COURSE MANUAL

Politics in Africa I
POS213

University of Ibadan Distance Learning Centre

Open and Distance Learning Course Series Development Version
1.0 ev1
POS213Politics in Africa I
Copyright
Copyright ©1990, 2002, 2008, 2023 by Distance Learning Centre, University of Ibadan, Ibadan.
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transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or
otherwise, without the prior permission of the copyright owner.

ISBN 978-2828-15-7

University of Ibadan Distance Learning Centre

University of Ibadan,
Nigeria
Telex: 31128NG
Tel: +234 (80775935727)
E-mail: ssu@dlc.ui.edu.ng
Website:
www.dlc.ui.edu.ng
 ii

Vice-Chancellor’s Message
The Distance Learning Centre is building on a solid tradition of over two decades of service in
the provision of External Studies Programme and now Distance Learning Education in Nigeria
and beyond. The Distance Learning mode to which we are committed is providing access to
many deserving Nigerians in having access to higher education especially those who by the
nature of their engagement do not have the luxury of full time education. Recently, it is
contributing in no small measure to providing places for teeming Nigerian youths who for one
reason or the other could not get admission into the conventional universities.
These course materials have been written by writers specially trained in ODL course delivery.
The writers have made great efforts to provide up to date information, knowledge and skills in
the different disciplines and ensure that the materials are user-friendly.
In addition to provision of course materials in print and e-format, a lot of Information
Technology input has also gone into the deployment of course materials. Most of them can be
downloaded from the DLC website and are available in audio format which you can also
download into your mobile phones, IPod, MP3 among other devices to allow you listen to the
audio study sessions. Some of the study session materials have been scripted and are being
broadcast on the university‘s Diamond Radio FM 101.1, while others have been delivered and
captured in audio-visual format in a classroom environment for use by our students. Detailed
information on availability and access is available on the website. We will continue in our
efforts to provide and review course materials for our courses.
However, for you to take advantage of these formats, you will need to improve on your I.T.
skills and develop requisite distance learning Culture. It is well known that, for efficient and
effective provision of Distance learning education, availability of appropriate and relevant
course materials is a sine qua non. So also, is the availability of multiple plat form for the
convenience of our students. It is in fulfillment of this, that series of course materials are being
written to enable our students study at their own pace and convenience.
It is our hope that you will put these course materials to the best use.

Prof. Isaac Adewole

Vice-Chancellor
POS213Politics in Africa I

Foreword
As part of its vision of providing education for ―Liberty and Development‖ for Nigerians and
the International Community, the University of Ibadan, Distance Learning Centre has recently
embarked on a vigorous repositioning agenda which aimed at embracing a holistic and all
encompassing approach to the delivery of its Open Distance Learning (ODL) programmes.
Thus we are committed to global best practices in distance learning provision. Apart from
providing an efficient administrative and academic support for our students, we are committed
to providing educational resource materials for the use of our students. We are convinced that,
without an up-to-date, learner-friendly and distance learning compliant course materials, there
cannot be any basis to lay claim to being a provider of distance learning education. Indeed,
availability of appropriate course materials in multiple formats is the hub of any distance
learning provision worldwide.
In view of the above, we are vigorously pursuing as a matter of priority, the provision of
credible, learner-friendly and interactive course materials for all our courses. We commissioned
the authoring of, and review of course materials to teams of experts and their outputs were
subjected to rigorous peer review to ensure standard. The approach not only emphasizes
cognitive knowledge, but also skills and humane values which are at the core of education, even
in an ICT age.
The development of the materials which is on-going also had input from experienced editors
and illustrators who have ensured that they are accurate, current and learner-friendly. They are
specially written with distance learners in mind. This is very important because, distance
learning involves non-residential students who can often feel isolated from the community of
learners.
It is important to note that, for a distance learner to excel there is the need to source and read
relevant materials apart from this course material. Therefore, adequate supplementary reading
materials as well as other information sources are suggested in the course materials.
Apart from the responsibility for you to read this course material with others, you are also
advised to seek assistance from your course facilitators especially academic advisors during
your study even before the interactive session which is by design for revision. Your academic
advisors will assist you using convenient technology including Google Hang Out, You Tube,
Talk Fusion, etc. but you have to take advantage of these. It is also going to be of immense
advantage if you complete assignments as at when due so as to have necessary feedbacks as a
guide.
The implication of the above is that, a distance learner has a responsibility to develop requisite
distance learning culture which includes diligent and disciplined self-study, seeking available
administrative and academic support and acquisition of basic information technology skills.
 iv
This is why you are encouraged to develop your computer skills by availing yourself the

opportunity of training that the Centre‘s provide and put these into use.
In conclusion, it is envisaged that the course materials would also be useful for the regular
students of tertiary institutions in Nigeria who are faced with a dearth of high quality textbooks.
We are therefore, delighted to present these titles to both our distance learning students and the
university‘s regular students. We are confident that the materials will be an invaluable resource
to all.
We would like to thank all our authors, reviewers and production staff for the high quality of
work.
Best wishes.

Professor BayoOkunade
Director
POS213Politics in Africa I

Course Development Team

Content Authoring Busari O. Adebisi, Ph.D
Content Editor
Production Editor
Learning Design & Technologist
Managing Editor
General Editor
Prof. Remi Raji-

Oyelade Dr. Gloria O.

Adedoja
Folajimi Olambo Fakoya
Ogunmefun Oladele Abiodun
Prof. Bayo Okunade
 ii

Contents

About this course manual 1

How this course manual is structured...................................................................................................1

CourseOverview 3

Welcome to Politics in Africa I POS213..............................................................................................3

Course outcomes ..................................................................................................................................3
Timeframe ............................................................................................................................................3
How to be successful in this course......................................................................................................4
Need help?............................................................................................................................................5
Academic Support................................................................................................................................5
Activities ..............................................................................................................................................5
Assessments..........................................................................................................................................6

Getting around this course manual 8

Margin icons.........................................................................................................................................8

Study Session 1

Themes in Traditional African Political System

1.1 Understand the History of Pre-colonial Africa
1.2 Explain types of Political Systems in Pre-Colonial Africa
1.3 Discuss the types of segmented political systems in Pre-Colonial Africa
1.4 Understand the uniqueness of traditional political thoughts before the advent of
colonial rule
Study Session Summary

Study Session 2 9

Conceptualizing Politics in Africa........................................................................................................9

Introduction................................................................................................................................9
2.1 What is Politics? ..................................................................................................................9
2.2 Sources and Peculiarities of Politics in Africa...................................................................10
2.3 European Penetration and the Peculiarities of Politics in Africa.......................................11
Study Session Summary.....................................................................................................................12
Assessment.........................................................................................................................................13
Study Session 3 14

Transformation of Traditional African Political Systems...................................................................14

Introduction..............................................................................................................................14
3.1 Need for Political Transformation under Colonialism.......................................................14
3.2 Mechanisms for the Transformation of Traditional Political Systems ..............................15
3.3 Introduction of Colonial Political Economy......................................................................16
3.4 Political Economy of Pre-Colonial Africa.........................................................................17
3.5 Periods in the Development of Pre-Colonial Political Economy and their Characteristic
Features....................................................................................................................................18
POS213Politics in Africa I

Study Session Summary.....................................................................................................................20

Assessment.........................................................................................................................................21

Study Session 4 22

Penetration Thesis ..............................................................................................................................22

Introduction..............................................................................................................................22
4.1 Western Capitalist
Penetration..........................................................................................22
4.2 Articulation of Penetration
Thesis.....................................................................................22
4.3 Consequences of
Penetration.............................................................................................23
4.4 How the Colonies were
Underdeveloped...........................................................................24
4.5 Conclusions on Penetration
Thesis....................................................................................26 Study Session
Summary.....................................................................................................................
27
Assessment.........................................................................................................................................27

Study Session5 28

Imperialism in Africa .........................................................................................................................28

Introduction..............................................................................................................................28
5.1 Meaning of Imperialism.....................................................................................................28
5.2Doctrine of Imperialism......................................................................................................30
5.2 Doctrine of power..............................................................................................................31
5.3 Doctrine of Civilization .....................................................................................................32
Study Session Summary.....................................................................................................................37
Assessment.........................................................................................................................................37
 iv

Study Session6 37

Theories of Imperialism .....................................................................................................................37

Introduction..............................................................................................................................37
6.1 Hobson‘s Theory of Imperialism.......................................................................................38
6.2 Lenin's Theory of Imperialism...........................................................................................40
6.3 Joseph Schumpeter‘s Theory of Imperialism.....................................................................42
6.4 The "Devil's" Theory of Imperialism.................................................................................43
Study Session Summary.....................................................................................................................45
Assessment.........................................................................................................................................45

Study Session7 46

Structural Theories of Imperialism.....................................................................................................46

Introduction..............................................................................................................................46
7.1 Imperialism in Structural Perspective................................................................................46
7.2 Mechanisms for Structural Imperialism..............................................................................47
7.3 Types of Imperialism.........................................................................................................49
Study Session Summary.....................................................................................................................50
Assessment.........................................................................................................................................50

Study Session 8
__________________________________________________________________________________

Colonialism in Africa
8.1 distinguish between imperialism and colonialism.
8.2 discuss the strategies used by colonialists in the physical occupation of Africa.
8.3 discuss the activities of the four colonial powers in Africa.
8.4 discuss the impacts of colonialism in Africa.

Study Session9 51

Relevance of Imperialism to the Study of Politics in Africa..............................................................51

Introduction..............................................................................................................................51
9.1 Relevance of the Study of Imperialism..............................................................................51
9.2Post-Colonial African State ................................................................................................52
9.3 African Economy...............................................................................................................52
9.4Political Institutions............................................................................................................53
9.4 Global Political System .....................................................................................................53 Study
Session Summary.....................................................................................................................53
Assessment.........................................................................................................................................54

References 55
 About this course manual

About this course manual

Politics in Africa IPOS213 has been produced by University of Ibadan
Distance Learning Centre. All course manuals produced by University of
Ibadan Distance Learning Centreare structured in the same way, as
outlined below.

How this course manual is

structured
The course overview
The course overview gives you a general introduction to the course.
Information contained in the course overview will help you determine:
 If the course is suitable for you.
 What you will already need to know.
 What you can expect from the course.
 How much time you will need to invest to complete the course.
The overview also provides guidance on:
 Study skills.
 Where and how to get academic support and technical help.
 Course assignments and assessments.
 Margin icons.
 Study Sessions.

We strongly recommend that you read the overview carefully before

starting your study.

The course content

The course is broken down into Study Sessions. Each Study Session
comprises:
 An introduction to the Study Session content.
 Study Sessionoutcomes.
 Core content of the Study Sessionwith a variety of learning activities.

 A Study Session summary.

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 Assignments and/or assessments, as applicable.
 Bibliography
Politics in Africa I

Your comments
After completing Politics in Africa I, we would appreciate it if you would
take a few moments to give us your feedback on any aspect of this course.
Your feedback might include comments on:
 Course content and structure.
 Course reading materials and resources.
 Course assignments.
 Course assessments.
 Course duration.
 Course support (assigned tutors, technical help, etc.)
Your constructive feedback will help us to improve and enhance this
course.

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 CourseOverview

CourseOverview

Welcome to Politics in Africa I

POS213
POS213 is a three unit required course thatexposes learners to the
problems of conceptualising African politics and various historical
experiences which have abiding influence on politics in Africa today.
Furthermore, the course will discuss how internal social structures,
especially relations of production, exert influence on political power
distribution and the consequences of external and international division of
labour, in particular, on African politics.
It is important to note thatthis course - Politics in Africa I, is followed by
Politics in Africa II (POS214).

Course outcomes
Upon completion of Politics in Africa IPOS213,
you will be able to:

 discuss politics in the pre-colonial Africa.

 highlight the types of colonial administration in Africa.
 analyse the theories and practice of imperialism in Africa. discuss the
consequences of imperialism on African states and Outcomes politics.

Timeframe
This is a 15 week course. It requires a formal study
time of 45 hours. The formal study times are scheduled around online
discussions / chats with your course facilitator / academic advisor to
facilitate your learning. Kindly see course calendar on your course
website for scheduled dates.
You will still require independent/personal study time particularly in
How long? studying your course materials.

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 POS213 Politics in Africa I

How to be successful in this

course
As an open and distance learner your approach to learning
will be different to that from your school days, where you had onsite
education. You will now choose what you want to study, you will have
professional and/or personal motivation for doing so and you will most
likely be fitting your study activities around other professional or
domestic responsibilities.
Essentially you will be taking control of your learning environment. As a
consequence, you will need to consider performance issues related to
time management, goal setting, stress management, etc. Perhaps you will
also need to reacquaint yourself in areas such as essay planning, coping
with exams and using the web as a learning resource.
We recommend that you take time now—before starting your selfstudy—
to familiarize yourself with these issues. There are a number of excellent
resources on the web. A few suggested links are:
 http://www.dlc.ui.edu.ng/resources/studyskill.pdf
This is a resource of the UIDLC pilot course module. You will find
sections on building study skills, time scheduling, basic concentration
techniques, control of the study environment, note taking, how to read
essays for analysis and memory skills (―remembering‖).
 http://www.ivywise.com/newsletter_march13_how_to_self_study.htm
l
This site provides how to master self-studying, with bias to emerging
technologies.
 http://www.howtostudy.org/resources.php
Another ―How to study‖ web site with useful links to time
management, efficient reading, questioning/listening/observing skills,
getting the most out of doing (―hands-on‖ learning), memory building,
tips for staying motivated, developing a learning plan.
The above links are our suggestions to start you on your way. At the time
of writing these web links were active. If you want to look for more, go to
www.google.com and type ―self-study basics‖, ―self-study tips‖,
―selfstudy skills‖ or similar phrases.

4
 CourseOverview

Need help?
As earlier noted, this course manual complements
and supplements POS213at UI Mobile Class as an online course, which is
domiciled at www.dlc.ui.edu.ng/mc.
You may contact any of the following units for information, learning
Help resources and library services.
Distance Learning Centre (DLC) Head Office
University of Ibadan, Nigeria Morohundiya Complex,
Tel: (+234) 08077593551 – 55 IbadanIlorin Expressway, Idi-
(Student Support Officers) Ose, Ibadan.
Email: ssu@dlc.ui.edu.ng

Information Centre 20 Lagos Office

Speedwriting House, No. 16
Awolowo Road, Bodija,
Ibadan. Ajanaku Street, Off Salvation
Bus Stop, Awuse Estate, Opebi,
Ikeja, Lagos.
For technical issues (computer problems, web access, and etcetera),
please visit: www.learnersupport.dlc.ui.edu.ng for live support; or send
mail to webmaster@dlc.ui.edu.ng.

Academic Support
A course facilitator is commissioned for this course. You have also
been assigned an academic advisor to provide learning support. The contacts of your course
facilitator and academic advisor for this course are available at the course website:
www.dlc.ui.edu.ng/mc Help

Activities

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 POS213 Politics in Africa I
This manual features ―Activities,‖ which may present material that is
NOT extensively covered in the Study Sessions. When completing these
activities, you will demonstrate your understanding of basic material (by
answering questions) before you learn more advanced concepts. You
will
Activities be provided with answers to every activity question. Therefore, your
emphasis when working the activities should be on understanding your
answers.

Assessments
There are three basic forms of assessment in this course: in-text questions
(ITQs) and self assessment questions (SAQs), and tutor marked
assessment (TMAs). This manual is essentially filled with ITQs and
SAQs. Feedbacks to the ITQs are placed immediately after the
questions,
Assessments while the feedbacks to SAQs are at the back of manual. You will receive
your TMAs as part of online class activities at the UI Mobile Class.
Feedbacks to TMAs will be provided by your tutor in not more than 2
weeks expected duration.
Schedule dates for submitting assignments and engaging in course / class
activities is available on the course website. Kindly visit your course
website often for updates.

6
POS213 Politics in Africa I

Getting around this course manual

Margin icons
While working through this course manual you will notice the frequent
use of margin icons. These icons serve to ―signpost‖ a particular piece of
text, a new task or change in activity; they have been included to help
you to find your way around this course manual.
A complete icon set is shown below. We suggest that you familiarize yourself
with the icons and their meaning before starting your study.

Activity Assessment Assignment Case study

Discussion Group Activity Help Outcomes

Note Reflection Reading Study skills

Summary Terminology Time Tip

8
 Study Session 1Themes in Traditional African Political System

Study Session 1
Themes in Traditional African Political System

Introduction

This study session introduces to students of African politics the political, cultural and socio-
economic governance before western capitalist penetration into our society. A clear understanding
of Africa‘s multifaceted past is an essential building block in understanding the challenges
confronted by African leaders as they lead their countries and interact with the rest of the world.

Learning Outcomes

When you have studied this session, you should be able to:

1.1 Understand the history of pre-colonial Africa.

1.2 Explain types of political systems in pre-colonial Africa

1.3 Discuss the types of segmented political systems in pre-colonial Africa

1.4 Understand the uniqueness of traditional political thought before the advent of colonial rule.

1.1 Early African Societies

Archeological findings traced human civilization to Africa. Geography has been a major factor in
Africa‘s history. The continent is about 5,000 miles wide from the Atlantic to the Indian Oceans
and is about the same distance in length. Also, Africa is over twice the size of the United States and
several times the size of Western Europe. The continent is also an heterogenous society and diverse
in nature. The interaction of human beings and the tremendous environmental diversity as observed
by Harris (1987) is the essence of the continent‘s frequently controversial history as the world‘s
oldest human habitat. In spite of this controversy, the history of the pre-colocial independence is
rich with examples of political and economic development. It is also worthy to emphasise that early

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POS213
kingdom are flourishing in Africa before western intrusion. These kingdoms include:
Egypt, Kush, Axum in Ethiopia, Ghana, Mali, Songhai, Kanem Bornu, the Hausa-city states and
those in East African coast. Although, some of this kingdoms exhibited authoritarian style of
political system, others embodied democratic practices and economic expansion.

1.2 What is a Segmented Political System?

One of the most difficult forms of African political organization for Westerners to understand is
what anthropologists refer to as a Segmented Political System. The term ―segmented‖ refers to a
decentralized system marked by the diffusion of political power (Schraeder, 2000). Segmented
political systems lacked a centralized state and a recognized political authority capable of enforcing
a preferred set of policies throughout a territory.

1.3 Specific Types of Segmented Political Systems in Africa

Schraeder (2000) identified five specific types of segmented political systems in Africa and these
are:

1.3.1 Band Organization: The most decentralized types of segmented political system in pre-
colonial Africa was the band organization. Sharing the same language, customs, and cultural
history, the population was divided into small hunter-gatherer groups that ranged in size from
several dozen people during times of plenty, to ten to twelve individuals during periods of
economic hardship. The hunter-gatherer groups were principally comprised of members of an
extended family and did not have any form of centralized political authority. Even political
authority at the level of the band was neither formally structured nor permanently embodied in one
person. Decisions were the result of a face-to-face decision-making process in which all adults
males took part. E.g. San people of Namibia & Bostwann.

1.3.2 Classical Segmented System: This system differed from the band organization principally
in terms of the size and scope of the distinctive groups which comprised the common nation.
Individual groups based on kinship, often referred to as ―clans‖ could number in the tens or
hundreds of thousands and were capable of tracing their common lineage back thousands of years
to a specific founding members. The size of the clan ensured that more formal terms of leadership,
often a group

1
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of leaders or committee of elders, emerged to manage clan affairs, although no central authority
ever evolved. Classical segmented systems typically fostered competition and conflict between
extended clan families, especially in nomadic environments when drought and famine diminished
already score water and food resources.

The Somali ethnic group constituted an excellent example of the classical segmented system.

1.3.3 Universalistic Segmented System: This constituted a slightly more centralized version of
the classical segmented system. Despite the continued lack of and central authority, the members of
various clan families were more closely unified by the existence of age sets. Age set status applied
regardless of the clan into which one was born, and allowed for a more systematic organization of
the social, economic, and political affairs of the nation as a whole.

In an age set system based on five-years blocks of time, for example, a new age-set was created
every five years. Everyone born during that period would constitute a member of the group. These
age-sets predetermined an individual‘s assumption of various responsibilities within society,
ranging from militarily defending the nation through the attainment of warrior status, or entering
the ranks of senior political leader or senior elder. The underlying assumption of the age-set system
was that different groups of individuals are better suited for specific tasks at different points of their
lives. Example are the Maasai ethnic group found in Kenya – Tanzania border.

1.3.4 Ritually Stratified Segmented System: This constituted a variation of its classical
counterpart in that otherwise independent clans were unified in the spiritual realm by a commonly
revered spiritual or religious leader. It is important to note that such a leader served primarily as a
symbol of national unity, with duties usually restricted to presiding over religious ceremonies. He
wielded very little, if any, political power, and was incapable of forcing recalcitrant clans or
subclans into adopting a specific course of action. The religious and spiritual leaders often used
their possession of sacred objects as the means for achieving and maintaining their specific status
within society. The Shilluk of Sudan were representative of ritually stratified segmented system.

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POS213
1.3.5 Autonomous Village System: In the autonomous village system urbanized
groups ranging in the thousand and tens of thousands served as the cornerstones of local political
organization. Despite sharing the same language and culture, the population of these highly
autonomous villages were not unified by a central political authority or a centralized state. E.g. the
Swahili Coast of East Africa. The urban areas constituted virtual city-states, but were not controlled
by a central authority.

Study Session Summary

In this study session, we examined historical evolution of pre-colonial

Africa in relation to political, cultural and socio-economic governance
before the arrival of western imperialists. We discussed the five specific
segmented political systems in Africa in relation to political authority in
pre-colonial Africa.

Assessment

1.What do you understand as segmented political system?

2.List and discuss the types of segmented political system in pre-colonial Africa.

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POS213

Study Session 2

Conceptualizing Politics in
Africa
Introduction
In this Study Session, we will discuss politics in African context. We will
also discuss the extent to which the conventional definitions of politics
are applicable to politics in Africa, including certain aspects of politics in
Africa that distinguish it from politics in Europe and North America, for
example.

Learning Outcomes
When you have studied this Study Session, you should be able to:
2.1 definepolitics.
2.2 explain why those definitions are valid even for politics in Africa.
2.3 discuss the definition of African political region to which our notion of
Africa will always apply throughout this course.
2.4 discuss the peculiarities of African politics.
2.5 describe the various political changes Africa underwent since the
colonization of the continent.

2.1 What is Politics?

PoliticsThe processes by individuals and institutions, and organize societies.
which people and institutions
exercise and resist power.
Political Scientists have not been able to agree on a common definition
for politics. This is essentially due to the fact that it is not possible for all
of them to see 'politics' from the same angle. As you proceed in your
Political ScienceThe study study of Political Science, you will appreciate why different Political
of and reflection upon politics. Scientists view 'politics' from different angles. I shall give you just two
It involves the analysis of the
state, government and definitions here. The first one is from Vernon Van Dyke. This is as
political processes used to follows: ―Politics involves the struggle among actors pursuing conflicting
formulate policies, influence

1
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desires on public issues". It should be noted that although those definitions are given by
The other one is from nonAfricans as a result of their study of politics in Europe and North
David Easton and it says, America, you must know that they are also valid for Africa in the same
"Politics is the measure as they are valid for all geographical areas and human societies.
authoritative allocation Therefore, whenever we talk of politics in Africa we mean the totality of
of values". the moves and manoeuvres that are involved in relation process of
authoritative allocation of values in African states. Or, you can use the
first definition, i.e. how political actors in African states conduct the
struggle for the pursuit of conflicting desires on public issues among
themselves. By Africa in the context of this definition, we mean the
whole geographical area encompassing continental African states,
Madagascar and all the islands surrounding Africa. This is the definition
given by the Organization of Africa Unity (OAU) to African political
region. (See the Charter of Organization of African Unity - Art. 1(2)).
Although African people are now found not only in Africa but also in
Europe, North America, Latin America and Central America as well as
the Caribbean, our focus as far as this course is concerned is only of the
politics in the states and societies that constitute the African political
region, defined in the OAU-Charter - Art 1 (2). Reference will however
be made to all these political regions as occasion demands.

Whenever we talk of politics in Africa we mean the totality of the

Hint moves and manoeuvres that are involved in relation process of authoritative
allocation of values in African states.

2.2 Sources and Peculiarities of Politics

in Africa

Politics in Africa cannot be defined differently from politics in other

political regions of the world. This is because the essence of politics
remains the same all over the world. In like manner, the broad objectives
of politics remain the same, irrespective of creed, race and geographical
location. What makes the difference between, for instance, politics in

1
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 POS213

Western Europe and politics in Africa is the way politics is conducted in

both places. This involves a lot of factors including structure of society,
prevalent mode of production, external linkages as well as psycho-social
ones whose roots lie in the historical experience of individual political
actors and that of the society as a unit. When two societies do not share
these factors, we should not expect the conduct and the outcome of
politics to be the same for both societies. If we do, we are making the
same mistake as the man who expects his cat to produce a puppy!

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 Study Session 1Conceptualizing Politics in Africa

litics in other political

Politics in Africa cannot be defined differently from po
f politics remains the
regions of the world. This is because the essence o
same all over the world.
Tip

Since the 19th century, the conduct and outcome of politics in Africa
have not been the same as in Europe nor have they been what they used
to be in 17th and 18th century Africa. It is these remarkable differences
that make the study of contemporary African politics a worthwhile
enterprise. Otherwise, one could say he who knows politics in Europe
knows politics in Africa.

2.3 European Penetration and the

Peculiarities of Politics in Africa
Certain things are peculiar to politics in Africa. It will be wrong to say
that all the peculiarities that we observe in African politics today are
directly traceable to the activities of European countries in the 19th
Century, which were directed towards the establishment of dominance
over African societies. Some were already there before the penetration.
Let us take 19th century African politics and societies as an example.
Political Anthropologists tell us that they had very little in common with
their European counterparts. The structure of politics and structure of
power in the polities differed from the prevalent structures in Europe.
This was essentially due to the fact that both continents operated different
p
oThe African student of political science has an a dditional interest in
l litical society that is
African politics because he or she is part of the poto contribute to the
i
being studied. He/she has the moral obligationnment where such
t
improvement of his or her political enviro
i
improvement is necessary.
c
al economies at the period.

Reflection

The second set of peculiarities came about as a result of dominance

exercised by Europe on African societies for periods ranging from about
60 years in the case of the peoples that now form the Nigerian society and

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a
b
out 500 years in the case of Angola! A Political Anthropologist, Georges
Balandier, describes the various political changes which Africa
underwent since European colonization of the continent. The most
important ones are as follows:
i. Creation of artificial boundaries without respect for cultural and
economic similarities of old political units, e.g. the old kingdom of Congo
was divided into two states-- Congo and Angola. The one (Congo) was
administered until 1960 by Belgium while the other (Angola) was held as
an overseas province of Portugal until she was defeated in a war of
liberation by Angolan nationalists in 1975.
ii. Depoliticization of the polity. In the colonial situation, the colonizer
Politics in Africa I

reduced every political problem into a technical one. In this manner,

the pre-colonial political process was destroyed and political
activities were driven underground. Whatever remained of the
precolonial political structures of the colony was preserved by the
colonized through skill.
iii. The weakening of the economic position of traditional rulers
resulted in limiting their power while the colonial administration
also encouraged appeal to the colonial administrator against agelong
exercise of traditional power. Only inferior chiefs were eventually
preserved while warrant chiefs were created by the colonial
administration to serve it, where none existed before.
iv. The operation of two incompatible systems of power and authority.
The mere existence of two systems of power and authority operating
within a single polity created political confusion. The coexistence of
trad
itio Basically, the peculiarities of African politics emanat e from two sources;
ng existence before t
the traditional peculiarities (those that have bei
through the agency
colonization) and those peculiarities that came abou
of colonialism.

n and modernity gave rise to the birth of a hybrid political system, a

strange creature.

Tip

Now that you know the sources of the peculiarities of politics in Africa,
you will agree with me that the study of such a strange political model
will increase our knowledge of politics generally. The African student of
political science has an additional interest in African politics because he
or she is part of the political society that is being studied.He/she has the

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 moral obligation to contribute to the improvement of his or her political
environment where such improvement is necessary.

What is the practice of politics in your home town/village in the pre-colonial era?

Provide response and join your tutor in an online discussion on this topic on Study
Session One forum page on course website

Discussion Activity

Study Session Summary

In this Study Session, we took a cursory look at
popular definitions of politics and why they are valid for the African
political region. We discussed the peculiarities of African politics and
the various political changes Africa underwent since the colonization of
Summary the continent.
Study Session 1Conceptualizing Politics in Africa

Assessment
1.Define politics and relate it to African politics

2.What are the peculiarities of African politics?

Assessment

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Politics in Africa I

Study Session 3

Transformation of Traditional
African Political Systems
Introduction
In the previous Study Session, you learnt about how the features which
define how African politics came about. In this Study Session, we will
explore the transformation of indigenous African political systems and
consequences of the transformation.

Learning Outcomes
When you have studied this Study Session, you should be able to:
3.1 explainthe reasons for the political transformation of Africa by the
colonialists.
3.2 discussthe methods or mechanisms for carrying out the transformations.
3.3 explainwhat political economy is all about
3.4 discusshow and why the colonizers used it on African political and
economic system.
3.5 defend the view that Africa had a strong and distinctive political
economy before the advent of the colonialists.

3.1 Need for Political Transformation under

Colonialism
The colonizer was a total stranger to Africa when he started his adventure.
He was handicapped not only by his lack of the knowledge of the physical
terrain which he sought to annex and rule, but also by his abysmal
ignorance of the political arrangement of the communities he stumbled
upon. What is more, he could not understand any of the components of
the political life of the communities. He was, for instance, totally ignorant
of their political symbols, or how political decisions were made; what
constituted use and abuse of power, as well as how the systems managed
to endure through their crisis management mechanisms. Since he came to

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 Africa not to learn but to teach and to exploit, he played down all
that he was ignorant of and embarked on teaching what he knew and was
familiar with. He circumvented all the components of traditional
Study Session 2Transformation of Traditional African Political Systems

political life mentioned above. At first he reduced all political problems to

technical problems and proffered his own solution. Later, he introduced
brand new symbols, political decision-making processes, political
institutions, and all that he needed to rule effectively. The ones he rejected
were called traditional while those ones that he introduced were referred
to as modern. The so-called modem political institutions were in fact
models that were adapted for African colonies. They were not introduced
in their pure forms. If, for instance, he introduced democracy in its
popular form into the colony, the colonial governor would have no
business giving assent to bills before they became laws. He was not a
representative of the people that he governed.

The colonizers had to clear all the obstacles to dom inance, hence it was
necessary to dismantle the main components of traditional African Political
Systems so that they could assemble effective machinery for exploitation.
Tip

3.2 Mechanisms for the Transformation of

Traditional Political Systems
Colonialism A policy in from one stage of colonialism to another.The following approaches were
which a country’s dominates common if we disregard details of execution.
other nations and develops
trade with them for its own
benefit. It is usually achieved
through aggressive, often
3.2.1 Prohibition
military, actions. By declaration of political structure, symbol or process is made illegal.
The mechanisms Under Lugardism or Indirect Rule, the traditional ruler who was a
differed from one political leader in the community was converted into an administrator,
colonizing state to executing rules handed down by the resident colonial administrator. In
another. This is due to most cases the prohibition is pronounced by the chief on behalf of the
different colonial paternalistic colonial administration. As a prelude to the massive assault
policies which they on the traditional political system that would follow, spurious treaties of
adopted. In other words, friendship and protection were signed, in most cases, under pressure by
the British approach was traditional rulers with the colonial adventures. J.A. Barnes reports that in
different from the the heydays of imperial expansion in Africa, British agents were provided
French, the Portuguese, with printed treaty forms which could be completed with the names of
Belgian, Spanish and traditional rulers as they went on their journeys of colonial expedition. As
the German as long as the full implication of the treaties unfolded, some traditional rulers put up
their colonial rulership resistance to various aspects of colonial rule and were speedily exiled
lasted in Africa. Again, from their domain. In this manner, Prepeh, King of the Ashantis and King
each colonial power Jaja of Opobo were exiled.
changed her approach

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Politics in Africa I

It is noteworthy that the widespread use in British, French and Belgian territories. For instance
loss of indigenous from 1922 to 1960, various constitutions formed the milestones in the
sovereignty of the polity transformation process of the modern state. From the Clifford
usually preceded the Constitution of 1922 through Richards Constitution and Macpherson
attempts at transforming Constitution to the Independence Constitution of 1960, the British
traditional political incrementally introduced an adapted model of the Westminster system in
ConstitutionThefundamen Nigeria. The story is the same in all Anglophone, and to a certain extent,
tal system of law, written or in Francophone African colonies.
unwritten, of a sovereign
state, established or It is instructive to note that nationalist activities in the colonies were
accepted as a guide for directed towards rapid transformation so that political power could pass
governing the state.
into the hands of indigenous politicians. One should add here that in
systems. British colonies where a sizeable population of whites existed, these
minorities were favoured in the distribution of political power as the
3.2.2 colonies went through transformation. Such discriminatory practices,
with racial overtones, were responsible for the war of liberation which
Constitutional indigenous Africans had to wage in order to establish majority rule
ism especially in Rhodesia which is now known as Zimbabwe.
In Portuguese territories of Angola and Mozambique, the story is crassly
Through the use of different because the colonial administration simply integrated a small
constitutions, colonial minority of Africans known as assimiladoes into the mainstream of
authorities transformed Portuguese politics and made very slow progress towards modernization
indigenous political of the colonies which officially constituted overseas provinces of
systems into adapted metropolitan Portugal. The friction was terminated by African
forms of Western nationalists through long-drawn wars of liberation.
models. This
mechanism was in
It is instructive to note that nationalist activities in thecolonies were directed
towards rapid transformation so that political power co uld pass into the hands
of indigenous politicians. One should add here that in B ritish colonies where a
sizeable population of whites existed, these minoritie s were favoured in the
distribution of political power as the colonies went t hhrough transformation.
Sucdiscriminatory practices, with racial overtones, w ere responsible for the
war of liberation which indigenous Africans had to wage in order to establish
majority rule especially in Rhodesia which is now known as Zimbabwe.
Note

3.3 Introduction of Colonial Political

Economy
It is important for you to know that it was necessary for the colonizer to
change the political system and other political activities that related to it
before African indigenous politics could undergo the kind of total,
effective and everlasting transformation which the colonizer needed.
Therefore, he had to attack other spheres which make up the
sociopolitical life of the polities. Thus, the material, production,
distribution and exchange processes that were indigenous to African
societies were

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 Study Session 2Transformation of Traditional African Political Systems

attacked. We can therefore say that the transformation was not just the
transformation of the political sphere, but rather the transformation of the
indigenous political economy.
GovernmentThemachinery The Oxford Universal Dictionary (illustrated) defines political economy
of the state; comprising the as "the art of managing the resources of a people and of its government".
individuals and institutions
authorized to formulate
This definition was first given by Adam Smith, one of the earliest
public policies and conduct scholars in the field of Political Economy which is, "the theoretical
affairs of state science of the laws of production and distribution of wealth," according to
McCulloch. You must realise that the whole politicaleconomy of any
polity must be changed before the politics of the polity can be
transformed, because politics itself is no more than the process of
authoritative allocation of resources. Resources, their production,
distribution and exchange, obviously, belong to the economic sphere of
life of human beings.
This explains why we must pay particular attention to the economy of the
polities and the changes that they underwent in order to understand fully
the transformation which occurred in the colonial era. As you know, the
importance of things like food, shelter and clothing to human beings and
their capacity to handle these basic needs cannot be over emphasized.
Availability or non-availability of these resources including their pattern
of distribution in any society spells social problems. Therefore, a change
in the political economy of a polity registers effect on the social life of
the political society inhabiting the polity.
We can now conclude this argument by saying that the transformation
which occurred in African indigenous polities was not limited to the
political sphere alone. It began in the economic, social and cultural
spheres of life of the peoples living in the polities. It was a pervasive
transformation. It is instructive to note that rather than the changes in the
political sphere, it is the changes in the polity because material resources
stand at the centre of human activities on earth.
Political Once the most important and most vital aspect (political economy) of the
EconomyThestudy oflife of the polity had been tampered with, and controlled by the colonizer,
economics and government
policy: the study of ways in the people lost their economic independence completely. In the process of
which economics and introducing a new political economy, the political economy of
government policies interact. colonialism, that is, the colonizer established a teacher-student
relationship between him and the colonized. This relationship, in some
cases, resulted in master-servant relationship. Even today, many years
after political independence, this relationship still persists in various
forms. The dependence that it still engenders marks out Africa as a
political region of weak nations and unstable political economies.

3.4 Political Economy of Pre-Colonial

Africa
Part of the reason why scholars began to dig into African past was the
allegation by the West that Africa had no past worthy of mention and

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systematic study and that the history of Africa began with her contact
with the west. In other words, that Africans began meaningful existence
as Homo sapiens with their colonization by Europe. Research into pre-
Politics in Africa I

colonial political economy of the continent has proved this allegation

wrong. Instead, it is now known that before the heydays of colonialism
there was already in place a political economy with distinct features.

3.5 Periods in the Development of Pre-

Colonial Political Economy and their
Characteristic
Features
In order to help your understanding of the development of African
political economy before colonialism took over, it is important to
examine the various stages that are identifiable. Each stage is linked up
with a period. Thus, the following periods are identified:
1. The communal mode of production
2. The slave mode of production
3. The feudal mode of production.

3.5.1 Communal Mode of Production

At the beginning of the emergence of African political societies, the clan
represented the unit of social organizations and in terms of social
production the family was the basic unit. It was the clans, in their clusters,
that built up the traditional polities which also developed into kingdoms
and empires.
At this stage of production, agricultural and pastoral activities were
undertaken. Agricultural activities were limited to the tropical rain forest
areas as well as to other climatic belts with sufficient rainfall to support
the cultivation of tree and root-crops. Pastoral activities dominated
production efforts in areas with little rains. Ownership of land was
communal while its use was regulated and managed by the chief and
individual families.
Land and labour formed the major means of production while in addition,
agricultural implements and herds of animals were important to the
agriculturalists and the pastoralists respectively. It is important to note
that at this stage of production there was equal access to land, the
regulation of which was conditioned by egalitarian principles and proven
need. Both land and animals were transferable but in the case of land, an
inheritor must also demonstrate ability to continue to farm the land
otherwise it reverts to the community for fresh allocation.

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 An essential feature of this mode of production was co-operation at all
levels. There was cooperation in form of pooling of labour and material
resources, mutual assistance and deep sense of responsibility to the
community in all economic matters were also important ingredients. The
community frowned at cheating and bad practices. Laziness was visited
with profound social sanctions.
Another feature of this period is the absence of social classes. Relations
among people and social roles were dictated by age and status and not by
Study Session 2Transformation of Traditional African Political Systems

social classes. Political participation of the individual was determined by

the generation to which he or she belonged. The exercise of power and
authority was vested in elders who were initially elected but as such
exercise became institutionalized, it also became hereditary; thus losing
its initial democratic content. In the exercise of power and authority,
checks and balances did exist. A chief could be removed if such checks
and balances were not recognised by him.
Despite the crude mode of production, enough was produced to cover the
need of the community and some surpluses were also recorded. Such
surpluses served as objects of barter with neighbouring communities
based strictly on need.
produced to cover the
also recorded. Such ng
Despite the crude mode of production, enough was communities based
need of the community and some surpluses were
surpluses served asobjects of barter with neighbouri tly
stricon need.
Note

3.5.2 Slavocratic Mode of Production

As interaction among various communities increased, so also conflicts
increased among them. Expansionist impulses in some cases gave rise to
feuds over land. In some other cases, inordinate ambition to expropriate
the wealth of another community caused conflicts that were carried out in
form of organized raids on weaker communities. Such raids ended with
the capture of animals, land and people. Human beings thus became
slaves. When a mode of production is based, essentially, on slave labour,
like the one that we shall discuss shortly, we say it is slavocratic.
Since slave-labour was crucial to this mode of production, the
organization of communities and their activities were dictated by sources
of slaves from wars, raid and other conflictual activities, and defence of
territories and prevention of enslavement. In other words, military
activities perpetuated this mode of production.
This development brought in other changes in social relations and the
exercise of political power. For instance, decentralization was occasioned
by the emergence of feudal lords whose source of wealth and power was
war-mongering. This coincided with the emergence of the military class

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and war-lords. The polities themselves became 'military democracies'.
This development was observed in Africa around the 10th century.

Aside from slave labour, other means of production in Slavocratic mode

were land and arms. Communal ownership of these resources could not
persist as individual war-lords developed ranting ambitions. Land
Hint cultivation and construction of infrastructures (roads, bridges and so on.) were left for the
slaves to do. They also formed the bulk of the army. Freemen also farmed
but employed slave labour.
Elders served as political advisers and logisticians. It is noteworthy that the
Politics in Africa I

status of a slave was not a perpetual one under this mode of production. A
slave got integrated into the family of the captor with time. In some cases,
they are known to have become rulers of their captors, courtiers and
ambassadors.

Slavocratic mode of production threw up more surpluses than the

preceding mode of production. Private appropriation of such surpluses by
chiefs, elders and free men came into existence. This is therefore the first
class society, and the first exploitative society. Slaves were exploited by
the free men.

3.5.3 Feudal Mode of Production

This mode of production is defined by two main actors. These are a fief
and a serf. The fief is land-holding, serf-owning, possessed distinct
political power and authority in a decentralized administrative system and
a tested member of the military and therefore ruling class. The serf is
economically just a step away from slavery because he enjoyed some
measure of economic freedom no matter how small. But for all practical
purposes, the serf stood in a personal bond of dependence upon the feudal
lord. They were peasant producers for the expropriation of the land-lords.
The social relations were exploitative as surpluses flowed into the coffers
of the land-lord in form of tribute. The amount of tribute payable is
entirely dependent on the consumption need of the land-lord. His need
must be covered by the sweat of the serf.
Ownership of land defined social classes under this mode of production.
Thus, the landowning chiefs and their vassals constituted the ruling class.
Class divisions were clear and unmistakable. By the 17th century a group
of artisans, skilled in various arts emerged as the economy called for such
specialized skills. Thus, black-smiths, gold-smiths, carpenters and
sculptors emerged.

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 he development of
It is instructive to note that all the periods identified in t preabove paid
colonial political economy of Africa and described ntion particular
atteto culture. Surpluses were allocated to the p encedromotion of culture as
evidtoday by highly intricate works of art and a ud as artifacts that now do us
propeople with a glorious past.
Note

Study Session Summary

In this Study Session, we discussed the reasons
for the political transformation of Africa by the colonialists and how the
Summary
colonizer transform indigenous political systems into adapted Western
models to facilitate his understanding of the political environment in
which he had to operate. The political economy of African state before
colonization was also examine.
Study Session 2Transformation of Traditional African Political Systems

Assessment
1.What are the reasons for the transformation of Africa by the
colonialists?
2.Analyse the mechanisms for the transformation of African politics.
3.What is political economy?
4.Examine the distinctive political economy of Africa before the advent
of colonialism

Assessment

27
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Politics in Africa I

Study Session 4

Penetration Thesis
Introduction
This Study Session explores the penetration of western capitalist on
African societies. We shall examine the impact of this on African
polityand consequently African politics as we know it today.

Learning Outcomes
When you have studied this Study Session, you should be able to:
4.1 discussthe penetration thesis.
4.2 writea discourse on the underdevelopment of Africa by the
colonizers.
4.3 drawup y our own conclusion to the penetration thesis in
addition to that of the proponents.

CapitalismAn economic transformation of pre-colonial political economy into a form of capitalist

system in which private one. It can also be seen as the process by which pre-colonial political
individuals and business firms
carry on the production and economy lost its internal dynamics and independence. It seeks to explain
exchange of goods and how African societies were turned away from self-directed development
services through a complex and made appendages of western capitalist societies. It is an account of
network of prices and
markets. how pre-colonial African mode of production had the capitalist mode
forcibly super-imposed upon it.

4.2 Articulation of Penetration

Independence State of
having political freedom and
being free from control or
dependence on another state.
A simple way of
Thesis
defining western The penetration thesis seeks to explain the root of African situation today.
capitalist penetration is In this attempt it takes stock of or evaluates pre-colonial political and
to see it as the totality of social conditions as well as the state of the economy. In a nutshell, an
processes and assessment of the totality of African existence in the pre-colonial era is
procedures, structures considered and the following conclusions are reached:
and linkages which were
i. That African states and societies had
put in place by the
colonizer in order to developed, in most parts of
effectively accomplish
the selfserving
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 Study Session 3Penetration Thesis
the continent, political order and economic systems that provided
adequately for their members without reliance on external
assistance. Testimonies from early European explorers represent
objective evidences in support of this fact.
ii. That each African polity and political society represented an
organic and homogeneous unit economically and culturally.
iii. That African societies had, on the eve of European penetration,
developed an impressive technological standard that well served
their needs in the productive process as well as in the fabrication
of works of art and artifacts compared with the achievement of
other societies in that period.
iv. That the pattern of exchange among pre-colonial societies was
dictated by real needs of the people. Exchange across borders
was equal or symmetric.
v. That African states and societies of pre-colonial era, like other
human societies, had possessed internal dynamics which was
capable of generating self-directed auto development.
Penetration thesis then proceeds to examine the colonial situation in
Africa and what transformation had taken place. The conclusion is drawn
that the whole colonization process and the colonial order, in its entirety,
represents, from the point of view of the African, a mal-development
which is a far-cry from natural course of movement of pre-colonial
s
i The whole colonization process and the colonial order, in its entirety,
t represents, from the point of view of the African, a mal -development which
uis a far-cry from natural course of movement of pre-colonial situation
a
tion.

Reflection

Finally, the state of affairs in Africa after "flag independence", in view of

the African experience in the colonial situation and the deplorable state of
affairs in the post-colonial state and society, is traced to the abiding
features of colonialism and imperialist enterprise that put colonialism in
place in the first instance. Hence, this period is referred to as the
neocolonial stage of western capitalist penetration.The foregoing
represents the premises on which the proponents of penetration thesis
base their argument.

4.3 Consequences of Penetration

In their argument in support of the penetration thesis, its proponents
examined first and foremost the consequences of penetration of one
society by another as an act by itself and concluded as follows:

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A
p
enetrated society cannot be said to retain all its characteristic features
once the business of penetration is in full swing. This is because certain
discontinuities are bound to occur since the penetrator or penetrating
agent is at the same time a transformer with a set of objectives in mind.
These objectives are subjectively defined and cannot be executed unless
the transformer or prime-mover stops aspects of the indigenous order or
the entire indigenous order. Thus, the interruption of indigenous order
followed by the introduction of new things into the society further
complicates the matter and ultimately causes distortion of the original but
now penetrated society.
Since the external prime-mover has now taken charge of the entire
society by exercising multipurpose dominance, the internal dynamics of
the penetrated society is now externalized. Henceforth, the penetrated
society would depend on the external prime-mover for vital activities
including the direction, rate and character of development in the society.
A penetrated society becomes the shadow of its former self.

4.4 How the Colonies were

Underdeveloped
1. Once the colonizer seized initiative of vital activities in the
penetrated society, he embarked on a massive satellization of the
economy of the colony and its culture to metropolitan economy and
culture. As the metropoles developed themselves through the
resources found in the colonies and unleashed further resources by
means of their own technology, the colony was systematically
underdeveloped in the same process. In the early part of western
capitalist penetration, emphasis was on labour as a resource. Thus,
m
satellization of the
The iintroduction of money nexus consolidated the
l onomic pressure on
colonies. Taxation systems further completed the ecthe various methods
the lAfrican. The resources lost to Europe through
i
of exploitation metropoles while
enriched the western capitalist
o societies were impoverished. In its crudecolonial form, this
Af rican
n
ex ploitation lasted between 100 and 500 years.
s
of Africans were shipped to Europe and North America during the
trans-Atlantic slave trade.

Reflection

Later, it was mineral resources, agricultural produce and other goods

of value. The introduction of money nexus consolidated the

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 Study Session 3Penetration Thesis
satellization of the colonies. Taxation systems further completed the
economic pressure on the African. The resources lost to Europe
through the various methods of exploitation enriched the western
capitalist metropoles while African societies were impoverished. In
its crude colonial form, this exploitation lasted between 100 and 500
years. You should imagine the amount of resources carted off over
this long period of time.
2. Indigenous technology was 'killed' in order to eliminate possible
competition between the imported technology and the indigenous
one. This is particularly the case in areas where indigenous
technology has demonstrated superiority. The case of textile
technology and distillation of alcoholic drinks readily come to mind
in this respect. Prohibition and importation were employed by the
colonizer to affect the policy of technological dominance.
The first and most widely used was prohibition. In such cases, the
use of technology to produce certain goods is simply prohibited.
Thus the indigenous gin became' illicit gin' in colonial Nigeria
because distillation of alcohol was prohibited. The reason for this act
was economic. It was designed to give various drinks imported into
the colony monopoly of liqueur market.

Indigenous technology for the production of arms and ammunition was

Hint also prohibited. The reason for this was military. The colonizer wanted to ensure that he
enjoyed monopoly of force in case of a military show-down between his
administration and the nationalists.

Such an attack on indigenous technology served as precursor for the

dumping of inferior goods from the metropole which later served as
the alternative to the product of indigenous technology especially
clothing and materials for the construction of shelter as well as food
items. This is the root of technological dependence that African
societies are now experiencing.
3. Exportation of capital into the colonies in form of investment as well
as capital for running financial institutions like banks and insurance
companies by metropolitan-based companies. Such investments
which were backed by the political dominance of the colonizer
yielded bumper interests which were repatriated at regular intervals
to swell the stock of capital available in the metropole while the
colony was, by the same amount repatriated, impoverished. Imagine
the huge amount of capital siphoned off over scores of years. And
this old process continues in new forms today.

ion thesis, politics in

In the assessment of the proponents of the penetrat
sion in the continent
Africa today has its origin in western imperialist intru
over a long period of time.

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Tip

4. The superimposition of alien values, perspectives, beliefs,

superstitions and idiosyncrasies to the neglect of indigenous ones did
not help cultural advancement of the colonies. Thus, the colonial
society was forced to learn new ways. A new language had to be
learnt, a new religion and mode of worship were introduced, while
the colonized spent all his energy learning the new ways, his own
culture was not promoted. The imposed mimicry and catching-up
mentality dealt severe blows to the confidence of the colonized. This
psychological problem sometimes resulted in self-rejection. This is
reflected in the African's love of goods and services of foreign
origin. It is also observable, even in post-colonial Africa, in the
choice of socio-economic and political models and ways of doing
things. The ruling classes in the continent are particularly guilty of
this self-rejection. The situation is so bad that some post-colonial
African states mounted massive campaigns for self-reliance as a
development strategy because pervasive self-rejection of the African
has been identified as a source of under-development.

Hint The colonial society was forced to learn new ways. A new language had to

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 Study Session 3Penetration Thesis
Politics in Africa I

be learnt, a new religion and mode of worship were introduced, while the
colonized spent all his energy learning the new ways, his own culture was
not promoted. The imposed mimicry and catching-up mentality dealt
severe blows to the confidence of the colonized. This psychological
problem sometimes resulted in self-rejection. This is reflected in the
African's love of goods and services of foreign origin.

4.5 Conclusions on Penetration Thesis

After an intense analysis of the discontinuities and distortions that have
been brought about in African societies through western capitalist
penetration, a number of conclusions are drawn by the proponents of the
penetration thesis. For easy understanding these conclusions are outlined
below.
1. That the seed of development of every society inheres in the culture
and economic activities of the society. Therefore African societies
would have achieved a level of development compatible with their
effort and endowment if left alone and without intrusion from
outside.
2. The externalization of dynamics of development which occurred in
the process of penetration deprived the societies of the opportunity
to employ their productive efforts and endowment for their own use.
The satellization which this process brought about extinguished the
independence of the states and societies. Therefore, the degree of
development achieved by penetrated societies reflected the degree
allowed by the external prime-mover, the colonizer.
3. Western capitalist penetration was not designed to benefit Africans
but Europeans; therefore, the whole relationship between the
colonies and the metropoles was exploitative, leading to
impoverishment of Africans. Little wonder, therefore, that the
political economy of Africa is that of underdevelopment.
4. The present economic backwardness, social disarticulation, political
instability and failure of Western-type democratic practice,
ignorance and disease are the outcrops of the multifarious ways in
which western capitalist penetration and its structures shaped the
course and content of development in Africa.
The first groups of people to articulate the penetration thesis were the
westernized early African nationalists. Their early writings about the
plight of Africa reflected this. This is particularly the case with the works
of Dr.NnamdiAzikiwe, ObafemiAwolowo, Jomo Kenyatta, Ahmed,
SekouTowre, Kwame Nkrumah, Modibo Keita, Leopold Senghor, Patrice
Lumumba, Julius Nyerere and a host of others.

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They were joined by Africans in Diaspora to articulate the thesis. Most
outstanding among these were W.E.B. Dubois, George Padmore and C.R.
James who identified with the African struggle as young people in the
Pan-African movement.
African scholars in search of explanation for Africa's underdevelopment

have now delivered incontrovertible evidence for the role which western
capitalist penetration has played in conditioning African
underdevelopment which is reflected in its economy and politics boldly.
The most outstanding of such scholars is Samir Amin. Others are Franz
Fanon and Walter Rodney. They all condemn imperialism for the African
predicament.

colonies were underdeveloped by satellization of

Theropolitan ones coupled with the following mecha their economies to the
met nisms: Introduction of
ney nexus and taxation in cash and kind, arrest
mo of the development of l
indigenous technology, pillage, slave trade andexchange.
unequa
Note

ReadingActivit Review Walter Rodney‘s How Europe Underdeveloped Africa.

Post your response on Study Session Four forum page on course website.

Study Session Summary

In this Study Session, we discussed the penetration thesis. Penetration
thesis traces the root of African political, economic and social situation
to western capitalism. We noted that Western capitalist penetration of
Africa entails the multipurpose way in which the West eroded the
Summary independence of African societies. They did that by taking control of their
political economy and stopping their self-directed development. We
discover that even after the so-called independence, the African states
and societies are unable to shake off the features of the colonial state
which made the mal development possible.

Assessment
1.What do you understand as penetration thesis?
2 .To what extent can you say Europe underdeveloped Africa?2
3.What are the consequences of European penetration to Africa?

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Assessment

Politics in Africa I

Study Session 5

Imperialism in Africa
Introduction
In the previous study session, we explored how Western European
metropolis completely took over African territories, administration and
political economies. In this Study Session you will be exposed to the
mechanics of imperialism in Africa.

Learning Outcomes
When you have studied this Study Session, you should be able to:
5.1 discuss the concept of imperialism in relation to African experience.
5.2 argue for or against the doctrines of imperialism.
5.3 discuss the assumptions on which the doctrine of civilization is based.

5.1 Meaning of Imperialism

Imperialism has been defined in various ways depending on the interest
of the writer, and the aspect or aspects of the concept the writer wants to
emphasize. But let us examine just two of such definitions. In the
Chambers's Encyclopaedia we find imperialism defined as follows:
"In its broadest sense imperialism means the political organization
which we call an empire. An empire always implies the role of one
nation, race or community over another. It is a social organism or
state in which the political status of the peoples inhabiting the
geographical area within the state is not equal; one community is

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dominant and the other subject. Political inequality is the essence
of empire".
This definition, as you will observe, emphasizes the power relations
between two peoples or two states. The two peoples or states relate to
each other on the basis of inequality because there is a disparity of
political power between them. This power disparity is, according to this
definition, the source of imperial dominance of one people or state over
another people or state. As you will also observe, this broad definition of
imperialism emphasizes political aspect of imperialism. The strength of
this definition lies in the fact that political dominance of the imperial
power which it emphasizes can, in fact, be deployed to achieve a number
of ends depending at various times on the need of the imperial or

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 Study Session4Imperialism in Africa

imperialist power. This explains why some writers, especially Hans

Morgenthau in Politics Among Nations, argues that imperialism is about
power; power to dominate. Once that power has been achieved it can be
used to pursue other ends that may be economic, cultural or military. In
this sense the definition which we have just discussed contains the seeds
of the next one.

"In its broadest sense imperialism means the political organization which
we call an empire. An empire always implies the role of one nation, race or Hint community
over another. It is a social organism or state in which the political status of the peoples
inhabiting the geographical area within the state is not equal; one community is dominant and
the other subject. Political inequality is the essence of empire

The second definition to be considered is by Barratt Brown in his book,

The EconomicsofImperialism. Brown defined imperialism as: "the
outward drive of certain peoples... to build empires - both formal colonies
and privileged positions in markets, protected sources of materials and
extended opportunities for profitable employment of labour. The concept
has thus been associated with an economic relationship between states,
not simply the inequality of large and small, rich and poor trading
partners, but the inequality of political and economic dependence of the
latter on the former". This second definition differs a little bit from the
first one in terms of its own focus. Its focus is essentially economic.
Barratt posits that imperialism is a set of economic relationships. This set
of economic relationships of inequality gives rise to political as well as
economic subordination and dependence. Compared with the first
definition, the second reverses the sequence of occurrence between
political dominance and economic inequality. What you have seen here is
the result of difference in the approaches used by the two writers. The
weakness of Barratt's economic definition lies in the fact that it fails to
point out the relationship between imperialism and capitalism.
If we relate both definitions to Africa's experience we find that each
explains imperialist enterprise on the continent at different times. Claude
Ake in A Political Economy of Africa confirms this by stating that,
"Western imperialism in Africa took many forms at different stages - the
pillage of Africa's natural resources, trade, and colonisation". Put simply,
economic imperialism is the economic domination of one country or a
group of countries by another for the main purpose of formal or informal
control of domestic economic resources for the benefit of the dominating
power, and at the expense of the local people and their economy.

It is not appropriate to equate colonialism alone to imperialism.

Experience has shown that imperialism can pre-date colonialism as it did
in Africa. Imperialist activities in forms of pillage, a semblance of trading

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w
h
ich involved outrageous under-pricing of African commodities came
before colonization which formally put political structures of dominance
in place and carved out areas of exclusive exploitation. Many people take
colonialism as the only form that imperialism can take because most of
the transformation accompanying western capitalist penetration in Africa
took place under colonialism. As you will know later in this course,
imperialism is highly adaptable. History of post-colonial Africa has also
pointed out to us that the end of colonialism does not put an end to
imperialism.
Politics in Africa I

It is not appropriate to equate colonialism alone to i mperialism. Experience

has shown that imperialism can pre-date colonialism as it did in Africa ...
before colonization which formally put political struct eures of dominance in
placand carved out areas of exclusive exploitatio n. Many people take
colonialism as the only form that imperialism can tak because most of the
e
transformation accompanying western capitalist pen eetration in Africa took
placunder colonialism. Imperialism is highly adapt able. History of postof
col onial Africa has also pointed out to us that the end
colonialism does not
put an end to imperialism.
Note

5.2Doctrine of Imperialism
While there is a minimum of agreement among writers on the definition
of imperialism as a concept (as a phenomenon) there have been different
views on the nature and character as well as the causes of imperialism.
The use of the word has been open to abuse by opposing ideological
groups as well as social classes both in imperialist countries and in
imperialised societies. Shifts in global structure of power have also
influenced our views on the phenomenon.

theoretical opinions
The doctrines of imperialism are therefore the
heir activities in order
canvassed by the advocates of imperialism to justify t
to escape moral condemnation at home and abroad.

Tip

In the hey-days of European expansionism and imperialist adventure,

especially between the 1850's and the second half of the 19th century,
there were some dominant views held by three groups of people in
Western Europe. Such views were also "sold" to the rest of the world as
explanations for imperialism in Africa, Asia and Latin America. These
explanations which are also subjective are what I refer to in this Study
Session as doctrines of imperialism. Now, what is a doctrine?

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The Oxford Universal Dictionary defines doctrine as, "that which is laid
down as true concerning a particular department of knowledge as
religion, politics, science and so on, a theoretical opinion".
The doctrines of imperialism are therefore the theoretical opinions
canvassed by the advocates of imperialism to justify their activities in
order to escape moral condemnation at home and abroad. Three groups of
people were involved in canvassing the opinions. They are:
1. Politicians and statesmen in imperialist nations, e.g. Chamberlain,
Lord Salisbury, for Britain, Bismark, the Eisen-Kanzler for Germany
and Richeleu for France.
2. The ideologues of imperialism such as P.T. Moon, D. Landes and the
British dramatist and Fabian Socialist, Bernard Shaw, who opined
that through illiberal colonialism the poor should be ruthlessly
abolished by raising their standard of life while the rich was
preserved.
Session4Imperialism in Africa

3. Imperialist agent’s especially colonial officers or field workers who

served in various colonies over time in different capacities. Among
these are people like Rudyang Kipling and Lord Lugard who had to
commit their views into writing.
4. Cooperative natives: These are westernized indigenous Africans
who, some sincerely, held the view that colonialism was the best
thing that ever happened to Africa and Africans.

5.2 Doctrine of power

This explains imperialism as the logical outcrop of power disparity
between two interacting nations or peoples. It is, according to this
doctrine, the exercise of right of the stronger over the weaker.
The substance of the argument has been stated by Daniel Landes as
follows: "Imperialism is a multi-farious response to a common
opportunity that consists simply in disparity of power". Luthy holds
corroboratively that the passive capacity of the non-European world to be
colonized was a basic factor in European world power as the European
drive for expansion itself because virtually, nowhere did the colonizers
come across political entitles and social structures possessing an inherent
capacity to resist external onslaught or people who lived in liberty, and
independence worth defending and under rulers worth preserving.
It is further argued by the apostles of power doctrine that power naturally
does not allow power-vacuum. It flows to a situation of powerlessness.
Europe, in the heyday of imperialist expansion, was a region of powerful
nations. Africa on the other hand, was inhabited by relatively weaker

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n
a
tions. Therefore, European incursion into Africa obeys perfectly the law
of nature.
Dr.NnamdiAzikwe in one of his early books, Renascent Africa, referred
to this doctrine as the doctrine of exploitation because the same right of
t
hPeoples that were once sovereign and who basked in an age long freedom
esuddenly became subject peoples under a new ad ministration and new
laws. Their labour could be commandeered at will so were their valuable
and, which had now
s resources including the source of their livelihood-l
t become Crown Land.
r
onger over the weaker is involved to forcibly take over the people of
colonized territories and their resources.

Reflection

The argument of imperialists in this regard was that the human and
material resources were being developed on behalf of the native people.
In fact, it was the metropolitan states that were thus developed while the
colonies were underdeveloped. It was through this process that large
stocks of capital were accumulated in Western Europe and in North
America.
The doctrine of power also informed the style of colonial administration
which relied at first on direct coercion and later after the "pacification"
stage, on draconian legal sanctions.
Politics in Africa I

TreatyA formal contract or

agreement negotiated
between countries or other
political entities.
Reflection
5.2.1 Primary Resistance and the Doctrine
of Power
It is necessary to point out the fallacies in the doctrine of power,
especially the aspect of it which gives the impression that indigenous
peoples of Africa did nothing to preserve their independence or ward off
external aggression mounted in the wake of imperialist campaign in
Africa. This is a wrong impression. The truth is that all African
communities put up resistance led by their rulers or traditional war-lords.
This is often referred to as primary resistance. We find ample evidence of
such resistance among West African ethnic groups leading to the exile of
notable rulers like Prempeh of the old Gold Coast, King Jaja of Opobo,
and others. In East, Central and Southern Africa, the Kikuyus, Luo,
Massai, Matabeles, Mashonas, Dinuzulus, Bakongos, etc rose up at

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various times to resist campaigns against indigenous rulers and their people, followed only in
English, French, cases where the ruler resisted overtures by colonial agents. Such
Belgian and German overtures, as I have mentioned in earlier study sessions, were in the form
imperialists. At the of the so-called ―treaties of friendship‖. Each colonial agent was
battle of Adowa, the supplied with copies of such spurious treaties to be signed and concluded
Ethiopians defeated the with native rulers whenever opportunities presented themselves. You will
Italians. The film, The recall that this fact has been mentioned before.
Zulu, documents the Regarding the quality of governance and the state of order on the eve of
amount of blood of colonial incursion into African polities, colonial anthropologists, in spite
resisting Zulus that
of the biases of their research methodology were more objective than the
Britain had to let before advocates of colonialism. Most of them testified to the high standard of
she could take over administration which manifested itself in the governance of pre-colonial
Zululand which has
African polities.
now become part of
e doctrine of power is no more than a rationa
apartheid Republic of Thtivities of imperialism since the main plank in its lization of predatory
South Africa. ac argument reduces to
orification of the employment of brute force t
gl o kill, destroy and
The second impression exterminate cultures in the process of demonstrating superiority
t
of power, -
bu the doctrine has failed to tell us the prime
that needs correction is motive behind this
that the colonization demonstration of power. What did the so-called superior power want to
achieve by exercising dominance in African territories? This question
process was entirely by
remains unanswered. Now, let us examine anotherctrine of imperialism.
conquest. This is also do
false. Military

5.3 Doctrine of Civilization

Imperialism is also explained in terms of civilizing mission. The essence
of this doctrine was expressed in a poem written by a former British
colonial Governor in India - Rudyan Kipling. Consider the first stanza of
the poem:

Session4Imperialism in Africa

Take up the Whiteman‘s burden

Send forth the best ye breed
Go bid your sons to exile
To serve your captive's needs
To wait in heavy harness
One fluttered fold and wild
Your new caught sullen people‘s half devil half child.
Thus imperialism is conceived as the "white-man's burden" gladly carried
in order to civilize black, brown and yellow peoples in all nooks and
corners of the world. An onerous task accepted in the interest of
humanity. This is what we are supposed to believe. We are also supposed
to believe that whatever is done in the process of this "civilizing mission"
is essentially for the good of the black, brown and yellow peoples. This
explains President W. Mckinley's stance when U.S. annexed the
Philippines. He said:

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“
T
here is nothing for us to do but to take them, all of them and
to educate the Philipinos and uplift and civilise and
christianize them as our own fellow men for whom Christ
also died.”
Such an explanation of imperialism is not limited to raving politicians
and statesmen alone; several serious-minded writers with Eurocentric
biases rigorously engage in such unscholarly enterprise. Take for
instance, Griffiths, in his book British Impact In India, holds the view
that, "a condemnation action of the colonization is tantamount to a
condemnation of the main process by which civilization has been
diffused". To Griffiths, colonialism is the vehicle for the dispersal of
civilization across the world. Even younger generations of European and
North American writers have not abandoned this subjective
rationalization for a predatory phenomenon.Writing in the 1960's, Rupert
Emerson, in Nation and the Empire, believes that "there remain good
reasons to doubt that non-European peoples could have been induced
without compulsion to undertake, in any comparable space of time, the
revolutionizing of their societies which involved abandonment of their
established way of life". This is a refined way of saying the same thing
expressed by P.T. Moon in a book that was written in 1927 and titled,
Imperialism and World Politics. P.T. Moon, very bluntly put it as
follows: "This is altruism, an aggressive altruism, because it means using
brutal force to impose on unwilling native peoples the blessing of French
or German or British or American civilisation. Indeed this altruism goes
to such length that the civilizing nations are willing not only to shoot the
Hindus or the Zulus or the Philippinos or the Mexicans into culture but to
undergo the hardship of war with equally zealous civilizing nations..."

Colonialism is the vehicle for the dispersal of civilization across the world.
Even younger generations of European and North A tmerican writers have
noabandoned this subjective rationalization for a pre datory phenomenon
Tip

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Politics in Africa I

The term "dual mandate" coined by one of the most successful colonial
governors- Lord Lugard is supposed to summarize the ultimate objective
of the civilizing mission of European imperialism. The notion of dual
mandate views the black, brown and yellow peoples of the world as the
trust of western civilization. They are to be civilized and developed not
only in their own interest but also in the interest of mankind.
Comments on the Doctrine of Civilization
The doctrine of civilization reveals the following assumptions at a second
look
1. Absence of any kind of civilization worthy of recognition in Africa,
Asia and Latin America. This eurocentric cultural arrogance explains
the wanton destruction of civilization by Europeans as they came in
contact with other societies. Thus the Spaniards destroyed superior
Inka Culture in Mexico and various African cultures in the wake of
their expansionist efforts. If culture is truly "the complex of the
distinctive beliefs, attainments and traditions of a particular society
which in action assert themselves under the name of a civilization" it
cannot be validly proved that the black, brown and yellow peoples
that imperialism claims to be civilizing, have no cultures of their own
because a society without beliefs, attainments or traditions, no
matter how lowly or exotic, is unthinkable. Therefore, explaining the
imperialist enterprise in terms of civilizing mission is less than honest
about the real purpose of European imperialism in Africa, Asia and
Latin America.
2. Assumption of racial superiority of white people deriving from the
superiority of caucasian culture over those of other peoples of the
world. This forms the root of white racism. For, if you allocate a
subordinate class to other people as the doctrine does, you will
develop contempt for them and consequently discriminate against
them on the basis of their race Marcus Garvey sees the root of white
racism not in the colour of the skin but in the Whiteman’s claim of
superior culture - "because as a race to them we have accomplished
nothing, we have built no nation, no government and because we
are dependent for our economic and political existence."
The racist underpinnings of the doctrine of civilization which held sway
among western imperialist nations in the heyday of their incursion into
Africa, as a convenient rationalization for a deeply economic
phenomenon, finally surface at the end of World War I, and found
documentation in the League of Nations Covenant and the provisions on
the League's Mandate system. Now, it is pertinent to discuss this
important document because of the implication which its implementation
had unleashed on existing international society.

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5.3.1 The Civilizing Mission and the League

of Nations'
Mandate System
The influence of the USA and President Woodrow Wilson on the affairs
of Europe after the First World War, 1914-1918 cannot be
overemphasized. Paris Peace Treaty was concluded, essentially, on the
basis of President Wilson's 14-Point Programme for peace to return to
Europe and the rest of the world after the defeat of Germany and the
Turkish Ottoman Empire.
Paris Peace Treaty recognised the right of non-German speaking peoples
of Austro-Hungarian Empire to self-determination. To this extent, new
nations emerged from the ashes of Hapsburg's old domain. Serbian,
Csechs, Slovaks, Bulgarians and other minorities in the Balkan
Peninsular joined others to forge federated states or maintain individual
existence. The First World War, in this fashion, put an end to the
existence of formal political dominance among European peoples in form
of imperial subjugation. But the situation was different for the peoples of
the Middle East, Asia and Africa, Instead of the liquidation of both
German and Ottoman Empires in these regions; the territories under both
German and Ottoman Empires were parcelled out afresh to other
established colonial powers. The arrangement was incorporated into the
League of Nations Covenant and called the Mandate System.
mal political dominance
The First World War put an end to the existence of foration. But the situation
among European peoples in form of imperial subjugand Africa, Instead of
wasdifferent for the peoples of the Middle East, Asia in these regions; the s
theliquidation of both German and Ottoman Empireswere parcelled out
territories under both German and Ottoman Empire sh
afreto other established colonial powers.
Note
The provisions of Article 22 of the League of Nations Covenant regulated
the mandate system. First, the territories in the German and Ottoman
Turkish empires were categorised into 3 classes - A,B,C. The Near
Eastern territories (now called Middle-East) were in the A category these
were, Syria, Iraq and Palestine. These Arab lands were handed over to
the British and the French. Syria went to the French while Iraq and
Palestine went to the British. African territories of the two Empires were
either in the B or C categories; because the classification corresponded
"to the degree of development of the peoples who were placed under
them." Rene Albrecht-Carrie, in A Diplomatic History of Europe hinted
that "the British and the French had planned a partition between
themselves of the existing German colonies in Africa".
The result of their manoeuvres was a division of German Cameroon and
Togoland between Britain and France. These were B mandate territories.
German Southwest Africa was assigned to the Union of South Africa as a
C mandate because it was "sparsely populated and highly undeveloped."
Southwest Africa was to be administered as an integral part of the Union
of South Africa. I shall return to the problem which South African
administration of the territory now poses for African and world affairs
later in this study session. Further, a portion of German East Africa called
Rwanda-Burundi became a Belgian mandate.
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In theory, "the mandatory power was to be responsible to the League for
the administration of his mandate, and his role was to be that of educating
the mandate area to the point where it would be prepared for
independence". German possessions in the Far East were taken over by
Japan while Australia and small New Zealand shared German Pacific
possessions.
The mandate system of the League was a glaring documentation of the
civilizing mission syndrome. It was not only eurocentric and racialist; it
was fraught with racial and interstate conflict which in the ripeness of
time has generated indigenous nationalism that, in turn, is currently
clashing with the nationalism of the mandatory power as in the case of
the Namibian people and their racist South African oppressor. It has also
become a continual source of conflict between those who benefitted from
the rulership of the mandatory power and the indigenes who are
outplayed like the case is between the Palestinians and the Israelis in the
Middle East today.

Palestinian Refugee Camp

During the Six-Day War of 1967, Israel captured territory from s urrounding Arab nations.
Thousands of Palestinian Arabs living in those areas fled to refu gee camps administered
by the United Nations, like the Baquar refugee camp in Jordan. The Palestinians remain
thelargest refugee population in the world.
Both cases gulp a tremendous amount of resources from the peoples of
the regions who are locked in the clash of nationalisms. South African
mandate and the intransigence of the apartheid state to give up the
administration of Namibia in spite of a ruling of the International Court
in the Hague and UN resolutions terminating the mandate of South
Africa over the territory as the successor to the League of Nations has
created conflict situation in Southern Africa as the conflicts between the
SWAPO and South Africa has now become a feature of the politics in the
Southern African region and a continental problem.
The presence of the United Nations Peace Keeping Force in the Middle
East since two decades ago illustrates the recognition accorded
ArabIsraeli conflict as a threat to international peace and security. Today,
the League of Nations' Mandate System has been recognised for what it
was "a mere hypocritical cloak for the operation of traditional
imperialism, adapting itself to the climate and verbiage of the day".

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Study Session Summary

In this Study Session, we examined imperialism as an established
political dominance exercised by the imperial power over a subject race,
nation or community. Advocates of imperialism - statesmen, politicians
Summary and intellectuals in Europe and North America have canvassed theoretical
doctrines for explaining imperialism: the doctrine of power and the
doctrine of civilisation.

Assessment
1. What is imperialism?
2. Write a comprehensive essay on the doctrines of imperialism and civilisation

Assessment

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 Study Session6
T heories of Imperialism

Study Session 6

Theories of Imperialism
Introduction
In this Study Session, we shall explore the ―evil‖ called imperialism. This
we will do by examining the various theories that have been advanced by
scholars on the subject.
Politics in Africa I

Learning Outcomes
When you have studied this Study Session, you should be able to:
6.1 discuss Hobson's view of imperialism and why it is referred to as
economic theory of imperialism.
6.2 contrast Hobson's and Lenin's theories of imperialism.
6.3 discuss the reasons why Schumpeter's theory of imperialism is considered
to be of low utilitarian value.
6.4 discuss why the Devil's and Schumpeter's theory are considered inferior
to Hobson's and Lenin's.

6.1 Hobson’s Theory of Imperialism

In 1902, J. A. Hobson wrote a book titled: Imperialism: A Study. By
publishing this book, Hobson started a series of theoretical discussions on
imperialism as serious-minded scholars were not satisfied with the
explanations presented by imperialist statesmen, their field-workers and
intellectual supporters.
John Atkinson Hobson was born in 1858 and "bred in the middle stratum
of the middle class of a middle-sized industrial town of the Mid-lands."
His theory was not only the first systematically articulated and
scientifically researched study; it was also the first economic theory of
imperialism.

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Hobson sees imperialism as the consequence of maladjustment in the

capitalist mode of production which brings in its wake a grossly unfair Hint income distribution
pattern among the different social classes that make up the civil society. This in turn results in
'under consumption on one hand and over savings on the other.

Progressively, excess goods pile up within the economy as well as excess

capital. He puts it as follows:
“Everywhere appear excessive powers of production,
excessive capital in search of investment. It is admitted
by all businessmen that the growth of the powers of
production in their country exceeds the growth in
consumption, that more goods can be produced than can
be sold at a profit, and the more capital exists that can
find/remunerative investment. It is this economic
condition of affairs that forms the taproot of
imperialism.”
MercantilismAn economic achieving their ends. Now, hear him:
policy in which governmental
control is exercised over “As one nation after another enters the machine economy
industry and trade in
accordance with the theory and adopts advanced industrial methods, it becomes more
that national strength is difficult for its manufacturers, merchants and financiers to
increased by a dispose profitably of their economic resources and they are
preponderance of exports
tempted more and more to use their governments in order to

on as it explains why n
It is important to pay attention to the above quotatieconomic theory of f
Hobson's theory of imperialism is referred to as a note for it leaves no n
imperialism. The last sentence is particularly worthy ocause of imperialism
onein doubt as to what Hobson believed to be the mai
or, in his own words, "the tap-root of imperialism".
Note
over imports. secure for their particular use some distant undeveloped
Much as Hobson traced country by annexation and protection...”
the "tap-root of From this quotation it does appear that the imperialist enterprise is meant
imperialism" to a to find solutions to identified economic problems. This solution,
particular ―economic
according to Hobson, is recommended by economic actors -
condition of affairs", he
"manufacturers, merchants and financiers". The politician or statesman,
recognised the role
who commands political power, deploys it to achieve the objective. But,
which the use of
of course, he has to give a national interest - related explanation for the
political power plays in
deployment of state power since there are more groups in the state than
implementing an
merchants, manufacturers, and financiers. For instance, what would
imperialist policy. It can
peasants, workers and the unemployed say if they knew that their
even be said that
government has committed so much of their human and material
Hobson recognized the
resources in order to secure the annexation of a distant territory on behalf
limitations of the
of or for the benefit of manufacturers, merchants and financiers only?
economic actors in

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 Politics in Africa I Study Session6
T heories of Imperialism
This explains why achieving imperialist objectives. These are a reversion to mercantilism
politicians and and war or militarism. The choice of these mechanisms relates directly to
statesmen do not tell the the primary objective of imperialism in the 19th century.
truth about why they This was to annex foreign territories under various pretexts. It was the
engage in imperialist colonial stage of imperialism. Imperialist countries at this stage had to
enterprise! fight colonial wars because all peoples resisted the colonization bid.
Unless such resistance was broken, by force of arms, colonisation could
6.1.1 not proceed.
Mechanisms of Again imperialism in the 19th century had to be relevant because of the
Hobson’s nature of economic state of affairs which gave rise to imperialism.
Market had to be found for dumping goods and raw materials had to flow
Theory to the colonial metropole and to the industries. It should be borne in mind
that
Hobson also identified
two mechanisms for
these mechanisms later became obsolete as imperialism changed its form.

6.1.2 Prevention of the Rise of Imperialism

Hobson saw imperialism as an undesirable phenomenon. He therefore
made policy recommendations to prevent the rise of imperialism. As far
as he was concerned, imperialism does not constitute an inevitable stage
in the development. The following are some of the public policies
recommended in order to prevent the rise of imperialism under
capitalism:
1. Rapid and important structural changes in the material and social
environment.
2. Public planning.
3. The use of taxation to eliminate material inequalities among the
social classes.
ations conflict with the
It m ral economic traditions
ust be stated here that although his recommend al
soci ory of value. For these
consequences of capitalism, Hobson upheld libe
by r the liberal theory of
ejecting both class struggle and Marx's labour the
and
other reasons Hobson's is also known as erialism.
imp
Note

6.2 Lenin's Theory of Imperialism

When Hobson's book, Imperialism: A Study was published in 1902, it
generated a lot of controversy among the intellectuals in Europe and
North America. The Marxists were most vocal in their criticism of his
theory and its conclusions. The most outstanding of the disciples of Marx
who engaged in this theoretical controversy were Lenin, Karl Kautsky,
Rosa Luxembourg and Hilferding. Each of these Marxist theoreticians, in
the process of disputation and polemics, threw more light on the nature
and essence of imperialism.
Lenin's theory was and still remains the most popular contribution
because it combined the best in the contributions of these people. So,
strictly speaking, Lenin's theory is not original to Lenin because various

49
POS213

aspects of it have been articulated more or less by his fellow Marxists.

For instance, the concept of ―finance-capital‖ which means the merger of
industrial and bank capital was originated by Hilferding who wrote a
book titled Finance-capital before Lenin's book was published. V.I.
Lenin's book which bears the title Imperialism: the Highest Stage of
Capitalism was published in 1916. It was written, not in Russia, as you
might think, but in Zurich in the spring of that year. In the preface to the
Russian edition of the book where Lenin was lamenting paucity of
literature on the subject, he declared: "1 made use of the principal English
work Imperialism, J. A. Hobson's book, with all the care that, in my
opinion, that work deserves" This leaves no one in doubt that he was
reacting to Hobson's theory.

contribution because it
. So, strictly speaking,
Lenin's theory was and still remains the most popular aspects of it have been
combined the best in the contributions of these people
Lenin's theory is not original to Lenin because various
articulated more or less by his fellow Marxists.
Note
In the presentation of his theory, Lenin first of all identifies five features
which define imperialism. The features are as follows:
1. The concentration of production and capital developed to such a
stage that it creates monopolies which plays a decisive role in
economic life.
2. A merger of bank capital with industrial capital giving rise to
finance-capital" and consequently to a financial oligarchy.
3. Exportation of capital as distinguished from commodity exportation.
4. The existence of international capitalist monopoly combines which
divide up the world.
5. Complete territorial division of the world among the greatest
capitalist powers.
The synthesis of these features form the centre-piece of Lenin‘s theory
which he articulates as follows:

“Imperialism is capitalist in that stage of development in

which the domination of monopolies and finance capital has
established itself; in which the export of capital has acquired
pronounced importance, in which the division of the world
among the international trusts has begun; in which the
partition of all territories of the globe among the great
capitalist powers has been completed.”
You will agree with me that this main body of Lenin's theory is purely
economic in character and content. But there is also a minor historical
aspect to the theory.

5
0
 Study Session6
T heories of Imperialism

This historical portion of the theory attempts to explain that imperialism,

as a phenomenon, surfaces at a particular stage in the development of
capitalism. Which stage'? The highest stage of capitalism. Lenin
disagreed with Hobson over the possibility of a rational and humane
domestic economic and social policy curing or eliminating imperialist
tendency in capitalism.

Lenin argues that "uneven development and wretched conditions of the

masses are fundamental and inevitable conditions and promises of this
mode of production". (p. 63). He further asserts that surplus capital
Hint would not be used to the purpose of raising the standard of living of the masses in a
given country as long as capitalism behaves true to type, instead such
surplus capital would be exported abroad to backward countries where
they will attract high interest rates.

51
POS213 Politics in Africa I

6.2.1 Mechanisms of Lenin’s Theory on

Imperialism
The mechanisms employed by imperialism which Lenin identified are
similar to those of Hobson but with some modifications. To Lenin,
militarism is a natural ally of imperialism as direct violence in form of
wars is needed, at various levels, to achieve imperialist ends. First,
military operations are necessary to subdue the indigenous peoples of the
territory to be annexed and the subjugation has to be maintained by force
of arms on a continuous basis.
Furthermore, arms race among imperialist powers is inevitable because
each power wants to eliminate the other in order to take over her colony
or sphere of influence so that all the economic and political advantages
may accrue to her. He states that "politically, imperialism is, in general, a
striving towards violence and reaction". On the question of cartelization,
while Hobson sees it as a means to imperialist end, Lenin views the same
phenomenon as a precondition for imperialism.

6.3 Joseph Schumpeter’s Theory of

Imperialism
Joseph Schumpeter, was an economist born in 1883. He lived and worked
as a professor of economics in his native Austria before he migrated to
Germany and USA where be died in 1950.
Schumpeter's explanation of imperialism is sociological in nature. This
explanation was articulated in his essay, "ZurSoziologie der
Imperialismus", which was published in 1919. Through Heinz Nordon's
translation, it became available in English Language under the title
‗Imperialism and Social Classes‘.
Schumpeter explains imperialism as social atavism. It cannot be explained
in terms of special interests, economic, political or any other, he argues.
Imperialism is a non-rational phenomenon which consists in aggressive
expansionism without a specific objective in mind. It is thrown up by
impulses which characterize the aggressive behaviour of individuals and
social classes whenever they are under pressure. Imperialism is therefore
the manifestation of the vestiges of the Psychological structural outcome
of such pressure and effort to survive after the pressure has gone.
He argues further that far from being the cause of imperialism, capitalism
is antithetical to it. This is because the large capacity for innovation and
invention which capitalism calls for demands in turn, rationality at every
turn. Therefore, it is unlikely that capitalism will predispose people to the
risks involved in the imperialist enterprise. In his own words:

“Imperialism is atavistic in character. It falls into large groups

of surviving features from earlier ages that play such an

52
 Study Session5Theories of Imperialism

important part in every concrete social situation. In other

words, it is an element that stems from the living conditions not
of the present but of the past... since the vital needs that created
it have passed away for good, it too must gradually disappear.”
Quite a number of writers have criticized Schumpeter's theory
for imperialism. Some have even suggested that his is not a
theory of imperialism. Let us examine some of the things which
Claude Ake has to say about Schumpeter's theory of
imperialism.
Ake's first quarrel with the theory is its definition of imperialism.
Imperialism defined as "expansionism pursued specifically by military
force" he finds grossly inadequate, because military subjugation of
foreign lands is not the only method of subjugation possible. In fact, the
same results have been accomplished through economic means. Then Ake
argues that the notion of imperialism as a purposeless impulse without the
realization of a concrete objective in mind in spite of its aggression and
risks recognized by Schumpeter himself cannot be taken too seriously.
Furthermore, to trace such an irrational behaviour to some historically
acquired disposition is, to say the least, a source of confusion.
Finally, Ake critically examined Schumpeter's dissociation of imperialism
from capitalism on the score that capitalism is rational while imperialism
is irrational and concludes that "one of the interesting things about
capitalism is that it looks so rational from the perspective of the
individual competitor but quite irrational from the point of view of the
whole system. The multiplicity of centres of economic decision-making,
necessarily a feature of capitalism, leads to a waste of resources,
competition and anarchy, and the gearing of production to effective
demand means that production is often dissociated from want". (Ake, p.
2
4
)Y central message in
.
Scou will observe from the fore-going that the value, especially
ian
w humpeter's theory is nebulous and of low utilitar ined before it. But
Schen compared with the theories that we examthat lacks elegance
an humpeter's is not the only theory of imperialism one with identical
fe rigour. Shortly, we shall examine another atures.

Tip

6.4 The "Devil's" Theory of Imperialism

Unlike the theories that we have discussed so far, the "devil's" theory of
imperialism is no handiwork of a single person or the perfection of a
theory propounded by a school of thought. Compared with Lenin's and
Hobson's theories of imperialism, this theory is a rather facile statement.

53
POS213 Politics in Africa I

It was propounded by the Nye Committee of the US Senate which

investigated between 1934 - 1936, the influence of financial and industrial
interests on the U.S intervention in the First World War. This theory is
sometimes referred to as
the "devil's" theory of war.
Terrorists Destroy World
Trade Center
A fireball erupts from the south
tower of the World Trade Center
in New York City after a hijacked
passenger jet crashed into it on
September 11, 2001. Another
hijacked jet had crashed into the
north tower about 15 minutes
earlier. Both of the 110-story
skyscrapers soon collapsed
completely. Hijackers crashed a
third plane into the Pentagon in
Arlington, Virginia, and a fourth
hijacked plane crashed in
Pennsylvania. The terrorist
attacks, which killed about 3,000
people, were the deadliest in
United States history.

The theory which, in effect, was the report of that Committee, identifies
the class of people that benefit from war directly. These are the
ammunition makers and financial barons as well as international bankers
in Wall Street. The theory then proceeds to draw the conclusion that these
categories of people, since they profit by war-mongering, exert pressure
on governments to wage wars and engage in expansionist and predatory
policies. In this way, the devil's theory attempts to explain imperialism as
a conspiracy of the capitalist class, emphasising the militarist aspect of
imperialism like Schumpeter. In certain circles today, the United States
global engagement and involvement in declared and undeclared wars in
different parts of the Third World are still explained in terms of the
influence of "military-industrial complex" on American foreign policy.
The general theory that can be teased out of the fore-going is that
imperialism, as a phenomenon, appears under capitalism with
industrialists and financiers performing vanguard roles in its enterprise.
War is identified as the mechanism for achieving imperialist goals.
As was said at the beginning of this study session, both Schumpeter's as
well as the "Devil's" theories of imperialism lack the sophistication of
both Hobson's and Lenin's theories. You must also have observed that
both overly emphasize the use of military power to achieve imperialist
objectives. The problem with this aspect of their theory is not that they
identify militarism as a mechanism, after all both Hobson and Lenin in
various ways also identify this mechanism but they do not overemphasize

54
 Study Session5Theories of Imperialism

it in order to avoid the impression that this is the only mechanism

applicable.
Discus
What are the weaknesses in the theories advanced in support of
imperialism?

Post your findings on Study Session Six forum page on course website.
sion Activity

Study Session Summary

In this Study session, we focused on four theories of imperialism.
Hobson‘s theory of imperialism attributed the rise of imperialism to
maladjustment in the capitalist mode of production. Lenin identified
imperialism as essentially an economic phenomenon with socio-political
Summary outgrowths. Schumpeter's theory of imperialism
represents a psychological explanation for the phenomenon. The
"Devil's" theory, which was propounded by the Nye Committee of US
Senate was also discussed.

Assessment
1.What are the main arguments of Hobsons theory of imperialism?
2.Compare and Contrast Hobson and Lenin theory of imperialism.
3.Examine the Devils and Schumpeter‘s theory of imperialism.

Assessment

55
POS213 Politics in Africa I

Study Session 7

Structural Theories of
Imperialism
Introduction
In this Study Session, we shall examine the structural theories of
imperialism. This theories illustrates how structural relationships among
human collectivities can precipitate over time into dominance. It is
important to emphasise that the structural theory of imperialism is
relevant in understanding Africa's dependency on Western nations. It
looks like globalisation.

Learning Outcomes
When you have studied this Study Session, you should be able to:
7.1 explain how the structural theory of imperialism differs from the
general theories.
7.2 discuss the mechanisms of structural theory of imperialism.
7.3 present a discourse on the five forms of imperialism.

7.4 discuss the difference between globalisation and structural theory of

imperialism

56
 Study Session5Theories of Imperialism

7.1 Imperialism in Structural Perspective

From structural perspective, imperialism is a dominance relation between
collectivities, particularly between nations. It is a sophisticated type of
dominance relation which cuts across nations, basing itself on a
bridgehead. This bridge-head is established by the Centre nation in the
Periphery nation for the joint benefit of both of them. This definition, as
you will observe, is different from the ones we have discussed in this
course. Firstly, it does not talk about any economic system in relation to
the cause of imperialism. You will recall that Hobson, Lenin and the
Devil's Theory all nominated capitalism as the socio-economic system
that throws up imperialism. This definition is concerned with relations
between nations - a Centre nation and a Periphery nation.
A Centre nation is an industrialized nation which controls a large stock
of capital and has achieved an appreciably high level of technology.
A Periphery nation is an agrarian - primary goods producing nation,
with very low capital stock whose technological achievement is
abysmally low.
The author of this theory is Johan Galtung. He is a Norwegian social
scientist. He is currently the Rector of United Nations University and the
fore-most European peace researcher. His structural theory of imperialism
first appeared in the Journal of Peace Research published in 1971.

57
 heories of Imperialism
S

A Centre nation is an industrialized nation which controls a large stock of

capital and has achieved an appreciably high level of technology. In
contrast, a Periphery nation is an agrarian - prim tion,ary goods producing
nawith very low capital stock whose technolo ysmallygical achievement is
ablow.

7.2Mechanisms for Structural

Imperialism
Galtung identified two mechanisms for bringing about imperialistic
relations between two nations. These are:
i. Vertical interaction
relations ii. Feudal
interaction relations.

7.2.1 Vertical interaction relations

Vertical interaction relations are defined by the nature of exchange
pattern between the Centre nation and its Periphery counterpart. Vertical
interaction relations constitute the major source of inequality among
nations. This inequality is in turn traceable to the unequal (asymmetric)
nature of the exchange between the two nations. We say that a particular
exchange is unequal (asymmetric) if the two exchanging parties do not
benefit equally from the deal. This means that one party derives more
advantages or qualitatively better advantages from the transaction than
the other. The particular case of exchange between the Centre and the
Periphery is characterised by primary (unprocessed) goods in exchange
for processed goods. More and qualitatively better advantages accrue to
the Centre nation which exchanges its processed goods (e.g. fertilizer) for
unprocessed goods (e.g. cocoa beans) from the Periphery nation.

Vertical interaction relations constitute the major source of inequality

among nations. This inequality is in turn traceable to the unequal
(asymmetric) nature of the exchange between the two nations. We say
Hint that a particular exchange is unequal (asymmetric) if the two exchanging parties do not
benefit equally from the deal. This means that one party derives more
advantages or qualitatively better advantages from the transaction than
the other.

Effects of Unequal Exchange

Two types of effects become noticeable when two nations engage in
unequal exchange. These are:
A. Inter-actor effect
B. Intra-actor effects

58
 Inter-actor effects
When two nations (e.g. C & P) are engaged in unequal exchange over
time a gap develops between them. As the exchange is prolonged so does
the gap (in terms of material welfare and power of each nation) widen
until it becomes obvious to everybody. This gap makes itself noticeable
in various aspects of national life cast in comparative mould. These
effects are known as inter-actor effects of unequal exchange.
Intra-actor effects
These are the effects of unequal exchange that manifest themselves within
the domestic environment of the two nations engaged in the transaction.
They are essentially social, economic and political in nature. Usually they
are negative in Periphery nations while they are, of course positive in
centre-nations to the extent that their domestic environment is
strengthened through the exchange. The relation is exploitative. It is
important to note that the inequality in cocoa beans - fertilizer exchange
pattern is traceable to the gap in the processing level of the things
exchanged.

7.2.2 Feudal Interaction Structure

This is the mechanism that is employed to maintain and reinforce the
inequality between nations through vertical interaction relations. It does
one more thing. It protects the gains of the Centre nation and perpetually
holds down the Periphery nation through the operation of certain rules to
wit;
i. There is only vertical interaction between Periphery and Centre
nations
ii. There is no interaction between the Periphery nations.
iii. Multilateral interaction involving a Centre and any two,
independent Peripheries is missing. iv. Centre monopolizes
interaction with the outside world.
In this manner Periphery nations become exclusive spheres of interest and
satellites of individual Centre nations. In other words, through this
mechanism, free interaction of the Periphery with other nations of the
world is restricted. This casts grave doubts on the sovereignty of P, in the
face of impaired capacity, to relate to its counterparts on rational and
mutually beneficial basis. The consequence of this situation for the
development of P is grave as we look into its effects in many ways.
It reduces the possibility of multiple trading partners and therefore
exposes P to the blackmail of C in whose hands the bulk of P's trading is
concentrated. Politically, C makes crucial decisions for P as it virtually
holds the purse-string. This political power is exercised either directly or
through its surrogates who constitute the bridgehead.The deployment of
these two mechanisms spells dependency of P on C.

5
9
 rest and satellites of
Periphery nations become exclusive spheres of intehis mechanism, free
individual Centre nations. In other words, through st of the world is nty
interaction of the Periphery with other nation
POS213 Politics in Africa I of P, in the face rts
restricted. This casts grave doubts on the sovereig
on rational and his
Reflection of impaired capacity, to relate to its counterpa
mutually beneficial basis. The consequence of situation
t for the
development of P is grave.

7.3 Types of Imperialism

The two mechanisms explained above eliminate the use of direct violence
by imperialism unless they do not work as perfectly as they should. Thus,
we can say that at its mature or sophisticated stage, militarism ceases to
be an inevitable mechanism for imperialism as the older theories do
assert.
Now, five well developed types of imperialism are identifiable. These are:
i. Economic imperialism ii.
Cultural imperialism iii.
Communication imperialism iv.
Political imperialism v. Military
imperialism

7.3.1 Economic Imperialism

As I have explained under vertical interaction structure, it is this structure
that engenders economic imperialism. This consists in the satellization of
the economy of P. to the extent that it becomes a serviceeconomy to that
of C. P is totally dependent on C for its capital, processed goods,
managerial skill as well as technology. Whenever C's economy catches
cold, that of P must start sneezing. This relationship impedes the
economic development of P. Therefore, economic stagnation occurs
whose consequences are manifested in both political and social spheres of
the life of the imperialized society.

7.3.2Cultural Imperialism
This is sometimes referred to as scientific imperialism because it has to
do with the processing of African data in Europe and North Africa and
the subsequent exportation of theories derived there from back to Africa.
In this manner the dominance of Centre nations in science and technology
is illustrated. On the general, plain cultural imperialism means the
pervasive dominance of western cultural values and goods in Periphery
nations some of which had had more glorious cultural past than some of
the nations that now dominate them culturally. The mimicking mentality
of the ruling class in Periphery nations has engendered cultural
imperialism more than any other factor.

7.3.3Communication Imperialism
This type relates to the dominance of the Centre nations in matters
relating to communication media as well as transportation. Specifically, it
has to do with Mass media communication, and all forms of
transportation vehicles (land, space and water). All of these are
60
 dominated by the Centre nations while Periphery nations enjoy
communication technology by their grace. There is total dependence on
Centre nations for supply and maintenance of almost all types of
communication media. Through this form of imperialism it is easy for
Centre nations to control the minds of people in Periphery nations.

7.3.4Political Imperialism
Political imperialism is related to the dominance exercised by Centre
nations over Periphery ones in matters relating to decision-making as well
as model lending. Through it, the so-called foreign experts enhance the
effectiveness of political imperialism in Periphery nations and reduce the
actual sovereignty of the states.

7.3.5Military Imperialism
Military imperialism is the dominance of Centre nations in military
matters. This includes the supply of military hardware and the provision
of training facilities and logistics. This is illustrated by the fact that all
Third World nations rely on Europe and North America for their supply
of military hardware and training. In times of conflict, military advisers
are also sent to troubled areas in the Third World ostensibly to help the
friendly nation but infact to protect the interest of the Centre nation.

Discussion Activity Discuss the most prominent type of imperialism on the African continent.

Post your findings on Study Session Six forum page on course website.

Study Session Summary

In this Study Session, you learnt that Structural Theory of imperialism is
based on two mechanisms: vertical interaction structure andfeudal
interaction structure. The proper functioning of these mechanisms
Summary eliminates the use of overt violence in establishing multi-purpose
dominance.
Without the cooperation of the ruling class in the Periphery nations,
structural imperialism by Centre nations is not possible. It serves as the
bridge-head.
Five types of imperialism are also identified. These are economic,
cultural, communication, political and military.

Assessment
1.Write a comprehensive essay on the Structural theory of
imperialism.

6
1
POS213 Politics in Africa I

62
 Study Session 8

Colonialism in Africa
Introduction

In this study session we shall look at colonialism. This is necessary because imperialism and
colonialism are the same phenomenon with divergent causes and consequences. Our
understanding of colonialism will allow us to know why Africa is exploited and
underdeveloped.

Learning Outcomes

When you have studied this session, you should be able to:

8.1 distinguish between imperialism and colonialism.

8.2 discuss the strategies used by colonialists in the physical occupation of Africa.

8.3 discuss the activities of the four colonial powers in Africa.

8.4 discuss the impacts of colonialism in Africa.

8.1 Distinction between Imperialism and Colonialism

Imperialism is the control, subjugation or the domination of by the economically and

politically more advance state over an area inhabited by people of different culture and
different level of development. When discussing imperialism, the concept of power and
domination are basic for its understanding. The concept of imperialism is associated with
finance capitalism, modern industrialization and nationalism. All these combined together
bring about the extension of control by the more advance state over the vast territories of
Africa, Asia, Latin America and the Pacific.

Colonialism on the other hand is the policy or practice of acquiring full or partial political
control over another country, occupying it with settlers and exploiting it economically. In the
process of colonization, colonisers may impose their religion, language, economics, and other
cultural practices. In many areas, notably in Africa, colonial rule was maintained, after the
initial conquest, with astonishingly small amounts of force, many of the forces themselves
being locally recruited (Clapham, 1985). Under colonialism, the foreign administrators rule

6
3
POS213 Politics in Africa I
the territory in pursuit of their interests, seeking to benefit from the colonised region‘s people
and resources. It is associated with but distinct from imperialism.

8.2 The Scramble for Africa

The establishment of European rule resulted from the culmination of efforts on the part of
many people and organizations, which laid the basis for the more dramatic conflicts,
conferences, and decisions with which is generally associated the inauguration of colonial
rule in Africa (Harris, 1972). This scramble for Africa was preceded by a gradual process of
European expansion into Africa over a period of roughly 450 years. Thus, imperial mindset
of Nineteenth Century European was by promoting direct colonial rule throughout Africa.

The ―rules‖ of international colonial regime were simple and straight forward: to
obtain ownership of a given territory that would be recognized as legally binding within the
European nation-state system. The colonial power had to prove effective occupation by
obtaining treaties signed by the local African leaders. The treaties signed with local leaders
were dubious at best, in essence serving only to validate claims among the European powers.
However, the physical occupation of the African continent by the colonial powers was often
met with political and even armed resistance from African kingdoms and ethnic groups.
Several factors nonetheless ensured that armed resistance from African opposed to European
colonialism would ultimately be unsuccessful. First, the European colonial powers,
regardless of their conflicts on the European continent, were united in their quest to militarily
occupy the African continent. Second, the European armies enjoyed technological superiority
in the field of armaments. Finally, the Europeans were able to exploit regional rivalries as
part of a conscious policy of divide-and-rule.

Except for the unique cases of Ethiopia and Liberia, the net result of the scramble for Africa
was the imposition of foreign colonial rule and the end of the precolonial independence era.
By the beginning of World War I, the African continent found itself divided into a series of
seven colonial empires varying in size, shape and geographical distribution (French, British,
Portuguese, Spanish, Italian, Belgian and German).

8.3 Variations in Colonial Governance in Africa

Basically, each of the four major colonial empires (British, French, Belgian and Portuguese)
that survived the ravages of World War II offered variations of colonial governance that

64
 nonetheless were highly similar in nature.

British colonialism was based on the concept of indirect rule. This concept was popularized
by Lord Lugard, perhaps the most reknowned of British colonial administrators, who
ultimately conceived of British colonialism as leading to independence under black-majority
rule governments. Building upon the assumption that it was neither possible nor desirable to
transform Africans into English citizens, British colonial administrators sought to rule
indirectly through existing traditional leaders. As a result, British colonial administrators not
only kept in place but in many cases strengthened, a myriad of traditional forms of
leaderships within the colonies.

French colonialism was based on a highly centralized form of direct rule in which each
colony was divided according to administrative subdivisions. French officially directly
administered the highest levels, and Africans considered loyal to France were appointed to
administer the lower levels. The French model of colonialism was the most far-reaching in
that it was based on a policy of assimilation. According to this concept, all African subjects
could theoretically achieve the status of full-fleged French citizens if they fully embraced
French culture, and in so doing fulfilled a variety of requirements, including achieving
fluency in the French language, converting to Christianity, obtaining at least a high school
education, and becoming a property owner. Those who embraced this policy achieve the
status of evolue (literally, as evolved or civilized person) e.g. Leopold Sedar Senghor of
Senegal. In reality, the policy of assimilation was at best limited to a very small portion of the
African elites who often found themselves caught between two worlds, one African and one
French, in which their French compatriots would never truly accept them as equal citizens.

The Belgian and Portuguese colonial models were similar to the French in their desire to
create a class of evolves (assimilados in Portuguese) that had adopted the major cultural
traditions of Belgium and Portugal, respectively. Unlike their French counterparts, neither the
Belgian evolves nor the Portuguese assimilados were ever envisioned to wield political
power, whether in the form of political inclusion (as in an expanded French Republic) or
ultimate independence (as envisioned under the British model). The Belgians deemed their
approach ―scientific colonialism‖ in an effort to put the best public face on what in reality
was an extremely despotic form of governance designed to promote Belgian economic
interests.

6
5
POS213 Politics in Africa I
8.4 Political and Economic Impacts of Colonialism

8.4.1 Political impacts of colonialism

1. The most far-reaching political impact of colonialism was the imposition of the
Eropean nation-state system into extremely rich and varied African political systems
that existed during the precolonial independence era. The imposition of the European
nation-state system created a series of artificial states that, unlike their counterparts in
Europe, did not evolve gradually according to the wishes of local African peoples.

2. The second most important political impact of colonialism was the division of African
ethnic groups among numerous colonial states. The primary long-term problem
associated with the division of one people among many states is the potential
emergence of irredentism: the political desire of nationalists to reunite their separated
peoples in one unified nation-state.

3. The third most important impact of European colonialism was the incorporation of
previously separate and highly deserve African peoples within one colonial state. The
most notable challenge associated with the creation of these artificial colonial states
was the potential clash between highly diverse political cultures e.g. Nigeria
(Hausa/Fulani clashing with Igbo culture)

4. A fourth political impact of colonialism was the dismantling of the traditional checks-
and-balances that regulated political systems during the precolonial independence era.
Whereas traditional leaders answered to the political norms and customs of their
individual societies and/or ethnic groups during the pre-colonial era, the creation of
the colonial state meant that the ultimate source of power became the European
colonial administrator.

5. Finally, authoritarian legacy is another impact of political colonialism in Africa. This

can be clearly seen from the coercive apparatus of police and military forces which
was created in every colony with the intention of ensuring local compliance with
colonial rules and regulations.

8.4.2 Economic Impacts of Colonialism

Colonialism made African colonies dependent by introducing a mono-cultural economy for

66
 the territories. It also dehumanized African labour force and traders;
by forcing Africans to work in colonial plantations at very low wages and displaced them
from their lands. The colonial policies also put Africa in an underdeveloped status with the
creation of closed economic system. It is also important to note that economic impacts is not
limited to negative aspect of African life; but also have some positive dimension with the
creation of export-oriented economy and evolution of perverse infrastructural development
(e.g. rail road).

Study Session Summary

In this study session, you learnt the distinction between imperialism and colonialism. The
two concepts are related but with divergent causes and consequences. We also examined the
scramble for Africa as a result of colonial rule and policies, with their political and economic
impacts in Africa.

Assessment

1.What is the differences between imperialism and colonialism.

2.Examine the activities of the four colonial powers in Africa.
3.Discuss the impacts of colonialism in Africa.

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POS213 Politics in Africa I

Study Session 9

Relevance of Imperialism and

colonialism to the Study of
Politics in Africa
Introduction
In this previous study session, we shall summarize why we have gone this
length to study imperialism and colonialism in a course of Politics in
Africa.

Learning Outcomes
When you have studied this Study Session, you should be able to:

9.1 makea strong case on your own for the study of imperialism and colonialism

9.1 Relevance of the Study of

Imperialism and Colonialism
You will wonder why so much time and energy has been devoted to the
study of imperialism in a course on Politics in Africa.We have to do this
if you should understand the roots of the realities which define African
politics today. Unless we do, you have no way of knowing why the
postcolonial African state behaves the way it does and therefore have
insight into its problems. Furthermore, a student of African politics with a
flair for in-depth knowledge of the economic predicament of African
societies in post-colonial era will continue to chase the shadow unless the
problem is situated within the historical context to which it belongs.

We would be unable to say much about the institutions of the post-colonial

Hint state and society and their behaviour unless we unravel the problem of their roots and
therefore the rationale for introducing them in the colonial situation.

Therefore, unless we look closely into the roots and the course of
imperialism and colonialism, we will not only be unable to explain, with
appreciable degree of credibility, the nature and character of African
politics, but we would also fail to realize why African states operate
under what Julius Nyerere calls "hostile external environment". Now let

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 us examine some essential components of African politics in order to
assess the relevance of imperialism and colonialism to its study.

9.2Post-Colonial African State

The post-colonial African state that represents both the physical as well as
the juridical terrain of African politics owes its birth to imperialism and
colonialism. How? The post-colonial state is a successor state to the
colonial state. The colonial state was put together by colonial fiat
arbitrarily and to suit imperialist objectives. The way the borders are
drawn illustrates the arbitrariness that I am talking about and the
dismemberment of a single ethnic group (a nation) into three or more
parts in three or more states is a demonstration of this arbitrariness.
On the theoretical plain, it is impossible to explain the emergence of the
colonial state and therefore, that of the post-colonial state, in terms of any
of the well established theories of the state. For example, the colonial
state did not emerge as antagonistic class interests became irreconcilable
as Marxists say. Nor does the Lockean social contract theory apply. The
colonial state was an artificial state created by force of arms and
therefore, welded culturally disparate peoples together in an involuntary
political arrangement, so much so that decades after the existence of the
colonial state, its nation has not arrived. This constitutes an intractable
political problem which manifests itself in quite a number of ways. So
many political problems have been traced to the nature and character of
the post-colonial state that political scientists are now agreed that a theory
of the post-colonial state has become necessary. A number of such
theories are now available. In this regard, the contributions of
HamzaAlavi and Leys should be mentioned, although the debate is still
inconclusive.
ass interests became
The colonial state did not emerge as antagonistic cl
social contract theory d
irreconcilable as Marxists say. Nor does the Lockean
by force of arms and
apply. The colonial state was an artificial state create
her in an involuntary r
therefore, welded culturally disparate peoples toget tical
the existence of the
poliarrangement, so much so that decades afte onial
colstate, its nation has not arrived
Note

9.3 African Economy

You will recall that early in this course, we took a look at the
characteristic features of pre-colonial political economy. You will
observe that these features are not shared by the postcolonial Africa.
There has been a tremendous change since colonialism. You will also
recall that the presence of European powers in Africa during the scramble
has been explained in economic terms. The structural theory of
imperialism attempts to explain the relationship between the economies
of African states (Periphery nations) with those of industrialized Europe,
N. America and Japan (Centre nations). The consequences of the
exchange interaction between Africa and Europe, N. America and Japan
for internal material situation in those African states have also been made
clear by that theory. You will now see how ignorant of the roots of
Africa's economic situation we would have been without a good grasp of

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 Study Session7Relevance of Imperialism to the Study of Politics in Africa

what imperialism is all about. Our knowledge of politics in Africa would,

in turn, have been superficial without a good understanding of the nature
and character of the economy of African states.To be sure, colonial rule
left almost all African states with highly specialized monocrop economy,
usually producing one, two or three commodities for exports.

9.4Political Institutions
African political institutions whose study is inevitable in a meaningful
discussion of African politics are essentially those that emerged during
colonization and nurtured in, the colonial situation.
legislature did exist in
function were different.
Although political institutions like the judiciary and the
official opposition were
traditional African political systems, their structure and
Other political institutions like the political party and lly
totaunknown to the traditional political system.
Note
The vestiges of traditional political system have, to all intents and
purposes, lost power and punch to the modern western-type ones that
came with colonialism. Wherever a clash occurs between these vestiges
of the old and the new, it is often settled in favour of the new. Our study
of imperialism explains to us why these political institutions were not
introduced in their original forms but had to be adapted to serve
subjectively defined objectives. Notable institutions include, judiciary,
education etc.

9.4 Global Political System

It is not possible for a student of African politics to understand Africa's
external relations and linkages as well as patterns of Africa's trade flows
and other international economic relations without situating all of those
within the right historical perspective.
Drawing on our knowledge of imperialism/colonialism and its
contemporary forms, the position of African states within the global
power structure is made clear. It also sets limit on the extent to which
these states can rely on this global power structure to solve their
problems.

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 Study Session Summary
In this Study Session, you learnt that knowledge
of imperialism is crucial to our study of politics in Africa because the
Summary African State (colonial and post-colonial) is a product of imperialist
enterprise. Furthermore, political institutions of African states as well
as their economies took their content and form from the colonial
situation. And with the transformation of the traditional African polity
to a modem African state we need an in-depth knowledge of the forces
and impulses that forged the relationship between Africa and Europe as
well as North America which continue to have influence on the politics,
economy and the social structures in African societies. Thus, imperial
inheritance left Africa somewhat disadvantaged in the modern
international economic system. Therefore, our understanding of
imperialism and colonialism is of the fact that European powers did not
establish colonial states to carry out a program or political development or
change, but to erect efficient and effective administrative states for
purposes of economic exploitation and this largely explains many of the
problems faced by African states after independence.

Assessment
1.Discuss the relevance of imperialism and colonialism to the understanding of politics in Africa.

7
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POS213 Politics in Africa I
References

References
Ali A, Mazrui (1980): The African Condition: A Political Diagnosis (The
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Clapham, Christopher (1985): Third World Politics: An Introduction.
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Donald Rotchild and Victor Olorunsola (eds.) (1983): State Versus Ethnic
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Frantz Fanon (1963): Studies in a DyingColonialism (New York).
_______ (1963): The Wrethced of the Earth (New York)
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1980)

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 R. Gibson, (1972): African Liberation
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R.H. Green and A. Sidman, (1968): Unity or Poverty (penguin Books) 63
Richard Sklar, (1979): "The Nature of Class Domination in Africa"
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Ruth First, (1970): The Barrel of a Gun (London)
Robert Rotberg and Ali A. Mazrui (eds.) (1979):Protest and Power in
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Scraeder, Peter (200): African Politics and Society (New York):
Bedford/St. Martins.

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Politics in Africa I

Thomas Hodkin (1957):Nationalism in Colonial Africa (London).

W. Rodney, (/972): How Europe Underdeveloped Africa (London,
BogleL'Ouvertun Publications).
YolamuBarongo (ed.) (1983): Political Science in Africa: A Critical

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POS213

Review(London: Zed Press).

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