Spain than the one
appointed La Torre, the latter was relieved from his post. His successor, D. Rafael de
Izquierdo, assumed control of the government of these islands on April 4, 1871. The
most eventual episode in his rule was the Cavite Revolt of 1872. 
The abolition of the privileges enjoyed by the laborers of the Cavite arsenal of
exemption from tribute was, according to some, the cause of the insurrection. 
The overthrow of a secular throne in Spain, the rampant press's propaganda against
monarchical principles, the attenuator of the most sacred respects towards the
dethroned majesty, democratic and republic books and pamphlets, the speeches and
preachings of the apostles of these new ideas in Spain, the outbursts of American
publicists and the criminal policy of the senseless Governor whom the Revolutionary
government sent to govern the Prussian provinces are some of the other causes. They
began working toward this aim with the powerful aid of a proportion of the native
clergy who, out of hatred for the friars, made common cause with the mother
country's foes.
 
At various times, but especially at the beginning of 1872, the authorities
received anonymous communications with the information that a great uprising would
break out against the Spaniards the minute the fleet at Cavite left for the South and
that all would be assassinated, including the friars. But nobody gave importance to
these notices. The conspiracy has been going on since the days of La Torre, with the
utmost secrecy. At times, the principal leaders met either in the house of the Filipino
Spaniard, D. Joaquin Pardo de Tavera or in that of the native priest, Jacinto Zamora.
These meetings were usually attended by the curate of Bacoor (Cavite), the
movement's soul, whose energetic character and immense wealth enabled him to
exercise a strong influence.

The garrison of Manila, composed chiefly of native soldiers, was involved in

this conspiracy and many civilians. The plan was for the troops to assassinate their
commanders, servants, and masters and for the Captain-bodyguard General's to kill
the Governor himself at Malacanang. Later, the friars and other Spaniards would have
their turn. The firing of rockets from the city's walls was the pre-arranged signal
among the conspirators of Cavite and Manila. After all the specifics were settled, it
was decided that the revolt would take place on the evening of January 20, 1872.
However, a series of events, some of which may be regarded providential, threw the
plans off and resulted in the conspiracy's collapse.
 
The festival of the patron saint, the Virgin of Loreto, was celebrated with
pomp and grandeur in the district of Sampaloc. Fireworks were let off, and rockets
were launched into the air on the night of the 20th. Those in Cavite mistook this for a
signal to revolt. At nine-thirty in the evening of that day, two hundred native soldiers
under the leadership of Sergeant La Madrid rose in arms, assassinated the commander
of the fort, and wounded his wife.
 
The military Governor of Cavite, D. Fernando Rojas, dispatched two
Spaniards to inform the Manila authorities of the uprising. Nonetheless, they were
stopped on the road by a group of Indians belonging to La Torre's Guias, who killed
them quickly. Around the exact moment, an arsenal employee was killed. Domingo
Mijares sailed from Cavite to Manila on a warship, arriving at midnight. He
immediately alerted the commander of Marines of the incident, and this authority
promptly contacted Governor Izquierdo.
 
Onboard the merchant ships Filipino, Manila, Isabela I, and Isabela II, two
regiments under Felipe Ginoves, Segundo Cabo, left for Cavite early the next day.
They were demanding rendition and waiting the entire day of the 21st for the rebels to
surrender without ordering the assault on their position to avoid unnecessary
bloodshed. After waiting all day for insurgents to be captured, Ginoves launched an
assault on their position early on the 22nd, killing most of them and capturing the rest.
On the same day, an official declaration declared the uprising to be put down.
 
As a consequence of some of the prisoners' testimonies, in which numerous
persons were named as instigators, Don Jose Burgos and t he cathedral's curates,
Jacinto Zamora, Mariano Gomez, Bacoor (Cavite) curate, and numerous other
Filipino priests, as well as Antonio Maria Regidor, lawyer and Ayuntamiento
Regidor, Joaquin Pardo de Tavera, Consejero de Administracion, Pedro Carillo,
Gervacio Sanchez, and Jose Mauricio de Leon, lawyers, Enrique Paraiso and Jose and
Pio Basa, employees, and Crisanto Reyes, Maximo Paterno, and a number of other
Filipinos were all arrested.
 
The council of war, which was in charge of the causes surrounding the revolt
in Cavite, sentenced forty-one of the rebels to death. The Captain-General set his
"cumplase" on the decision on January 27. Eleven more were sentenced to death on
the 6th of the next month, but the Governor-General remitted this sentence to life
imprisonment the next day by proclamation. On the 8th, Camerino was sentenced to
death, and eleven members of the infamous "Guias de la Torre" were sentenced to 10
years in jail for assassinating the Spaniards dispatched to Manila on the night of
January 20 to deliver a word of the rebellion.
 
 The same council, on the 15th of February, sentenced to die by strangulation
the Filipino priests, D. Jose Burgos, D. Jacinto Zamora, and D. Mariano Gomez, and
Francisco Saldua; and Maximo Inocencio, Enrique Paraiso, and Crisanto de los Reyes
to ten years of imprisonment. On February 17, an enormous crowd gathered on
Bagumbayan's field to watch the sentence's execution. The accompanying army was
made up entirely of Filipino men, and the fort's cannons were pointed at the execution
site, ready to fire at the first hint of rebellion. Gomez was the first to die, followed by
Zamora, Burgos, and finally Saldua.

On April 3, 1872, the audience suspended from the practice of law the
following men: D. Jose Basa y Enriquez, D. Joaquin Pardo de Tavera, D. Antonio Ma.
Regidor, D. Pedro Carillo, D. Gervacio Sanchez, and D. Jose Mauricio de Leon.
 
Because most individuals discovered here were indigenous, Izquierdo asked
that Spanish troops be dispatched to Manila to defend the fort. In response to
Izquierdo's request, the government abolished the native artillery regiment and
authorized an artillery unit made entirely of Peninsulares on April 4, 1872. In July
1872, the latter landed in Manila. On the occasion of the troops' arrival, the Sto. On
the Governor and Captain-General of the Philippines' request, Domingo Church held
a special mass attended by prominent government officials, religious corporations,
and the general public.
 
Filipino Version of the Cavite Mutiny of 1872 by Dr. Trinidad Hermenegildo Pardo
de Tavera, cited by Antonio Tamayao, 2019.
 
Dr. Trinidad H. Pardo de Tavera, a Filipino scholar, scientist, and historical
researcher, wrote the Filipino account of the deadly episode in Cavite in 1872. The
attack was just a mutiny by the Cavite arsenal's native Filipino troops and laborers
against the tyrannical Governor and Captain-General Rafael de Izquierdo's brutal
regime (1871-1873). The cruel policy abolished their old-time exemption privileges
from paying the annual tribute and rendering the polo (forced labor). The soldiers and
laborers naturally resented the loss of these privileges. Some of them, impelled by
volcanic wrath, rose in arms on the night of January 20, 1872, and killed the
commanding officer of the Cavite Arsenal and other Spanish officers. This was easily
suppressed by the Spanish troops, which were rushed from Manila. This turbulent
incident, which the Spanish officials and friars magnified into a revolt for Philippine
independence, is narrated by Pardo de Tavera, as follows:  
 
The arrival of General Izquierdo (1871–1873) signaled a fundamental shift in
the political landscape. The new Governor quickly demonstrated that his beliefs
differed from La Torre's—that no alteration in the established style of administration
would be made—and he said that he would rule the people "with a cross in one hand
and a sword in the other."

His first official act was to stop establishing a school of arts and trades, which
was being established via the efforts and monies donated by prominent community
members, but whose establishment did not align with the religious orders' beliefs.
Governor Izquierdo claimed that the new school was only a pretense for forming a
political group. He refused to allow it to be opened and issued a public statement
blaming the movement's Filipino leaders. All of those who had lent their support to
ex-Governor La Torre were labeled as personas sospechosas (suspects). Since that
time, this word has been used in the Philippines to describe anybody who refuses to
accept the authorities' demands and whims. The conservative element in the islands
now drove governmental policy, and the Governor's dissatisfaction and distrust of the
educated Filipinos grew.
 
The colony's peace was broken by a certain incident which, though
unimportant in itself, was probably the origin of the political agitation which had
constantly been growing for thirty years, culminating in the overthrow of Spanish
sovereignty in the Philippine Islands. From time immemorial, the workmen in the
arsenal at Cavite and the barracks of the artillery and engineer corps have been
exempt from the payment of the tribute tax and the obligation to work certain days
each year on public improvements. General Izquierdo believed the time was
opportune for abolishing these privileges and ordered all such workmen to pay tribute
and labor on public gains in the future. This produced great dissatisfaction among the
workmen affected. The men employed in the arsenal at Cavite went on a strike, but,
yielding to pressure and threats made by the authorities, they returned to their labors.
 
The workmen in the Cavite arsenal were all natives of that town and the
neighboring town of San Roque. In a short while, the dissatisfaction and discontent
with the government spread all over that section, and even the entire troops became
disaffected. On the night of January 20, 1872, there was an uprising among the
soldiers in the San Felipe Fort in Cavite. The commanding officer and other Spanish
officers in charge of the fort were assassinated. Forty Marines were attached to the
arsenal, and 22 artillerymen under Sergeant La Madrid took part in this uprising. It
was believed that the entire garrison in Cavite was disaffected and probably
implicated. But if the few soldiers who precipitated the attack thought the bulk of the
army would support them and that would declare a general rebellion against Spain in
the islands, they were deceived. When the news of the uprising was received in
Manila, General Izquierdo sent the commanding general to Cavite, who reinforced the
native troops, took possession of the fort, and put the rebels to the sword. Sergeant La
Madrid had been blinded and badly burned by the explosion of a sack of powder and,
being unable to escape, was also cut down. A few of the rebels were captured and
taken to Manila, and there was no further disturbance of the peace or insubordination
of any kind.
 
This uprising among the soldiers in Cavite was used as a powerful lever by the
Spanish residents and the friars. When General La Torre was chief executive in the
Philippine Islands, the influential Filipinos did not hesitate to announce their hostility
to the religious orders. The central government in Madrid proclaimed its intention to
strip the friars of all civil government rights and the supervision and management of
the university on these islands. The colonial minister, Moret, had devised a reform
plan. He proposed to make a radical change in the colonial system of government
which was to harmonize with the principles that had fought revolution 3 in Spain. Due
to these facts and promises, the Filipinos had great hopes of an improvement in the
affairs of their country, while the friars, on the other hand, feared that their power in
the colony would soon be completely a thing of the past.
 
The mutiny in Cavite gave the conservative element – those who favored a
continuation of the colonial modus vivendi – an opportunity to represent to the
Spanish government that a vast conspiracy was afoot and organized throughout the
archipelago with the object of destroying the Spanish sovereignty. They stated that the
Spanish Government in Madrid was to blame for the propagation of pernicious
doctrines and for the hopes that had been held out from Madrid to the Filipino people,
and also because of the leanings of ex-Governor La Torre and of other public
functionaries who had been sent to the Philippine Islands by the government that
succeeded Queen Isabella. The fall of the new rulers in Spain within a few days, as
well as other occurrences, seemed to accentuate the claims made by the conservative
element in the Philippine Islands regarding the peril which threatened Spanish
sovereignty in the islands; it appeared as though the prophecies were about to be
fulfilled. The Madrid authorities were not able to combat public opinion in that
country; no opportunity was given nor time was taken to make a thorough
investigation of the fundamental facts or extent of the alleged revolution; the
conservative element in the Philippine Islands painted the local condition of affairs in
blue tints; and the Madrid Government came to believe, or at least to suspect, that a
scheme was being concocted throughout the islands to shake off Spanish sovereignty.
Consistent with the precedents of their colonial rule, the repressive measures adopted
to quell the supposed insurrection were strict and sudden. There appears to have been
no attempt to determine if the innocent were victimized by the guilty. The main goal
seemed to be to instill fear in the minds of everyone by making a small number of
people examples so that no one would attempt, or even consider, secession in the
future.

Many of most well-known Filipinos were denounced to military authorities,

and they, as well as the sons of Spaniards born in islands and men of mixed blood
(Spanish and Chinese), as well as the pure-blooded Indians, as the Philippine Malays
were known, were persecuted and punished by the military authorities without
distinction. The priests Burgos, a half-blood Spaniard, Zamora, a half-blood
Chinaman, and Gomez, a pure-blood Tagalog, strongly resisted the friars in the
dispute over the curacies in the several provinces, are among those who may be noted.
A military court-martial sentenced the three priests cited to death. P. Regidor, a
lawyer and member of the Manila City Council, Antonio M. Regidor, a lawyer and
member of the Manila City Council, Joaquin Pardo de Tavera, a lawyer and member
of the Manila City Council, Antonio M. Regidor, a lawyer and member of the Manila
City Council, Antonio M. Regidor, On the Marianas Islands, Mendoza, Santa Cruz's
curate, Guevarra, Quiapo's curate, priests Mariano Sevilla, Feliciano Gomez,
Ballesteros, Jose Basa, attorneys Carillo, Basa, Enriquez, Crisanto, Reyes, Maximo,
Paterno, and many more were condemned to life in jail. As a result, the government
has achieved its goal of scaring the Filipino people. Still, the punishments meted out
were not only unjust. Still, from every point of view, they were unnecessary, as there
had not been the remote intention on the part of anyone to overthrow the Spanish
sovereignty. On the contrary, the attitude of Moret, Labra, Becerra, and other high
officials in the Madrid Government had awakened in the breasts of the Filipinos a
lively friendship for the home government and never has the ties which bound the
colony to Spain been as close as they were during the short interval between the
arrival of General La Torre and the time when General Izquierdo, in the name of the
home government, was guilty of the atrocities mentioned above, of which innocent
men were made victims.
 
 A detailed examination of the history and documentation of the period reveals
the role of religious orders in that tragic event. One of the outcomes of the so-called
Cavite revolution was strengthening the influence of the friars throughout the
Philippines. In such a manner that the Madrid government, which up to that time had
contemplated reducing the power of the religious orders in these islands, was obliged
not only to abandon its intention but to place a yet more significant measure of
official influences at the service of the friars. From that time, they were considered an
important factor in preserving the Spanish sovereignty in the colony.
This influence was felt across the islands, and not only were the friars trusted by the
government, but the Filipino people saw the religious orders as their true lords and as
powerful and unsparing representatives of the Spanish Kingdom.

But there were other outcomes as a result of Governor Izquierdo's misguided

approach. There had been no intention of seceding from Spain up to that point. The
people's sole desire was to ensure the country's material and intellectual growth. The
Filipino people have never held Spain responsible for the islands' backwardness or the
atrocities perpetrated by Spanish rulers. On the contrary, it was customary to blame
these things on individual officers guilty of maladministration. There had been no
attempt to determine whether the ills afflicted the islands were caused by basic
reasons. The persecutions that began under Governor Izquierdo were based on the
erroneous idea that the Filipinos wanted independence. Although this was a false
allegation, the cause had many martyrs. Many of the most brilliant and well-to-do
persons, regardless of color, ethnicity, or country, were condemned to death,
incarceration, or expulsion because they were suspected of aspiring to the islands'
independence. The fear the people felt of the friars, and the punishments meted out by
the government was exceeded only by the admiration that the Filipino people have for
those who did not hesitate to stand up for the country's rights. In this manner, the
persecutions to which the people were subjected served as a stimulus and an educative
force. From that time, the rebellion was nursed in secret, and the passive resistance to
the abuses of official power became more important day by day.
 
The rebellion at Cavite and the severe manner in which punishment was meted
out caused a lot of hate between the Filipinos and the Spaniards, especially among the
friars. The traumas felt by many families whose relatives were victims of the military
courts-unfair martial's sentencing would have taken many years to heal. The
government did nothing to erase the memory of these actions; on the contrary, it
appeared to be its policy to constantly bring up the memory of these occurrences as a
reminder of the malcontents of what they had to expect. Still, the only thing
accomplished was to increase popular discontent. Every quarrel between Spaniards
and Filipinos, no matter how little, was given a racial or political overtone from that
point on; if a friar was insulted or hurt in any manner, it was alleged to be an act of
hostility to the Spanish country.

Official Report of Governor Izquierdo on the Cavite Mutiny by Rafael Izquierdo,

cited by Antonio Tamayao, 2019.
 
Governor-General Rafael Izquierdo reported to the Spanish Minister of War,
dated Manila, January 23, 1872, blaming the Cavite Mutiny on the native clergy,
some residents, intellectuals, and even El Eco Filipino, a Madrid-based reformist
newspaper. Notably, he refers to the military mutiny as an "insurgency," an
"uprising," and a "revolution." The text of the report is as follows:
 
From the summary of information received – that is, from the declaration
made before the fiscal – it seems clear that the insurrection was motivated and
prepared by the native clergy, the mestizos and native lawyers, and those known here
as abogadillos. Some are residents of Manila, others from Cavite, and some from the
nearby provinces.
 
The instigators, to carry out their criminal project, protested against the
injustice that the government is not paying the provinces for their tobacco crop and
against the usury that some (officials) practice in handling documents that the Finance
department gives to crop owners who have to sell them at a loss. They encouraged the
rebellion by protesting what they called the injustice of having obliged the workers in
the Cavite arsenal to pay tribute starting January 1 (1872) and to render personal
service, from which they were formerly exempt.
 
To seduce the native troops, they resorted to superstitions with which
the Indios are so prone to believing, persuading them that the Chief of State (hari)
would be an ecclesiastic and the rest of the clergy who baked the uprising would
celebrate daily its success. Thus, the rebellion could not fail because God was with
them, and those who would not revolt would be killed immediately. Taking advantage
of those classes' ignorance and the Indio's propensity to steal, they offered (to those
who rebelled) the wealth of the Spaniards and the regular clergy, employment, and
ranks in the army. To this effect, they said that fifteen native battalions would be
created, in which the soldiers who revolted would have jobs as officers and chiefs.
The lawyers and abogadillos would direct the affairs of the government of the
administration and justice.
 
It has not been determined whether they intended to establish a monarchy or a
republic because the indios have no word in their language to describe this different
form of government, whose head in Tagalog would be called hari. However, it turns
out that they would place a priest at the head of the government, and there were great
probabilities – nay, a certainty – that the head selected would be D. Jose Burgos or D.
Jacinto Zamora.
All the Spaniards, including the friars, would be executed except for the women; and
their belongings confiscated. Foreigners would be respected.
This uprising has roots, and with them were affiliated with the regiments of infantry
and artillery, many civilians, and a large number of mestizos, indios, and some
illustrados from the provinces.
 
To start the revolution, they planned to set fire to the district of Tondo. Once
the fire was set, and while the authorities were busy putting it out, the regiment of
artillery, with the help of the infantry, would seize Fort Santiago, the capital of Cavite
(they would then fire cannons to inform the rebels of their success). The insurgents in
Cavite counted on the artillery detachment that occupied the fort and on the navy,
helped by 500 natives led by the pardoned leader, Camerino. This person and his men,
located at the town of Bacoor and separated from the fort of San Felipe by a small sea
arm, would cross the water and reach the fort where they would find arms and
ammunition.
 
The rebels (in Cavite) made the signals agreed upon using lanterns, but the
native civilians (in Bacoor). However, they tried it, failed because of the vigilance of
the (Spanish) navy that had been placed there a gunboat and armed vessels.
 
Loyalists who arrested the parish priests of Bacoor found an abandoned vessel
loaded with arms, including carbines and revolvers.
 
The uprising should have started in Manila at midnight, abetted by those in
Cavite, but the rebels of this city went ahead of time. The civil-military Governor of
Cavite and the commanders of Regiment 7 took very timely precautions; they knew
how to keep the soldiers loyal (although they had been compromised) and behaved
with bravery and gallantry, obliging the rebels to take refuge in the fort of San Felipe.
 
Such is your Excellency, the rebels' plan, those who guided them, and the
means they counted upon for its realization. For a long time now, through confidential
information and others of a vaguer character, I have been told that since 1869 – taking
advantage of a group that had left behind plans for an uprising but was carried out
because of the earthquake of 1862 – there existed in Manila a junta or center that
sought and found followers. That as a pretext, they had established a society for the
teaching of arts and trades. Months ago, I suspended it indirectly, giving an account to
Your Excellency in my confidential report No. 113 dated August 1, (1871), to which
Your Excellency has not yet replied.
 
It has also been said that this center, or junta, received inspiration from
Madrid, where newspapers of progressive ideas flourish, and their subscriptions are
(locally) solicited. In effect, newspapers such as El Eco Filipino1 were sent here from
Madrid, which was distributed by imprisoned people whose articles thundered against
everything that was found here.
 
As in the case of my worthy predecessor, I continuously received anonymous
letters. But because I was confident that I could put down and punish any uprising, I
gave no credit (to these reports) to not cause alarm and instead continued a vigilant
watch whenever possible within the limited means at my command. I had everything
ready (for any untoward possibility), considering the limited peninsular force that
composes the army. 
 
Suggested Reading
   Candelaria, Lee P. Et al. Readings in Philippine History.pp.56-59
  
Assessment Task
 
Make a slogan about the importance or implication of the Cavite Mutiny in the
present time. 
 
Criteria for Judging
 
Visual Presentation - 15%
Originality - 25%
Relevance to the topic-30 %
Message/meaning- 30%
Total = 100 %
 
 References
Tamayao, Antonio.2018. Readings in the Philippine History. 
 Francisco Virlyn et al.2015. Philippine History. Mindshapersco.,Inc. 
Torres, Jose Victor. 2018.BATIS: Sources in Philippine History. C&E Publishing,
Inc.